_Account of the Native Tribes inhabiting the southern extremity of South
America [119]._
[Footnote 119: This supplementary section or appendix is added to the
second volume of Molina, apparently by the English translator, and is
said to be chiefly extracted from the description of Patagonia by
Falkner. As the subject is new and interesting, we have been induced to
extend somewhat beyond the rigid letter of a collection of voyages and
travels. The picture of man in varied circumstances of savage life, is
one of the most important pieces of information to be derived from a
collection such as that we have undertaken and where direct means of
communicating that intelligence are unattainable, it is surely better to
employ such as on be procured than none.--E.]
The poet Ercilla has made the name of the _Araucanians_ so famous that
it were improper now to change the appellation. But that denomination
properly belongs only to these tribes of the _Picunches_ who inhabit the
country of Aranco[120]. The nations or tribes who inhabit the southern
extremity of South America are known among themselves by the general
names of _Moluches_ and _Puelches_; the former signifying the warlike
people, and the latter the eastern people.
[Footnote 120: It will easily be seen in the immediate sequel, that
Falkner very improperly uses Picunches as a generic term, as it
signifies in a limited manner the northern people. Molina most properly
denominates the whole aborigines of Chili on both sides of the Andes,
Chilese, as speaking one language, the Chili-dugu; names the tribes of
Arauco and those in the same republican confederacy Araucanians; and
gives distinct names like Falkner to the allied tribes: the Puelches,
Cunchese, Huilliches, Pehuenches, and others. Falkner appears to have
chosen to denominate the whole from the tribe whose dialect he first
became acquainted with; and some others seem to select the Moluches as
the parent tribe.--E.]
The _Moluches_ or warlike people, are divided into the _Picunches_, or
people of the north, the _Pehuenches_ or people of the fine country, and
_Huilliches_ or people of the south. The Picunches inhabit the mountains
from Coquimbo to somewhat below St Jago in Spanish Chili. The Pehuenches
border on these to the north, and extend to the parallel of Valdivia.
Both of these are included in history under the name of
Araucanians[121]. Their long and obstinate wars with the Spaniards, with
the Puelches and with each other, have greatly diminished their numbers;
but they have been still more diminished by the havoc which has been
made among them by brandy, that curse of the American Indians, for which
they have often been known to sell their wives and children, and to
engage in savage scenes of civil bloodshed, entailing wide and endless
deadly feuds. The small-pox has nearly completed the work of war and
drunkenness, and when Falkner left the country they could hardly muster
four thousand men among them all.
[Footnote 121: This account differs essentially from the history we have
just given from the writings of Molina, an intelligent native of Chili,
which cannot be repeated in the short compass of a note.--E.]
The Huilliches possess the country from Valdivia to the Straits of
Magellan. They are divided into four tribes, who are improperly classed
together as one nation, since three of them are evidently of a different
race from the fourth. That branch which reaches to the sea of Chiloé and
beyond the lake of Nahuelhuaupi speaks the general language of Chili,
differing only from the Pehuenches and Picunches in pronunciation. The
others speak a mixed language, composed of the Moluche and Tehuel
tongue, which latter is the Patagon; and these tribes, from their great
stature, are evidently of Patagonian origin. Collectively these three
tribes are called the Vuta-Huilliches, or great southern-people;
separately they are named Chonos, Poy-yes, and Key-yes. The Chonos
inhabit the archipelago of Chili, and the adjoining shores of the
continent. The Poy-yes or Peyes possess the coast from lat. 48° to
something more than 51° S. The Key-yes or Keyes extend from thence to
the Straits of Magellan. The Moluches maintain some flocks of sheep,
principally for the sake of their wool, and cultivate a small quantity
of corn.
The Puelches or eastern people, which name they receive from the natives
of Chili, are bounded on the west by the Moluches, on the south by the
Straits of Magellan, on the east by the sea, and on the north by the
Spaniards. They are subdivided into four tribes, the Taluhets, Diuihets,
Chechehets, and Tehuelhets. The _first_ of these or _Taluhets,_ are a
wandering race who prowl over the country, from the eastern side of the
first _desaguadero_ as far as the lakes of Guanacache in the
jurisdiction of San Juan and San Luiz de la Punta. Some of them are also
to be found in the jurisdiction of Cordova, on the rivers Segundo Terzo
and Quarto. When the Jesuits were expelled from the missions, this tribe
could scarcely raise two hundred fighting men, and even in conjunction
with all their allies not above five hundred. The _second_ of these
tribes, called the _Diuihets,_ is, also a wandering race, which borders
westwardly on the Pehuenches, between the latitudes of 35° and 38° S.
They extend along the rivers Sanguel Colorado and Hueyque, and nearly to
the Casuhati on the east. This nation and that of the Taluhets are
collectively called Pampas by the Spaniards, whose settlements in
Tacuman and on the southern shore of the La Plata they have always
infested, and sometimes even endangered. The _third_ tribe of the
Puelches is named the Chechehets, or eastern-people. The country which
they chiefly frequent is situated between the rivers Hueyque and the
first desaguadero or Rio Colorado, and from thence to the second
desaguadero or Rio Negro. They are a tall and stout wandering race
resembling the Patagonians, but speak a quite different language. Their
dispositions are friendly and inoffensive, but they are a bold and
active enemy when provoked. They are now reduced to a small number by
the ravages of the small-pox. The fourth race, called the _Tehuelhets,_
or in their own language the Tehuel-kunnees or southern-men, are the
real Patagonians. These are again subdivided into many tribes, all of
which and the Chechehets also are called _Serranos_ or mountaineers by
the Spaniards. The _Leuvuches,_ who seem to be the head tribe of all the
Serranos, live on the Rio Negro. They speak the same language with the
Chechehets, but with a small mixture of the Tehuel. This tribe used to
keep on good terms with the Spaniards, that they might hunt in security
in the pampas or immense plains of Buenos Ayres. About the year 1740,
however, they were provoked to war by a most wanton and treacherous
attack, and Buenos Ayres would in all probability have been destroyed,
had not these injured people been appeased by the Jesuit missionaries.
The Tehuelhets are more numerous than all the other tribes of these
parts together, and are the perpetual enemies of the Moluches who are so
terrible to the Spaniards, whom they would have long since destroyed if
they had been equally well supplied with horses.
To the south of these are the Chulilau-Kunnees, and the Sehuan-Kunnees,
who are the most southerly of the equestrian tribes. The country beyond
them, all the way to the Straits of Magellan, is possessed by the last
of the Tehuel tribes, called Yacana-Kunnees or foot-people, as they have
no horses. These are an inoffensive race, who are very swift runners,
and subsist mostly on fish. The other Tehuelhets and the Huilliches
sometimes attack this tribe for the purpose of making slaves of the
prisoners. The ordinary stature of all the Tehuel tribes is from six to
seven feet. None of the Puelches either keep sheep or cultivate the
ground, but depend altogether on hunting, for which purpose they keep a
great number of dogs.
The belief in an infinite number of spirits, good and evil, is common to
all the native tribes south of the Rio Plata. From the north of that
river to the Orinoco a different language prevails, accompanied by a
different form of superstition The Puelches do not appear to acknowledge
any of those numerous spirits as supreme over the rest. The Taluhets and
Diuihets call a good spirit _Soychu,_ or he who presides in the land of
strong drink. The Tehuelhets call an evil spirit Atskanna Kanatz, the
other Puelches denominate the same being Valichu. Huecuvu must be
another name for the evil spirit; as the Chechehets give the name of
Huecuvu-mapu or the devils-country to a great sandy desert, into which
they never venture lest they should be overwhelmed.
Among the northern Indians, each cast or small tribe is distinguished by
the name of some animal; as the tribe of the tyger, the lion, the
guanaco, the ostrich, and the like. They believe that each tribe had its
own particular creator, who resided in some huge cavern under a lake or
bill, to which all of that tribe will go after death, to enjoy the
felicity of eternal inebriation. These good creative spirits, according
to their opinion, having first created the world, made the different
races of men and animals, each in their respective cave. To the Indians,
they gave the spear, the bow and arrow, and the _lague_ or ball and
thong: to the Spaniards fire arms. Animals they allege were likewise
created in these subterranean abodes of the spirits, such as were
nimblest coming first out. When bulls and cows were coming out last of
all, the Indians were frightened at the sight of their horns, and
stopped up the mouth of their cavern; but the Spaniards were wiser and
let them out. Thus they explain the reason why they had no cattle till
after the coming of the Spaniards. In. their opinion, all the animals
who have been created in these hidden caverns have not yet emerged. They
attribute all the misfortunes or diseases which happen to men or animals
to the agency of the evil spirits, who are continually wandering about
the world in search of mischief. Their priests or jugglers rather, are
each supposed to be attended by two familiar evil spirits, to whom the
souls of these jugglers are associated after death, and with whom they
go about to do mischief. The jugglers are of both sexes; but it seems as
if it were thought an occupation beneath the dignity of a man, as the
male wizards are compelled to dress like women and are not permitted to
marry. The female jugglers are under no such restriction. They are
generally chosen while children to be initiated in the mysteries of this
profession, from among those who are most effeminate, and such as happen
to be subject to epilepsy or St Vitus' dance are considered as
especially marked out for the service of the jugglers. It is a very
dangerous profession, as these jugglers are frequently put to death when
any calamity happens to befal either the chiefs or the people.
No ceremonies are performed in honour of the good spirits. That which is
addressed to the evil ones is performed in the following manner. The
assistants assemble in the hut or tent of the wizard, who is concealed
in a corner of the tent, where he has a drum, one or two round
calabashes with a few small sea shells in them to make a noise, like the
_maraca_ or rattle of the Brazilian sorcerers, and some square bags of
painted hide in which he keeps his spells. He begins the ceremony by
making a strange noise with his drum and rattle, after which he feigns
to fall into a fit, which is supposed to be occasioned by a struggle
with the evil spirit who then enters into him. During this fit, he keeps
his eye-lids lifted up, distorts his features, foams at the mouth, seems
to dislocate his joints, and after many violent and unnatural motions
remains stiff and motionless, like a person in a fit of epilepsy. After
some time he comes to himself, as if having gained the victory over the
evil spirit. He next causes a faint shrill mournful voice to be heard
within his tabernacle, as of the evil spirit, who is supposed to
acknowledge himself vanquished; after which the wizard, from a kind of
tripod, answers all questions that are put to him. It is of little
consequence whether these answers turn out true or false, as on all
sinister events the fault is laid on the spirit. On these conjuring
occasions, the juggler is well paid by those who consult the destinies.
These southern nations make skeletons of their dead, as is done likewise
by the native tribes on the Orinoco; but it is singular that this
practice does not prevail among the intermediate tribes, that inhabit
between the Maranon and Rio Plata. On such occasions, one of the most
distinguished women of the tribe performs the ceremony of dissection.
The entrails are burnt, and the bones, after the flesh has been cut off
as clean as possible, are buried till the remaining fibres decay. This
is the custom of the Molnuches and Pampas, but the Serranos place the
bones on a high frame-work of canes or twigs to bleach in the sun and
rain. While the dissector is at work on the skeleton, the Indians walk
incessantly round the tent, having their faces blackened with soot,
dressed in long skin mantles, singing in a mournful voice, and striking
the ground with their long spears, to drive away the evil spirits. Some
go to condole with the widow and relations of the dead, if these are
wealthy enough to reward them for their mourning with bells, beads, and
other trinkets; as their customary condolence is not of a nature to be
offered gratuitously, for they prick their arms and legs with thorns,
and feel pain at least if not sorrow. The horses belonging to the
deceased are slain, that he may ride upon them in the _alhue-mapu,_ or
country of the dead; but a few of these are reserved to carry his bones
to the place of sepulchre, which is done in grand ceremony within a year
after his death. They are then packed up in a hide, and laid on the
favourite horse of the deceased, which is adorned with mantles,
feathers, and other ornaments and trinkets. In this manner the cavalcade
moves to the family burial-place, often three hundred leagues from the
place of death, so wide and distant are their wanderings in the
boundless plains to the south of the Rio Plata.
The Moluches and Pampas bury in large square pits about six feet deep,
the bones being first accurately put into their proper places and tied
together, clothed in the best robes of the deceased, and ornamented with
beads and feathers, all of which are cleaned or changed once a-year.
These skeletons are placed in a sitting posture in a row, with all the
weapons and other valuables belong to each laid beside him. The pit is
then covered over with beams or twigs, on which the earth is spread. An
old matron of each tribe is appointed to the care of these sepulchres,
who has to open them once a-year, to clean and new clothe the skeletons,
for which service she is held in great estimation. The bodies of the
slain horses are placed round the sepulchre, raised on their feet and
supported by stakes. These sepulchres are generally at a small distance
from the ordinary habitations of the tribe. Every year they pour upon
them some bowls of their first made _chica,_ or fermented liquor, and
drink to the happiness of the dead. The Tehuelhets and other southern
tribes carry their dead to a great distance from their ordinary
dwellings, into the desert near the sea-coast, where they arrange them
above ground surrounded by their horses. It is probable that only those
Indians who carry their dead to considerable distances reduce them to
skeletons, from the following circumstance. In the voyage of discovery
made in 1746 in the St Antonio from Buenos Ayres to the Straits of
Magellan, the Jesuits who accompanied the expedition found one of these
tents or houses of the dead. On one side six banners of cloth of various
colours, each about half a yard square, were set up on high poles fixed
in the ground; and on the other side five dead horses stuffed with straw
and supported, on stakes. Within the house, there were two _ponchos_
extended, on which lay the bodies of two men and a woman, having the
flesh and hair still remaining. On the top of the house was another
_poncho,_ rolled up and tied with a coloured woolen band, in which a
pole was fixed, from which eight tassels of wool were suspended.
Widows are obliged to observe a long and rigorous mourning. During a
whole year after the death of their husbands, they must keep themselves
secluded in the tents, never going out except on the most necessary
avocations, and having no communication with any one. In all this time,
they must abstain from eating the flesh of horses, cows, ostriches, or
guanacos, must never wash their faces which are constantly smeared with
soot, and any breach of chastity during this year of mourning is
punished with the death of both parties by the relations of the husband.
The office of _ya,_ or chief, is hereditary, and all the sons of a ya
may be chiefs likewise if they can procure followers; but the dignity is
of so little consequence that nobody almost covets the office. To him
belongs the office of protecting his followers, of composing
differences, and of delivering up any offender who is to be capitally
punished; in all which, cases his will is the sole law. These petty
despots are prone to bribery, and will readily sacrifice their vassals
and even their kindred for a good bribe. They are esteemed in proportion
to their eloquence, and any chief who is not himself eloquent employs an
orator to harangue the tribe in his place. When two or more tribes form
an alliance against a common enemy, they elect an _apo,_ or
commander-in-chief, from the ablest or most celebrated of the _yas,_ or
hereditary chiefs. But this office, though nominally elective, has been
long hereditary among the southern tribes in the family of Cangapol. The
hereditary chiefs, named _yas, elmens_, or _ulmens,_ have no power to
take any thing from their vassals, neither can they oblige them to
perform any work without payment. On the contrary they must treat them
kindly and relieve their wants, or their vassals will put themselves
under the protection of a more generous chief. Many of them therefore
wave the privilege of their birth, and decline having any vassals,
because they are expensive appendages, which yield little profit. But
every-one must attach themselves to some chief, or they would
undoubtedly be put to death or reduced to slavery.
Every man buys his wife from her relations, with or without her consent,
and then takes possession of her as his property. But if the woman
happens to have fixed her affections on another, she contrives to wear
out the patience of her purchaser, who either turns her away or sells
her to the man of her choice, but seldom uses her ill. Widows, and
orphan girls are at their own disposal. The yas or ulmens have generally
two or three wives; and even the common people may have as many as they
please, but wives are dear and they are generally contented with one.
The lives of the women are one continued series of labour. They fetch
wood and water; dress the victuals; make, mend, and clean the tents;
cure the skins; make them into mantles; spin and manufacture ponchos;
pack up every thing for a journey, even the tent poles; load, unload,
and arrange the baggage; straiten the girths of the horses; carry the
lance before their husbands; and at the end of the journey set up the
tents. Sickness or even the most advanced pregnancy give no relief from
these labours, and it would be reckoned ignominious in the husbands to
give them any assistance. The women of noble families may have slaves to
relieve them of these labours; but when in want of these, must undergo
the same fatigues as the rest. Yet the tribes of the southern extremity
of America are not brutal to their women like those in the north, and
the marriages only endure during pleasure, though those who have
children seldom separate. The husband invariably protects his wife, even
when in the wrong; and if detected in any criminal intercourse, all his
anger falls upon the paramour, who is cruelly beaten, unless he can
atone for the injury by payment. Their jugglers sometimes persuade them
to send their wives into the woods, to prostitute themselves to the
first person they meet, which is obviously a device for consoling
themselves from the celibacy to which they are condemned. The husbands
readily obey these directions; but there are women in whom native
modesty overpowers superstition, who refuse obedience to their husbands
on such occasions, and bid defiance to the wizard.
The dresses of all these tribes are formed of skins; but all except the
_serranos_ or mountaineers, weave mantles or ponchos of woollen yarn,
beautifully died of various colours, which when wrapped round the body
reach from the neck to the calf of the legs. A similar mantle is tied
round the waist and reaches to the ankles. Besides these they have a
three-cornered piece of dressed hide, of which two of the corners are
tied round the waist, and the third, being passed between the legs is
fastened behind. The hair is tied up from behind with the points
upwards, by means of a woollen band bound many times round the head; but
they are fond of wearing hats when they can get them from the Spaniards.
They paint their faces red or black, and wear necklaces and bracelets of
sky-blue beads. When on horseback they wear a particular kind of cloaks,
having a slit in the middle through which they put their heads, and the
skirts hang down to the knees or even sometimes to the feet. Their
stockings or boots consist of the skin of a horses thigh and leg, flayed
off whole, dried and softened with grease, and rendered supple by
wringing. The women wear straw hats in shape like those used by the
Chinese. Their defensive armour consists of a helmet of double bulls
hide shaped like a broad-brimmed hat; a tunic or bodice of hardened skin
three or four fold, which is very heavy, but effectually resists the
arrow and spear, and is even said to be musquet proof. When on foot,
they have likewise a large unwieldy shield of bulls hide. The Tehuelhets
and Huilliches sometimes poison their arrows. Their spears are of cane,
four or five yards long, and are pointed with iron; and they use swords
when they can procure them from the Spaniards. They use the _laqui_ both
in war and hunting; but that used in war has a ball, or weight fastened
to one or both ends of the leathern thong instead of a noose. The ball
weighs about a pound. When used single, or with only one ball, it is
aimed at the head of the enemy, to knock out his brains. With the double
_laqui_, having a ball at each end, they can fasten a man to his horse,
and effectually entangle both man and beast.
END OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI.
* * * * *
CHAPTER X.
DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA, AND ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INEFFECTUAL ATTEMPTS TO
CONQUER AND SETTLE THAT COUNTRY BY THE SPANIARDS.
INTRODUCTION.
In the preceding Chapters of this _Second Book_, we have given an
extended account of the _Discovery_ of AMERICA by COLUMBUS, and of the
establishment of the principal Spanish Colonies in the New World, from
authentic Original authors, a large portion of which never appeared
before in any Collection of Voyages and Travels, and some important
parts are now given for the first time in the English language. It is
not the object of this work to attempt giving a regular series of the
History of America, by inserting the establishments of all the European
colonies which have been settled in that quarter of the world, which
would occupy more room than can be conveniently allowed in our
Collection, and for which we do not possess original documents of
sufficient interest. In the present chapter it is only meant to give a
relation of the Discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512; of
the disastrous attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer that country in
1528; and of the romantic exploratory expedition of Ferdinand de Soto in
the years 1539-1543: All of which is taken from the General History of
America by Herrera, which may be considered as an original and almost
contemporary authority.
Antonio de Herrera, who was historiographer to the king of Spain,
appears to have composed his work only a short time after the middle of
the sixteenth century, as he continues the series of events no farther
than 1554; though he incidentally alludes to one transaction which
happened in 1572. The authenticity of his work is unquestionable, as the
author assures us that it was composed by royal command, from all the
best and most authentic sources of information which the crown could
furnish, both in print and manuscript; and that he had carefully
consulted and followed the original papers preserved in the royal
archives, and the books, registers, relations, and other papers of the
supreme council of the Indies, together with all the best authors on the
subject then extant. As a literary curiosity of its kind, we subjoin his
list of what were then considered the best writers on the affairs of the
New World--Those in Italics have been already inserted into this work.
Peter Martyr of Angleria.--Diego de la Tobilla.--Motolinea.--_Don
Hernando Colon_.--Olonsa de Ojeda.--Alonso de Mata.--Enciso.--Gonzalo
Hernandez de Oviedo.--Francisco Lopez de Gomara.--Andres de San
Martino.--Pedro de Zieza.--Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de Vaca.--_Bernal Diaz
del Castillo_.--The Bishop of Chiapa, Las Casas.--The Dean
Cervantes.--Francisco de Xeres.--Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada.--Garibay.
--Pedro Pizarro.--The relations of Cortes.--Nunno de Guzman.--Diego
Fernandez de Palentia.--_Augustino de Zarate_.--The Pontifical History.
--Don Alonzo de Ercilla.--Geronimo Benzon.--Theodore de Brye.--Jusepe
de Acosta.--Father Augustino Davila.--Garcilasso Inga.--Gabriel Lasso
de la Vega.--Don Antonio de Saavedra.
In the Catalogue of Spanish Books and Manuscripts consulted by our
illustrious Historian of America, WILLIAM ROBERTSON, an edition of
Herrera is quoted as printed at Madrid in 1601, in 4 vols. folio. We
have used on the present occasion the Translation of Herrera into
English by Captain John Stevens, in 6 vols. 8vo. printed at London in
1725. Though assuredly authentic and to be depended upon so far as it
goes, the plan of this _General History of the vast Continent and
Islands of America_, is exceedingly ill devised, and very troublesome
for being consulted; as the author endeavours continually to preserve
the chronological series of events throughout the numerous discoveries,
colonizations and conquests of the Spaniards, in all the islands and
continental provinces of Spanish America, by which he is forced into
perpetual and abrupt transitions from subject to subject; instead of
using a double arrangement, geographical as well as chronological, in
which the narrative belonging to each territorial division might have
been distinctly and separately arranged in chronological order. Thus in
regard to _Florida_, which constitutes the subject of our present
chapter, we have had to travel through every one of the _six_ volumes of
Herrera, on purpose to reduce all the scattered notices respecting the
early discovery of that country under one unbroken narrative.
Owing to the utter impossibility of ascertaining the various parts which
were visited by the Spaniards, in these early peregrinations in Florida
as related in this chapter, we have not given any map of the country on
this occasion, which will be supplied in a future division of this work,
when we come to particular and more recent travels in that province of
North America. Indeed the country originally named Florida by the
Spaniards was vastly more extensive than the modern application of that
name, and appears to have included all Louisiana, with Georgia the
Carolinas and Virginia, and the entire countries on the Mississippi and
Ohio rivers. In fact it was meant as a generic term, including all of
the eastern parts of north America, not previously comprised under New
Spain and its dependencies; just as Virginia was applied in the reign of
Queen Elizabeth to all that part of North America claimed by the
English, which was afterwards partitioned into many provinces, from Nova
Scotia to Georgia both inclusive. Besides, a map to serve the purposes
of the present chapter is of almost impossible construction, as all the
appellations of towns and territories, especially in the extensive
peregrinations of Ferdinand de Soto, are merely the fugacious names of
the caciques or sachems who happened at the time to rule over the
various tribes of savages which were visited by Soto in his singularly
erratic expedition. One point only in the whole course of his wanderings
can be ascertained with certainty, the Bay of _Espirita Santo_ on the
western coast of Florida, in about lat. 28° N. and long. 83° W.
_Mavila_. may possibly be what has since been called _Mobile_, and the
_Rio Grande_ or great river was most probably the Mississippi. All the
other points are involved in impenetrable obscurity, or would require an
extended discussion inadmissible on the present occasion. In the course
of the chapter some conjectures will be attempted respecting the
geography of the wanderings of Soto, and his adventurous followers,
whose sole object appears to have been to search for mines of the
precious metals, in which they were altogether unsuccessful.
One circumstance, to be gathered from the peregrinations of Soto seems
worthy of remark; that the scattered tribes then occupying the southern
portion of North America which he visited, were more agricultural than
when the country came afterwards to be colonized by the English, and not
addicted to the horrible practices of the North American savages of
torturing their prisoners taken in war. Perhaps they were afterwards
extirpated by a more savage race from the northwest, who have no
hereditary chiefs, as were found by Soto. From these differences, and
their worship of the sun and moon, the tribes met with by Soto were
probably branches of the Natches, a nation which will be described in
the sequel of this work, and which does not now exist.
SECTION I.
_Discovery of Florida, by Juan Ponce de Leon_.
After the settlement of Hispaniola in peace by Obando, Juan Ponce de
Leon was appointed lieutenant of the town and territory of Salveleon in
that island. Learning from the Indians of that district that there was
much gold in the island of Borriquen, now called San Juan de Puerto
Rico, or Porto Rico, he procured authority from Obando to go over to
that island, which he reduced[122]. He was afterwards appointed by the
king of Spain to the government of that island, independent of the
admiral Don James Columbus. In a war between De Leon and the natives,
wonderful havoc was made among these poor people by a dog belonging to
the governor, called Bezerillo, insomuch that the Indians were more
afraid of ten Spaniards with this dog than of a hundred without him, on
which account the dog was allowed a share and a half of all the plunder,
as if he had been a cross-bow-man, both in gold, slaves, and other
things, all of which was received by his master[123].
[Footnote 122: Herrera, I. 327.]
[Footnote 123: Herrera, I. 339.]
Having acquired much wealth, and being deprived of the government of
Porto Rico, Juan Ponce de Leon determined upon making discoveries to the
northwards, that he might gain honour and advance his estate[124]. For
this purpose, he fitted out three ships well manned and stored with
plenty of provisions, with which he sailed from the port of St German
on Thursday the 3d of March 1512, steering for _Aguada_. Next night he
stood to the N.W. and by N. and on the 8th of the same month came to
anchor at the shoals of _Babecua_, near the _Isola del Viejo_, in lat.
22°-1/2 N. Next day he anchored at one of the Bahama or Lucayos islands
called _Caycos_, and then at another called _Yaguna_, in lat. 24° N. On
the 11th he came to the island of _Amaguayo_, and then passed _Manegua_,
in lat 24°-1/2 N. He came to _Guanahani_, in lat. 25-1/2 N. on the 14th,
where he refitted the ships before crossing the bay to windward of the
Lucayos. This island of Guanahani was the first land discovered by the
admiral Don Christopher Columbus in the New World, and by him called
_San Salvador_. From thence De Leon steered to the north-west, and on
Sunday the 27th of March, being Easter-day, called _Pasqua de Flores_ by
the Spaniards, he saw and passed by an island. Continuing the same
course till Wednesday 30th of March, when the wind became foul, he
altered his course to W.N.W. and on the 2d of April came to nine fathoms
water a league from the land, in lat. 30° 8' N. Running along the land
in search of a harbour, he anchored at night in eight fathoms near the
shore. Believing the land to be an island, he gave it the name of
_Florida_, because it appeared very delightful with many pleasant
groves, and all level, as also because first seen during Easter, which
the Spaniards call _Pasqua de Flores_, or _Florida_. At this place Ponce
went on shore to take formal possession.
[Footnote 124: Id. II. 33. We now enter upon the discovery of Florida,
which will be found regularly referred to the fragments of its History,
as scattered through the work of Herrera, at each respective
transition.--E.]
On Friday the 8th of April he continued his course along the coast as
before; and next day changed to the S. and by E. till the 20th, when he
perceived some _bohios_, or Indian huts on the coast, off which he came
to anchor. Next day the ships continued their course along shore, but
met with so strong a current as drove them back though with a fair wind.
The two ships nearest the shore dropt their anchors, but the force of
the current was so great as to strain their cables. The third was a
brigantine, and farther out at sea; which either found no bottom for
anchoring, or did not perceive the current, so that it was carried to
sea and lost sight of by the rest, though the weather was fair. Being
invited on shore by the natives, Ponce landed, and the natives
immediately endeavoured to seize the boat, oars, and arms of the
Spaniards, who were forced to fight in their own defence, during which
two of them were wounded with darts and arrows pointed with sharp bones.
Night parted the combatants, and Ponce collected his people with some
difficulty, having done very little damage to the Indians, and returned
to the ships. He sailed next day along the coast to a river, which he
named _Rio de la Cruz_, where he proposed to wood and water and to wait
the return of the brigantine. He was opposed at this place by sixty
Indians, one of whom was made prisoner, that he might learn Spanish, and
be able to give information respecting the country. Leaving at this
place a stone with an inscription, he doubled the Cape of Florida on
Sunday the 8th of May, giving it the name of _Cabo de las Corrientes_,
or Cape Currents, because they are there stronger than the wind; after
which he came to anchor near an Indian town called _Aboaia_. All this
coast, from Cape _Arracifes_ to Cape _Corrientes_ lies north and south
one point east, being clear and free from rocks and shoals, with six
fathoms water near the shore.
After passing Cape Corrientes, he sailed on till he fell in with two
islands to the southwards, in lat. 27° N. At one of these, which he
named _Santa Martha_, about a league in circumference, he watered. On
Friday the 13th of May, he sailed along a shoal with a chain of islands,
to one called _Pola_, in 26° 30' N. Between these islands and the
continent is a spacious sea like a bay. On the 15th of May he proceeded
ten leagues along the chain of small islands, to two white ones which he
called _Los Martires_ in 26° 15' N. He continued along the coast,
sometimes N. sometimes N.E. till the 23d of May, and on the 24th ran
along the coast to the southwards as far as some small islands that lay
out at sea, still believing that he was coasting along the shore of a
large island. As the anchorage between these small islands and the coast
appeared convenient for the purpose, he continued there till the 3d of
June taking in wood and water, and at the same time careened one of the
ships named the St Christopher. At this place the Indians for the first
time came off in canoes to view the Spaniards, who refused to venture on
shore though repeatedly invited. Seeing the Spaniards about to heave one
of the anchors, on purpose to shift its situation, the Indians laid hold
of the cable as if to draw the ship away; on which the long-boat was
sent after them, and the crew going on shore took four women and broke
two old canoes. No hostilities of any moment occurred, and the Indians
even bartered some skins and low gold with the Spaniards for trinkets.
On Friday the 4th of June, while waiting for a wind to go in quest of a
cacique named _Carlos_, who was reported by the Indians to have gold, an
Indian came on board who was able to converse with the Spaniards, and
who was consequently supposed to be a native of Hispaniola or of some of
the other islands possessed by the Christians. This man desired them to
remain at their present anchorage, as the cacique intended to send gold
to barter. Accordingly, they soon after saw twenty canoes approaching,
some of which were lashed two and two together. Some of these canoes
went to the anchors, which they endeavoured to weigh, but being unable
attempted to cut the cables, while others of them drew near the ships
and began to fight. The long-boat well manned and armed was sent against
them, and put them to flight, taking four prisoners and killing several
of the Indians. Ponce sent two of the prisoners to tell the cacique that
he was willing to make peace with him, although he had slain one of the
Spaniards. Next day the boats were sent to sound the harbour, and some
of the men landed, when they were assured by the Indians that the
cacique would come next day to trade; but this was a mere feint to gain
time, as at eleven o'clock eighty canoes well equipped and full of men
attacked the ship nearest the shore, and fought till night without doing
any harm, as all their arrows fell short, and they durst not come near
for fear of the cross-bows and great guns. At length they retired, and
the Spaniards having staid nine days resolved to return to St Domingo
and Porto Rico, endeavouring to discover some islands by the way of
which they had received accounts from the Indians. Ponce accordingly set
sail on his return on the 14th of June, and sailed among islands till
the 21st, when he arrived at the small islands called _Las Tortugas_, or
the tortoises, because the crews took 170 of these creatures in a short
time of one night in one of these islands, and might have had more if
they pleased. They also took fourteen dog-fishes[125], and killed at
least 5000 seagulls and other birds.
[Footnote 125: Probably Sharks.--E.]
On the 24th, leaving Tortugas, they steered S.W. and by W. On the 26th
they saw land, which they sailed along till the 29th, when they came to
anchor to trim their yards and sails, but could not tell what country it
was. Most of the Spaniards believed they were on the coast of Cuba,
because they found canoes, dogs, knives, and others tools of iron. On
the 25th of July they were among a cluster of low islands, still
ignorant of where they were, till Ponce sent to view an island which
appeared to be Bahama, as indeed it was said to be by an old woman whom
they found in another island, and in which they were confirmed by a
pilot named Diego Miruelo, who happened to be there in a boat from
Hispaniola. Having ranged backwards and forwards till the 23d of
September, and refitted the ships, Juan Ponce resolved to send one of
them to take a view of the island of Bimini, which the Indians reported
to contain much wealth, and to have a spring which made old people young
again. Juan Perez de Ortubia was appointed captain of that ship, and
Antonio de Alaminos pilot. They took two Indians along with them to
point out the shoals, which were so numerous that it was both difficult
and dangerous to get through among them. Twenty days afterwards, Juan
Ponce returned to Porto Rico, and was followed some time after by
Ortubia, who had found the island of Bimini, which was large, pleasant,
and abounding in good water and delightful groves; but the wonderful
spring was not be discovered. It is certain that Juan Ponce de Leon,
besides the main design of discovering new islands which all the
Spaniards then aspired to, was desirous of finding out the spring of
Bimini and a certain river in Florida, in both of which it was asserted
by the natives of Cuba and Hispaniola that old people became young again
by bathing in their waters. It is likewise well known that many of the
natives of Cuba, firmly believing the existence of such a river, had
gone over into Florida in search of it, and had built a town there
before the coming of the Spaniards to the West Indies, and that their
descendents continue there to this day. This report prevailed among all
the princes or caciques in these parts, who were all so anxious to find
out this wonderful river, that there was not a river, brook, or lake in
all Florida in which some of them had not bathed, and many still persist
in the belief that it is the river now called Jordan at Cape _Santa
Elena_, without reflecting that the Spaniards first gave it that name in
1520, when the country of Chicora was discovered.
Although this voyage turned out to little or no account to Juan Ponce,
it yet encouraged him to go to court to sue for some reward for having
discovered this new country, which he still continued to believe an
island or cluster of islands, and which opinion was retained by the
Spaniards for some years. Yet this voyage was actually beneficial on
another account, by the discovery of a passage to Spain from the West
Indies through the channel of Bahama, which was first performed by the
pilot Alaminos. For the better understanding the voyage of Ponce, it
must be observed that the Lucayo or Bahama Islands consist of three
groups, the _first_, or Bahama cluster gives name to the passage, and in
which the currents are most impetuous: The _second_ is called _De los
Organos_; and the _third_ the _Martyrs_, which are next to the _Cayos de
las Tortugas_, or Turtle Keys to the westwards; which last are not to be
seen from any distance, being all low sands, and in consequence many
ships have perished on them, and all along the Bahama channel, and on
the islands of Tortugas. Havannah in the island of Cuba and Florida, are
south and north of each other; and between them are these
before-mentioned islands of Organos, Bahama, Martyrs, and Tortugas,
having a channel with a violent current, twenty leagues across in the
narrowest part between Havannah and the Martyrs, and fourteen leagues
from the Martyrs to Florida. The widest part of this channel is forty
leagues, with many shoals and deep channels between these, but has no
safe passage for ships, and is only practicable for canoes. But this
passage from the Havannah for Spain, is along the channel of Bahama,
between the Havannah, the Martyrs, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral.
* * * * *
No farther attempt appears to have been made towards the conquest and
settlement of Florida by the Spaniards, till the year 1528, when Panfilo
de Narvaez made a most disastrous expedition to that country, which will
form the subject of the ensuing section of this chapter; except that
about the year 1525, the licentiate Luke Vasquez de Ayllon sailed with
three ships for that country from Santiago in the island of
Hispaniola[126]. Vasquez arrived with his small armament at Cape Santa
Elena in Florida, where he found an Indian town called _Oritza_; since
named _Chicora_ by the Spaniards, and another town in the neighbourhood
called _Guale_, to which the Spaniards have given the name of
_Gualdape_. At this place is the river _Jordan_, so named from the pilot
by whom it was discovered, and where Vasquez lost one of his ships. He
proceeded however in his enterprise with the other two ships, and landed
two hundred men upon the coast of Florida; but being himself
unacquainted with military discipline, and little regarded by his men,
his troops were defeated by the natives and mostly slain. The few who
escaped returned to Hispaniola; some alleging that Vasquez was of the
number, while others assert that he was slain in Florida. In this
unfortunate expedition, from which great consequences had been expected,
no other towns but the two above mentioned were seen in Florida; and by
this disaster all attempts for the conquest and settlement of that
country were laid aside for some time, more especially as all the
natives who had been there met with appeared poor and miserable, and
having very small quantities of gold and silver, and even what little
they had appeared to have been brought to them from remote parts of the
country.
[Footnote 126: Herrera, III. 367.]
SECTION II.
_Narrative of a Disastrous attempt by Panfilo de Narvaez to conquer
Florida; together with some account of that Country_[127]
[Footnote 127: Id. IV. 27.]
The abortive attempt of Panfilo de Narvaez to supersede Cortes in the
command of the expedition against Mexico has been already related. He
afterwards endeavoured to settle a colony at the _Rio de las Palmas_ in
the bay of Mexico, whence he was expelled by the arrogance of Nunno de
Guzman, who had been appointed governor of the adjoining province of
Panuco, and endeavoured to appropriate the territories belonging to
others in his neighbourhood to his own advantage and emolument in the
most unjustifiable manner. In March 1528, Narvaez sailed from Cuba with
four ships and a brigantine for the conquest of Florida, having a force
of about four hundred men with eighty horses. During the voyage, the
squadron was carried among the shoals of Canarreo by the unskilfulness
of the pilot Meruelo, where the ships got aground and remained for
fifteen days constantly touching with their keels and unable to get into
deep water. At the end of this period a storm at south brought so large
an accession of water from the bay upon these flats that the ships got
off. At _Guaniguanigo_ they encountered another storm in which they were
near perishing, and met with a third at Cape Corrientes. Three days
after getting to windward of Cape St Antonio, they were driven by
contrary winds to within twelve leagues of the Havannah; and when about
to put in there for shelter were carried back by a south wind to the
coast of Florida, where they arrived on the 12th of April, and came to
anchor in the mouth of a bay where they could perceive some Indian huts
on the shore[128]. Alonzo Enriquez, the comptroller of the armament,
hailed the natives from a small island in the bay, and procured from
them some fish and venison by means of barter.
[Footnote 128: Having no indications whatever of the place of landing,
it is quite impossible to attempt tracing the steps of Narvaez in his
short and disastrous expedition to Florida.--E.]
Next day, Narvaez went on shore with as many men as the boats could
carry, and found the dwellings of the natives abandoned, one of them
being large enough to contain three hundred men. In the houses were
found a number of fishing nets, and along with these a sort of tabor or
drum, ornamented with gold bells. On the day following, Narvaez landed
all the rest of his men, and forty-two horses, the others having died
during the voyage. Narvaez took formal possession of the country in the
name of the king of Spain. Some of the Indians drew near that day, but
having no interpreter they could not be conversed with, though it
appeared by their threatening signs that they warned the Spaniards to
leave their country. On the same day Narvaez marched northwards into the
country, with forty men and six horses, and came to a large bay which
seemed to penetrate far into the interior. Having halted at that place
for the night, he returned next day to the ships. The pilot Meruelo was
sent in the brigantine to find out a harbour for the squadron, and to
endeavour to procure provisions. Having taken four prisoners, some maize
was shewn them, to endeavour to discover if the natives were acquainted
with that grain, as none had been seen hitherto in the country. They
accordingly offered by signs to lead the Spaniards to where some of it
could be procured, and guided them to the town or village where they
dwelt, where some maize was growing in a field in the environs. In the
same place, they found some Spanish chests, in each of which was a dead
body wrapped up in painted deers skins; and as the commissary Juan
Xuarez considered this to be some idolatrous institution, he ordered the
chests and bodies to be burned. They likewise found some pieces of linen
and woollen cloth, with several plumes of feathers which seemed to have
come from Mexico, and a small quantity of gold. Being interrogated by
signs whence these things were procured, the Indians made them
understand by similar means that there was great abundance of gold in a
province at a very great distance called _Apalache_[129].
[Footnote 129: The name of Apalache is now given to a large bay on the
western coast of East Florida, and towards its northern extremity, the
bottom or northern extremity of which is in lat. 30° N. and long. 67°
13' W. where a small river named St Marks enters the sea. The river
Apalachicola, likewise named R. des Cahuilas, or Catahoche, runs into
the western part of the same bay by two mouths, the easternmost of which
is about fifteen miles S.W. of St. Marts River, and western mouth about
twenty miles farther to the W.S.W. The same name is applied to the south
western extremity of the great range of mountains in the middle states
of North America; dividing the Atlantic country from the western waters
which run into the Ohio, called Blue Mountains, Alleghany Mountains, and
Apalachean Mountains. These last divide North Carolina from the sources
of the Tenassee and Cumberland rivers. A part likewise of Georgia, east
from the Apalachicola river, along the northern boundary of East
Florida, is still named the Apalachi country.--E.]
Twelve leagues from thence they came to an Indian town consisting of
fifteen houses, near which there was great plenty of maize just ripe.
Narvaez and others were of opinion that they should march immediately
into the interior, sending the ships in search of a safe harbour on the
coast; but the treasurer of the expedition, Alvar Nunnez Gabeza de Vaca,
advised that they should all embark till such time as a safe harbour
could be discovered. The other opinion prevailed, and the whole land
forces set out upon their march on the 1st of May, being about three
hundred foot and forty horse, every man carrying two pounds of biscuit,
and half a pound of bacon. With only that scanty provision, they
proceeded for fifteen days, finding nothing to eat in the country,
except some _palmetoes_ like those of Andalusia, and without seeing any
towns, house, or Indians in the whole way. At this time they came to a
river which they crossed, some by swimming and others on rafts or
floats, which employed them a whole day in consequence of the strength
of the current. They were opposed by about two hundred Indians on the
opposite bank, who only threatened them without coming to blows. Of
these they took six prisoners who conducted the Spaniards to their
dwellings, where they found a considerable quantity of Indian corn,
which proved a great relief to their urgent necessities. From this place
two officers were sent with a detachment in search of the sea-coast, in
hopes of establishing a communication with the ships; but all they found
was a creek only fit for receiving canoes.
After a short stay, they marched onwards in quest of the province of
_Apalache_, which the Indians had reported to be rich in gold, guided in
the way by some of their prisoners. After marching fifteen days without
meeting with any inhabitants, they fell in with an Indian chief, who was
dressed in a painted deers skin, carried on the back of one of his
subjects, and attended by a great number of Indians, some of whom went
before him playing upon a kind of pipes made of reeds. On being informed
by signs that the Spaniards were in search of the province of Apalache,
he seemed to intimate that he was an enemy to the people of that
country. The Spaniards gave this cacique beads, hawk-bells, and other
such trinkets, and continued their march. They came that night to a
river which was so rapid that they durst not venture to cross it on
floats, and were therefore obliged to construct a canoe for that
purpose. Juan Velasquez ventured to attempt crossing it by swimming his
horse, but both were drowned, and the Indian attendants on the cacique
drew the drowned horse from the river and eat him for their supper. On
their arrival at the town belonging to the cacique, they were supplied
with Indian corn, and next day were guided on their way through thick
woods, in which the road was obstructed by many fallen trees, and the
fragments of others which had been shivered by lightning, as the country
was subject to severe thunderstorms. On the 25th of June, Narvaez and
his people came in sight of Apalache, without having been perceived by
any of the inhabitants; and, though weary and hungry they were all in
high spirits, thinking themselves at the end of their labours, and that
they should find some great treasure in recompence of their fatigues.
Some horsemen immediately entered the place, in which they found only
women and children; but the men soon returned and attacked them with
their bows and arrows, and were soon repulsed, yet killed the
comptrollers horse. This town of Apalache contained forty low huts or
cabins, enclosed among thick woods and morasses in which they found
abundance of maize, deer-skins, mantles, head-dresses for women, and
stones for grinding corn, but no gold. All the country, from the place
where the Spaniards landed to Apalache was one continued sandy flat, yet
thickly overgrown with woods of walnut, laurel, liquid-amber, cedar,
savine, oak, pine, and palmetoes; interpersed with many swamps or
morasses which were very troublesome to pass, and many fallen trees
which lay athwart the way. In their march they saw three different kinds
of deer, hares, rabbits, bears, and _lions_[130], with other wild
beasts; and among these an animal called the opossum, which carries its
young in a pouch under the belly till they are able to shift for
themselves. The country is cold[131], and has good pasture for cattle.
In the woods and marshes through which they passed they saw many
different kinds of birds, as geese, ducks, herons, partridges, falcons,
hawks, and many others. Two hours after the arrival of the Spaniards,
the inhabitants of Apalache came to demand their wives and children, all
of whom were set free; but as the cacique was detained they were much
displeased, and came next day to assault the place, endeavouring to set
fire to their own houses, but on the appearance of the Spaniards they
fled to the morasses; and next day a similar attempt was made but with
the same consequences.
[Footnote 130: It is hardly necessary to say that there are no lions in
America. The Spaniards must accordingly have given this name to the
cougar, now called the panther by the North Americans, a very inferior
species of the feline race.--E.]
[Footnote 131: This must be considered as in comparison with the climate
of Cuba and Hispaniola, to which the Spaniards had been long accustomed,
as the climate of Florida is certainly hot in reference to any part of
Europe.--E.]
The Spaniards remained twenty-five days at this place, during which time
they made three incursions into the country to some distance, finding it
every where ill-inhabited and difficultly penetrable, owing to similar
obstacles with those they had already encountered. From, the cacique
whom they had in custody, they were informed that Apalache was one of
the best towns in these parts, and that on going farther inland the land
was worse and more thinly peopled. He added, that at nine days journey
southwards there was a town called _Aute_ near the sea, inhabited by a
tribe in amity with him, who had plenty of provisions. Taking this
information into consideration, and especially as the Indians of
Apalache did them considerable injury by frequent assaults, and always
retreated to their fortresses in the marshes, the Spaniards determined
upon returning towards the sea. On the second day of their retrograde
march, they were attacked by the Indians while passing across a morass,
and several both men and horses were wounded, without being able to take
vengeance on their enemies, as they always fled into the water. These
Indians were of large stature and well made, very nimble, and went
entirely naked, being armed with bows as thick as a mans arm and twelve
spans long. They marched in this manner, under continual assaults, for
eight days, at the end of which period they came to the town of Aute,
where they got Indian corn, pompions, kidney-beans, and other
provisions. From this place the treasurer, Cabeza de Vaca, was sent with
a party to endeavour to find the sea; but came back in three days,
reporting that the sea was far off, and he had only been able to reach
some creeks which penetrated deep into the land. They had already
travelled two hundred and eighty leagues from the place at which they
first landed, in all which way they had seen neither mountain nor even
any thing which could be called a hill[132]. The men were become much
dejected and very sickly, and no longer able to travel so as to
endeavour to make their way back to where they left the ships; in which
miserable condition it was resolved to build some barks for the purpose
of making their way along shore in search of the ships. They accordingly
constructed five barks, each of them twenty cubits long, which they
caulked with the husks of palmetoes, making ropes of the manes and tails
of their horses, and sails of their shirts; but were hardly able to find
enough of stones to serve for ballast and anchors.
[Footnote 132: Their wandering had probably been in the country of the
Creeks, in the western parts of Georgia, and the two rivers they crossed
may have been the Catahehe and Mobile; but we have no indications from
which to form any conjecture as to the part of the coast on which they
built their ill-fated barks.--E.]
They embarked on the 22d of September, after having eaten all their
horses, and having lost above forty of their men from sickness, besides
several who were slain by the Indians. Their barks were hardly able to
carry them, and they had no sailors among them to direct their perilous
navigation. After five days painful progress among intricate
creeks[133], they came at last to an island, where they found five
canoes abandoned by the Indians, and on going into a house they found
some dried skates which were a very acceptable though scanty relief to
their necessities. Proceeding onwards with the help of these canoes,
they suffered extremely for want of water, during which five of them
died in consequence of drinking sea-water too freely. Owing to this
necessity they were again obliged to land on the continent, where they
found water and fish ready dressed in some Indian houses. At night these
people attacked them, and the cacique of Apalache whom they had hitherto
kept along with them made his escape, leaving a mantle of sables behind
him so strongly scented with ambergris that it could be smelt from a
considerable distance. Obliged to reimbark, and the weather proving
stormy, the barks were all dispersed, and none of them ever more heard
of except that in which Cabeza de Vaca was, which was thrown ashore.
Panfilo de Narvaez and most of his men were assuredly lost in the storm,
or destroyed by the Indians on shore; though there was a foolish report
long current that he had penetrated to the South Sea.
[Footnote 133: These intricacies may possibly have been between Mobile
Bay, and the western bay of Spiritu Santo at the mouths of the
Mississippi.--E.]
* * * * *
SECTION III.
_Adventures and wonderful escape of Cabeza de Vaca, after the loss of
Narvaez._
When cast on shore, as mentioned at the close of the former section,
Cabeza de Vaca and the people along with him were relieved by the
Indians; and on endeavouring again to put to sea, the bark was overset,
three of the Spaniards were drowned, and Cabeza and a few more got again
on shore, naked and without arms. On seeing the miserable plight of
these unhappy Spaniards, the Indians came to them with provisions, sat
down by them and lamented their misfortunes, carried them to their
houses, and made fires by the way to warm them, otherwise they must have
perished with the cold, as they were naked and it was now the month of
November. They were put into a house with a good fire, the natives
dancing all night close by them, which the Spaniards were sadly afraid
was a prelude to their being sacrificed next day. But as they were
plentifully supplied with provisions they began to recover their spirits
and confidence next day. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions were soon
afterwards joined by the Spaniards who had escaped from the wreck of
another bark. At first they were in all eighty men; but in a short time
their number was reduced to fifteen, as they were forced to winter on
the island, exposed to excessive cold and great scarcity of provisions.
Owing to their misfortunes, they called this _Isola de Mal-hado_, or the
isle of Bad-Luck[134].
[Footnote 134: As we have no information in the text which could lead to
suppose that Cabeza ever crossed the great river Missisippi, either
before landing on the island of Mal-hado, or in his subsequent journey
to New Spain, the isle of Bad-Luck may have been to the west of the
Missisippi.--E.]
The inhabitants of this island were of large stature, their only weapons
being bows and arrows. The men had one of their nipples bored, wearing a
piece of reed in the hole, and a similar ornament in their under lip.
They dwelt in this island from October to February, feeding much on
certain roots. In the months of November and December they caught fish
in a kind of wears inclosed with reeds; but these were not to be got at
any other time. At the latter end of February, when all the roots were
eaten, they were forced to remove from the island in search of food
elsewhere. These natives were extraordinarily fond of their children,
the parents and kindred lamenting for such as died during a whole year,
after which they completed the funeral ceremonies, and washed off the
black paint they had worn in token of mourning. They did not lament for
the death of the old, alleging that they had lived their time, and that
they took away the food which ought to go to the children. All the dead
were buried, except the _physicians_[135], whose bodies were burnt, and
their ashes kept for a year, after which these ashes were mixed with
water and drank by the relations of the deceased. Every man was
contented with one wife; but these physicians had usually two or three
each, who lived together very amicably. When a man engages to marry the
daughter of another, he gives her all he possesses, and sends to the
father of his bride every thing he kills, and in return his diet is sent
him from the house of his father-in-law, as he is not permitted to enter
the house during the first year of the marriage. Should his
father-in-law or any of the brothers of his wife meet him during that
time, they always look down and pass on without speaking; yet in that
period the woman converses freely with the father or other relations of
her husband. These customs are observed both in the island of _Mal-hado_
and through all the country of Florida for fifty leagues inland. When a
son or brother dies, the people of the house will rather starve than go
in quest of any thing to eat during three months, in all which time the
relations of the family send in all that is necessary for their
sustenance. Owing to this, several families in Mal-hado were in great
straits while the Spaniards resided among them, as many had died and the
survivors strictly observed the custom. The houses in the island were of
mats, and strewed with oyster shells, on which they lay at night stark
naked round the fire. The inhabitants of the province of
_Tegesta_[136], reaching from the Martyrs to Cape Cannaveral, feed
better than those Indians among whom Cabeza resided, being
extraordinarily expert fishers. Two of them will venture out in a small
canoe to attack, whales when any are seen upon the coast. One of them
steers or paddles the canoe; while the other, being provided with two or
three stakes and a mallet, leaps into the sea as soon as he sees a whale
rise to the surface, gets upon its head, and immediately drives one of
the stakes into one of the spiracles or blowing holes by which the whale
breathes. The whale immediately dives to the bottom; and when forced to
come up again to breathe, he repeats the operation and plugs up the
other spiracle, so that it cannot get breath and is soon suffocated.
When the whale dies, they fasten a line of withes or twisted branches to
its neck, and tow it to the shore, where it serves a long while for them
to feed upon.
[Footnote 135: So called by the translator of Herrera, but perhaps these
were a kind of priests or conjurers.--E.]
[Footnote 136: In some modern maps _Tegesta_ is considered as the
southern extremity of the province of East Florida.--E.]
Cabeza de Vaca and the remnant of his unfortunate companions remained in
the isle of Mal-hado till the end of April 1529, by which time all the
food in the island being devoured, the whole population was forced by
hunger to go over to the continent of Florida, where they fed upon wild
berries. The Spaniards were obliged to act as physicians to the natives,
as otherwise they were refused food. In the exercise of this profession,
they made the sign of the cross on the parts affected, reciting the
_Pater noster_, and prayed to God to heal their patients, who all
affirmed that they derived great benefit from these ceremonies, and
supplied the Spaniards with food in return. There were two languages
used among these natives within a very little distance, those who spoke
the one being called _Capoques_, and the others _Han_. When the natives
happened to meet together after a long separation, they would often sit
down and weep for half an hour before they began to converse.
All the remaining Spaniards, to the number of fourteen, went away along
the coast, leaving Cabeza de Vaca behind, who happened to be sick and
unable to travel. On his recovery, he had to search among the water for
roots[137] on which to support himself. Wearied of this uncomfortable
manner of life, and being entirely naked, he went away among a tribe
called the _Charrucos_, who dwelt among mountains, where he fared much
better, as he turned merchant, going about from place to place bartering
such things as they wanted, and in this way he travelled over forty or
fifty leagues of the coast. He dealt in sea-shells like those of snails
which were used as beads, and in a different kind of shells which were
used instead of knives; and in return for these he procured deer-skins,
vermillion, and ochre, with which the natives paint themselves, flints
for pointing arrows, a kind of bitumen with which these arrow heads are
fastened, and reeds with which the arrow shafts are made, as also tufts
of deers hair dyed red, which are used as ornaments. By means of this
trade Cabeza de Vaca had liberty to go wherever he pleased, and was well
received wherever he went, receiving provisions in return for his
merchandize.
[Footnote 137: Probably the translator has mistaken the original of this
passage, and Cabeza may have searched for shell fish adhering to the
roots of trees under water.--E.]
Cabeza de Vaca continued in this mode of life to the year 1535, always
well entertained, and always travelling towards the south west to gain
ground in hopes of regaining his liberty by getting out of the country
into Mexico[138]. Though naked and alone, and enduring much hunger and
cold, he enjoyed his liberty, and remained six years in that part of the
country, always in hopes of being able to bring away his two remaining
countrymen, Oviedo and Alanis, who had tarried in the island of
Mal-hado. At length Alanis died, and he set off along with Oviedo.
Coming to a creek near a mile in breadth, supposed by them to be that
called _Del Espiritu Santo_[139], they were informed by some Indians
that they would find three men like themselves farther on, whose names
they told. They also said that the Indians had slain Orantes,
Valdivieso, Huelva, Esquibel, and Mendez[140]; but that the three who
still lived were very ill used, especially by the boys, who kicked,
beat, and abused them for their amusement. At this time the Indians
treated Cabeza and Oviedo very ill, so that Oviedo went back along with
some of the natives, but Cabeza stayed and they two never met more.
[Footnote 138: Herrera, V. 92.]
[Footnote 139: It is quite impossible to form any reasonable conjecture
as to the situation of this creek, which could not be the bay of
Espiritu Santo in East Florida; nor that of the same name nearly
opposite in West Florida at the mouth of the Missisippi.--E.]
[Footnote 140: There is considerable difficulty to understand the
translation here, as Mr Stevens does not seem to have understood his
original. Orantes appears in the sequel to have been still alive; but we
must take the translation as it is, not having the original to
consult.--E.]
Two days after the departure of Oviedo, the Indians with whom Orantes
resided came to the banks of this creek to eat nuts, on which they fed
two months of the year. Orantes went to visit Cabeza who had been hidden
by some Indians who favoured him, and it was a great satisfaction to
these friends to meet, though in great trouble as being naked and
miserable in a land of savages. They agreed to endeavour to proceed to
the south-west, but to remain with the Indians till the nuts were
consumed, and then to remove along with them to another place where they
fed upon _tunas;_ because if they should attempt to escape the Indians
would kill them.
All the rest belonging to the expedition had perished, some having been
stoned to death by the natives, and others drowned, among whom was
Panfilo de Narvaez, as Figueroa, who was present, related to Cabeza.
Among these Indians who fed upon _tunas_ they endured much hunger, as
there was not enough for them all. In that country there were grey and
black wild cattle of low stature, like those of Barbary, having very
long hair, but their flesh was coarser than the beef of Spain. Having
concerted to make their escape, the Indians among whom they lived had a
quarrel on account of a woman, and parted company, so that the Spaniards
were obliged to separate likewise, but agreed to meet again at the same
place next year, which they did accordingly, but were again separated on
the very day when they meant to have fled. Yet they appointed to meet
again on the 1st of September, when the moon was full. Two of them came
on the 13th and Orantes on the 14th, when they actually fled. Coming to
a tribe of Indians called _Avares_, they were well received and procured
plenty of provisions, as these people had learnt that the Christians
performed cures. That same night three Indians came to wait upon them
who were troubled with pains in their heads, desiring Castillo to cure
them, and as soon as he had blessed them with the sign of the cross they
became well; in reward for which they brought _tunas_ and venison, and
blazed abroad the wonderful cures which had been performed upon them by
the strangers. In consequence of this so many persons came to be cured,
and brought with them such abundance of provisions that the Spaniards
knew not how to dispose of it, and the Indians made a solemn dance for
joy of the cures. The Spaniards intended to have proceeded farther, but
on being informed that the country through which they meant to travel
was desert, the tunas all eaten, and the climate excessively cold, they
agreed to remain with the Avares all winter, who went five days journey
into the country to feed on a sort of fruit called _yeros_. When they
had settled their habitation near a river, many Indians came with their
sick to be cured by Castillo, who blessed them and prayed to God to cure
them, as this was the only means they had for subsistence. Next morning
they were all well to the great satisfaction and astonishment of the
Indians; and for which the Spaniards returned thanks to God, confiding
that he would deliver them out of their miserable bondage.
Departing from the _Avares_, the Spaniards came to certain tribes of
Indians called _Maliconas_, _Susolas_, and _Atayos_, among whom their
wonderful cures were already known, so that many sick persons were
brought to them. But as Castillo was a man who feared God, and despaired
of being able to do them good on account of his unworthiness, Cabeza de
Vaca was obliged to officiate in his stead. Taking along with him
Orantes and the mulatto Estevanillo, he went to visit a sick person in a
very dangerous condition, being almost dead, with his eyes turned in his
head, and no pulse; and so confident were the Indians of his approaching
death that his house was already pulled down according to their custom
on such occasions. Cabeza took off the mat from the dying man, prayed to
God to restore him to health, and when he had several times blessed the
man and breathed on him, the attendants presented him with a bow and
arrows and a basket of _tunas_, conducting him to cure others in the
same manner. After this the Spaniards returned to their quarters, and
were informed by the Indians that the dying man had got up, spoken to
his friends, and eaten with them, and that all the rest of their
patients were in perfect health. The fame of these cures spread over all
the country, so that many other sick persons were brought to them to be
healed, bringing presents of provisions. According to their account, the
Spaniards remained eight moons among the _Avares_, neither Orantes nor
Estevanillo having yet performed any cures, though so much importuned
that they were at length forced to comply, being called the _children of
the sun_. Being intent on prosecuting their journey, they fled one days
journey into the country of the _Maliconas_, where they fed for twelve
days on a small kind of fruit till the _tunas_ were ripe. Having endured
much hunger there for some time, they were directed to the habitations
of another tribe which spoke the same language. To add to their
sufferings, they lost their way, and it rained very much which
distressed them greatly, as they were entirely naked. They rested that
night in a wood, where they roasted tunas as food. Next morning, when
endeavouring to find out their way, they met a number of women and
children who all ran away to call the men, who conducted the Spaniards
to their village, consisting of fifty houses. The natives gazed on the
strangers with much fear and admiration, touching their faces and
bodies; and when recovered from their fright they brought their sick to
be cured by them, and even forbore from eating themselves that they
might supply the Spaniards with food.
So great is the want of food in all the country from the isle of
Mal-hado to this district of the Maliconas, that the natives are often
three days without eating; on which account it is the custom of mothers
to suckle their children till twelve years of age, and they never have
any intercourse with their husbands till two years after delivery. When
a married pair do not agree, it is customary for them to part and form
new connections, but this is never done when they have children. When
the men fall out among themselves they only use their fists or cudgels,
never employing their bows and arrows in private broils; and on these
occasions the women only venture to interpose to part them. These
Indians are very brave, and are as vigilant against their enemies as the
best soldiers in Europe. They dig ditches, throw up entrenchments, make
loop-holes, lay ambushes, and use various stratagems with great art and
patience, usually killing each other by surprise in the night. They are
very cruel, are always ready on any alarm, and are watchful of
opportunities to take revenge and to gain advantage over any want of
foresight in their enemies. When actually engaged in battle, they have a
strange manner of skipping about from side to side, to prevent their
enemies from taking aim, and they shoot their arrows in a stooping
posture, to prevent being observed. Their languages are exceedingly
various, changing almost at each town.
Coming to another town, the Indians brought their children to touch the
hands of the Spaniards, giving them meal made of a fruit like carobs,
which was eaten along with a certain kind of earth, and was very sweet
and agreeable. Departing from thence, after passing a great river the
water of which reached to their breasts, they came to a town of an
hundred houses, whence the people came out to meet them with great
shouts, clapping their hands on their thighs, and making a kind of music
by means of hollow gourds with stones in them. These Indians received
them with great kindness, carrying them to their houses without
suffering their feet to touch the ground, and great numbers flocked to
them to be blessed. Next day they continued their journey, and were well
received by the next Indians, who supplied them with plenty of venison,
and brought their sick to be cured. They were equally well treated by
the next succeeding tribe, by whom so great rejoicing was made for their
arrival, that they could not sleep for the noise. They observed a
strange custom among all these Indians, who, when they escorted the
Spaniards to another tribe, always plundered the houses they came to.
Cabeza and his companions were much concerned at this; but those who had
lost their goods in this manner made quite light of the matter, desiring
them not to be troubled at it, as they would repay themselves farther on
among tribes who were very rich. At this place the Spaniards began to
perceive a chain of mountains which they thought extended towards New
Spain, and to which they now directed their journey accompanied by the
Indians, who pillaged as usual wherever they went. When their guides
retired, their new hosts presented the Spaniards with such things as
they had hidden, being beads, vermillion, and some small bags of silver.
At this place the Spaniards agreed not to make for the mountainous
country, where the inhabitants were reported to be ferocious, but to
continue in the low country in which the people were extremely
courteous. Many men and women loaded with water bore them company, and
their authority was so great that no one would presume to drink without
their leave. In this part of their journey they proceeded along a river,
having been abandoned by their Indian guides, and were supplied with
some meal made of Indian corn by two women. About sun-set they came to a
village of about twenty houses, where the inhabitants were in great fear
of being plundered by their guides; but were quite rejoiced on seeing
them come alone. Next morning, when the Spaniards were about to depart,
the inhabitants of the former town came in a body and plundered that in
which they had spent the night; telling the inhabitants that these
strangers were children of the sun and cured the sick, though able to
destroy them all, and therefore that they must be respected; they told
them likewise to go and plunder the next town according to custom, and
to carry the strangers on their way. The Spaniards were accordingly well
treated by this tribe, who carried them on for three days to a place
having many houses, sending some before to give an account of what the
others had said of the Spaniards, to which they added much of their own
invention, being fond of novelty and much addicted to lying, especially
where any advantage was expected. The Spaniards were well received, and
their guides plundered as much as they could find and then returned to
their own habitations. From this place the Spaniards travelled above
fifty leagues along the face of a mountain, and came to a town of forty
houses, in one of which they were shewn a large copper hawks-bell
ornamented with a face, which these people valued highly, saying that
they got it from a neighbouring tribe. Travelling from thence seven
leagues over a mountain, the stones of which were iron ore, they came to
some houses on the banks of a river, where the principal men came out to
meet them, having their children on their backs, and presented the
Spaniards, with small bags of fine sand and powdered antimony, with
which they daub their faces, and gave them also beads and cloaks made of
dressed skins. The food at this place was tunas and the kernels of pine
apples, better than those of Spain, but smaller, as were the trees[141].
[Footnote 141: This surely is a mistake of the translator, as pine
apples do not grow on trees, nor are their kernels the edible part. It
may possibly have been pine nuts, or something of a similar kind.--E.]
At this place a man was brought to Cabeza who had been wounded by an
arrow, the point of which as he said had reached his heart and gave him
much pain, being still there, and he was to all appearance in extreme
danger. Cabeza opened his breast with a knife and extracted the arrow
head with much difficulty, after which he stitched up the wound and
staunched the bleeding with the scrapings of a cows hide. The point of
the arrow was exhibited all over the country, and caused much rejoicing.
After some days, Cabeza removed the stitches, and the man was quite
sound, declaring himself free of pain. This cure acquired the Spaniards
so great reputation that they could do any thing they pleased. From this
place they proceeded through so many different tribes that it were
tedious and indeed impossible to mention them all; and all the way each
tribe as they conducted the Spaniards to the next, plundered their
neighbours in succession. Through the whole journey the Spaniards had so
much company that they knew not how to turn themselves. During their
journey the Indians killed many deer, hares, pigeons, and other birds by
means of their arrows and spears, all of which they presented to the
Spaniards, and would not use them for their own necessities without
leave. Sometimes they were attended by above four thousand persons at
once, which was extremely troublesome, as none of them would either eat
or drink till the Spaniards had blessed the food and drink and breathed
on them.
They travelled in this manner for upwards of thirty leagues, at the end
of which the mode of their reception was considerably changed as the
Indians who accompanied them ceased plundering; yet the tribe at which
they arrived offered every thing they had, which was divided among the
escort, who then returned to their own dwellings, and this tribe
recovered what they had given away in a similar manner on accompanying
the Spaniards to the next tribe. In the course of their journey however
the Spaniards had to travel for more than fifty leagues through a craggy
mountainous country, where they suffered extremely for want of food,
till at length they arrived at a plain country where they met with a
kind reception, and where their escort received abundance of goods and
provisions and then returned to their own habitations. As the people
farther on were at war with the tribe where the Spaniards then were, two
women were sent on to inform the hostile tribe of the approach of the
Christians, as it was usual among these people, even when at war, to
continue an intercourse of trade by means of their women. Continuing
their journey, the Spaniards were inclined to change the route more to
the northwards, as no person came to meet them from the tribe to which
the women were sent; but the Indians who accompanied them objected to
this measure, as they alleged that the natives in that direction were
wicked and cruel, and that besides they would be unable to procure food
or water. As the Spaniards were displeased at this interruption, the
Indians declared themselves ready to go with them wherever they were
pleased to command, even though sure to perish, and they accordingly
went on; but as many of the Indians fell sick, and eight of them died in
this part of the journey, the other tribes were thrown into great
consternation, believing that they should all die upon being visited by
the Spaniards. So great was the dread and reverence in which the
Spaniards were held by the Indians, who imagined they were the cause of
the sickness and death of their countrymen, that they earnestly
entreated the Spaniards not to be angry with them. Cabeza de Vaca and
his companions became apprehensive that this mortality might estrange
the Indians from them, and therefore prayed earnestly to God to put a
stop to the sickness, and accordingly all who were sick began
immediately to recover.
Three days journey from thence, Orantes and Estevanillo went under the
guidance of a female slave to a village in which her father lived, and
where they saw the first houses that were built in any thing like
regular order, the inhabitants of which cultivated kidney-beans,
pompions, and maize. Cabeza de Vaca and his companions went to this
place, dismissing their former conductors. At this town a new custom
began among the natives. Instead of coming out to meet the Spaniards as
had been the case hitherto, the inhabitants were all seated in their
houses, hanging down their heads with their hair before their eyes, and
all their goods in a heap in the middle of the floor, presenting all
they possessed to the strangers. These natives were well shaped and
industrious, and their language easily comprehended. The women and such
men as were unfit for war were dressed in mantles made of deer skins.
After remaining two days among these Indians, who directed them to go in
the first place up a river to the northwards, where they would find
abundance of wild cattle, and then to turn westwards, in which direction
the natives cultivated maize. Following this direction, they proceeded
for thirty-four days across the country, till they came at length to the
South Sea. In this journey the Spaniards suffered prodigious hardships
and were reduced to extremity by famine, having to pass through the
territories of a tribe which feeds on pounded straw for a considerable
portion of the year, and they had the misfortune to come among them at
that period. At length they came to a better country, in which the
natives had tolerable houses, with plenty of corn, pompions, and
kidney-beans, the people being decently dressed in cotton mantles. From
this place their former conductors returned well pleased with the things
they procured according to the usual customs among the natives. Cabeza
and his companions travelled above an hundred leagues with much
satisfaction in this country, blessing God for having brought them at
length into a land of plenty, as besides vegetable food in abundance,
the natives killed venison and other game, and presented the Spaniards
with cotton mantles, coral beads procured from the South Sea, turquoise
stones, and several arrow heads made of emeralds, which they procured
from a neighbouring nation in exchange for various coloured plumes of
feathers.
In this country the women were more modestly clothed than any they had
hitherto seen. Every person, whether sick or well, came to the Spaniards
to be blessed, believing them to be men come down from heaven, so that
their authority was unbounded among the natives. It fortunately happened
that the Spaniards could make themselves understood wherever they went,
although they only knew six of the Indian languages, which would have
been of little use if Providence had not preserved them, considering the
vast multiplicity of languages spoken among the detached tribes of
America. Wherever they travelled, the tribes who happened to be at war
immediately made peace at their approach, that they might have the
opportunity of seeing the Christians; who thus left them all in amity,
and exhorted them wherever they went to worship the one only true God
who had created the heaven and earth, the sun, moon, and stars, and all
other things, and from whom proceeded all blessing. The Spaniards
likewise earnestly urged them to refrain from injuring one another by
going to war or taking away the goods of others, with many similar
instructions, all of which were well received. The whole country along
this coast seemed well peopled, and abounded in provisions, as the
natives sowed maize and kidney beans thrice a-year. In one town the
natives used poisoned arrows, their points being dipped in the juice of
some kind of fruit or plant. At this place they staid three days; and
after a days journey, coming to another town, they were obliged to stop
for fifteen days, owing to the river being in flood. At this place
Castillo observed an Indian who had a sword buckle and a horse shoe
hanging from his neck, who alleged that he got them from heaven; but on
being farther interrogated, he said that some bearded men had come from
heaven to that river, having horses, spears, and swords, who had gone
again to sea, where they and their spears plunged under water, but
appeared afterwards above it again. Cabeza and his companions joyfully
gave thanks to God for hearing some news of Christians after their long
and distressing sojourn among the barbarians, and hastened on their
journey to find them the sooner, telling all the Indians that they were
going to order these bearded men not to kill or make slaves of the
natives nor to do them any harm.