When the sick and wounded were so far recovered as to be able to travel,

Soto set out from Mavila, and marched through a fine country for three

days, after which they entered the province of _Chioza_, where the

natives refused to receive him in a peaceable manner. They abandoned

their town, and took post to defend the passage of a very deep river in

which were many craggy places. At this pass above eight thousand Indians

collected, some of whom crossed in canoes to attack and harass the

Spaniards: But Soto caused some trenches to be made, in which he

concealed several bodies of musqueteers, targeteers, and crossbow-men,

who fell upon the rear of the Indians, who forbore to repeat these

attempts after having been twice discomfited in this manner. As it was

found impossible to cross over in the face of so large a force of

Indians in the ordinary manner, two very large piraguas were privately

built in the woods, which were got ready in twelve days, and were then

drawn out of the wood on rollers by the Spaniards with the assistance of

their horses and mules. These were launched into the river without being

perceived by the Indians; and forty musqueteers and crossbow-men were

embarked in each with a few horses, and these pushed across the river

with the utmost diligence. They were descried however, by five hundred

Indians who were scouring the country, who with loud cries gave the

alarm to the rest, and all hastened to defend the pass. Most of the

Spaniards were wounded while on the water, as the Indians continually

shot their arrows against them unopposed. One of the piraguas got

straight across to the landing, but the other was forced some way down

by the current, and had to be towed up. Two horsemen landed from the

first piragua, who drove the Indians above two hundred paces back, and

made four several charges before any reinforcement could land; but at

length were joined by other four horsemen, and made several desperate

charges on the Indians, so as to allow of the infantry getting on shore;

but as these were almost all wounded, they were obliged to take shelter

in an Indian town hard by. Soto came over in the second trip of the

piraguas, accompanied by sixty men; and the Indians, on seeing the

Spanish force increase, retired to a fortified town in the

neighbourhood, whence they frequently sallied out to skirmish with the

Spaniards; but as the cavalry killed many of them with their spears,

they evacuated that place during the night.

The Spaniards now broke up their piraguas, keeping the iron work for

future service, and advanced farther into the country. In four days they

reached a town called _Chicoza_[168], well situated in a fertile

country among brooks and surrounded by abundance of fruit trees.

Resolving to spend the winter in this place, Soto caused it to be

fortified, huts to be built for the accommodation of his troops, and all

the provisions that could be procured to be collected. At this place

they remained in peace for about two months, the horsemen making

frequent excursions into the surrounding country in quest of provisions.

Such Indians as happened to be made prisoners on these occasions were

immediately set at liberty, receiving various trinkets for themselves

and presents for their chiefs, with messages desiring them to repair to

the Spanish quarters to enter into terms of peace and amity. The chiefs

sent presents of fruit in return, and promised soon to visit the Spanish

general. Soon afterwards they began every night to alarm the Spaniards;

and one night three considerable bodies of them drew near the town about

midnight, and when about an hundred paces from the entrenchments they

set up loud shouts and made a prodigious noise with their warlike

instruments; after which, with burning wreaths of a certain plant tied

round their arrows, they set the town on fire, all the houses being

thatched. Undismayed at this calamity, the Spaniards repaired to their

alarm posts, and Soto issuing out in his _escaupil_ or cotton armour,

mounted his horse and went to attack the Indians, being the first to

kill one of the assailants with his spear; as upon all occasions of

danger he gave a wonderful example of cool and intrepid courage. Some

sick Spaniards and several horses were burnt on this occasion; but

Captain Andres de Vasconcelos with four horsemen fell with such fury on

the enemy that he forced them to retire. Soto, being eager to slay an

Indian who particularly distinguished himself in this action, leaned

forwards so much that he and the saddle fell off; but being bravely

rescued by his men, he mounted again and returned to the fight. At

length after two hours hard fighting, the Indians were constrained to

fly, and were pursued as far as they could be seen by the light from the

burning houses, after which Soto sounded a retreat. In this fatal night,

the Spaniards lost forty men and fifty horses, twenty of them being

burnt. All the swine likewise perished in the fire, except a few that

broke out of an enclosed yard. During this engagement prodigious shots

of arrows were made by the Indians, one of which pierced through both

shoulder-blades of a horse, and came out four fingers breadth on the

opposite side.

[Footnote 168: This word seems to have almost the same sound with

Chicasaw, and Soto may on his present return into the interior have

crossed the river Yazous, which flows into the Missisippi in lat. 32°

30' N. a short way above the Natches.--E.]

Soto now thought proper to remove the army to a town named _Chicacolla_,

about a league from that which had been burnt; and, having fortified

these new quarters, the Spaniards were obliged to make new saddles,

spears, targets and clothes, to supply the places of those which had

been burnt. The clothes were made of goats skins[169]. At this place the

Spaniards spent the rest of the winter, during which they suffered

extreme hardships for want of clothes, as the weather was excessively

cold. Being sensible that they had done much harm to the Spaniards in

the late night attack, the Indians returned again to make a similar

attempt; but their bow-strings being wetted by violent rain, they

withdrew, as was learnt from an Indian prisoner. They returned however

every night to alarm the Spaniards, of whom they always wounded some;

and though the cavalry scoured the country every day four leagues round,

they could meet none of the natives, so that it was wonderful how they

should come nightly from so great a distance.

[Footnote 169: More probably of deer skins found in the Indian towns, as

goats certainly were not among the indigenous animals of North

America.--E.]

The Spaniards contrived to shift in a very miserable manner at

Chicacolla till about the latter end of March 1542[170], when they

resumed their march. At the end of about four leagues, the advanced

guard returned with a report that they had seen an Indian fort which

appeared to be defended by about four thousand warriors. After viewing

it, Soto told his soldiers that it was indispensably requisite to

dislodge these people, who would otherwise annoy them with night

attacks, and that it was likewise necessary to do this that they might

preserve the reputation they had already gained in so many provinces of

the country. This fort, called _Alibamo_[171], was of a square form,

each side being four hundred paces in length, and the gates were so low

that the horsemen could not ride in, similar in all respects to what has

been already said respecting Mavila.[172] The general therefore gave

orders to three companies of infantry to assail the gates, those who

were best armed being placed in front. When they were all ready to

begin the assault, a thousand Indians sallied out from the town, all

adorned with plumes of feathers, and having their bodies and faces

painted of several colours. At the first flight of arrows, five of the

Spaniards were shot, three of whom died of their wounds. To prevent the

discharge of more arrows, the Spaniards immediately closed and drove the

Indians in at the gates, which they entered along with them, making

dreadful havock with their swords, as may easily be imagined, the

Indians being all naked. To escape from the infantry, the Indians threw

themselves from the walls, by which means they fell into the hands of

the horsemen, who slew many of them with their spears. Others of the

Indians endeavoured to escape by swimming a river behind the fort; but a

squadron of horse passed the river, and killed many of them, so that on

the whole two thousand Indians were supposed to have been slain in this

battle. During this engagement, an Indian challenged Juan de Salinas to

single combat, which he accepted, and when his comrade made offer to

cover him with his target, he refused, saying that it was a shame for

two Spaniards to engage one Indian. Salinas shot his bolt through the

breast of the Indian, and in return the Indians arrow went through the

neck of the Spaniard.

[Footnote 170: Herrera persists in the error already noticed of

advancing his chronology a year, as hitherto between May 1539 he has

only accounted for two winters, and ought consequently to have been now

only in the spring of 1541.--E.]

[Footnote 171: At present Toulouse, built on the scite of an Indian

village called Alibama, stands on a river of the same name, which flows

into the left or east side of the Mobille River in the back part of

Georgia, and seems to have been surrounded by a tribe called the

Alibamons. If this be the place indicated in the text, it is quite

adverse to the idea of Chicoza being to the north-west of the

Yazous.--E.]

[Footnote 172: These square forts of logs rammed full of earth may have

given rise to the entrenchments which have lately occasioned some

speculation in America, as having belonged to a people more advanced in

civilization than the present race of savage hunters.--E.]

At this time the Spaniards were reduced to great distress from want of

salt, owing to which they were afflicted with lingering fevers, of which

several died, and their bodies stunk so violently, that there was no

coming near them. As a remedy for this evil, the Indians taught them to

make a lye of the ashes of a certain herb, into which they dipped their

food by way of sauce. At this time likewise the Spaniards were put to

much trouble for interpreters, on account of the great diversity of

languages, so that they were obliged to employ thirteen or fourteen

others besides Juan Ortiz, among the various tribes they met with in

traversing the country; but so acute were the natives, that such of

their women as happened to live with the Spaniards were able to

understand them in two months. After three days march from Alibamo, the

Spaniards came to another town named _Chisca_, on a river to which they

gave the name of _El Grande_[173] or the Great River, as it was the

largest they had yet seen. Coming upon this place by surprise, most of

the inhabitants were made prisoners; but some of them made their escape

to the residence of the cacique, which stood on a high and difficult

ascent, to which the only access was by means of stairs. Though old and

sick, the cacique was coming down to attack the Spaniards, whom he

threatened to put all to death, but he was stopped by his women and

servants. As there was no proper access for the horsemen to assail the

residence of the cacique, and besides as Soto was always more inclined

to carry his purposes by gentle means than by the exertion of force, he

very courteously offered to enter into peace and amity with this cacique

and his people. In less than three hours, more than four thousand

Indians assembled at the residence of the cacique, among whom there was

great difference of opinion as to the choice of peace or war with the

Spaniards, many of them inclining to war as accordant with the natural

ferocity of their dispositions. The opinion however of the wiser

prevailed, who deemed it better to make peace, by which they might

recover their wives and children, and retrieve their property without

bloodshed, and might save their corn, which was then ripe, from being

destroyed. Peace was accordingly concluded, on condition that the

Spaniards should not insist upon going up to the residence of the

cacique; the prisoners were set at liberty, all the plunder of the town

restored, and the Spaniards were supplied with provisions.

[Footnote 173: From what will appear in the sequel, there can scarcely

be a doubt that this great river must have been the Missisippi.

According to the Governor Pownall's map of North America, Soto fell in

with this river in 1541, about the lat. of 34° 30' N. in the country of

the Chicasaws and to the west of the Yazous, near where we have already

supposed Chicoza to have been situated.--E.]

Having rested sixteen days in Chisca, on purpose to give time for the

sick and wounded to recover, during which time they gained the

friendship of the cacique, the Spaniards resumed their journey, and went

four days along the river in search of some place in which it could be

crossed, as the banks were everywhere high and almost perpendicular, and

closely wooded. Although above six thousand Indians, with great numbers

of canoes, were seen posted on the opposite side of the river, it was

deemed necessary to get across in search of provisions, for which

purpose two large piraguas were ordered to be built. In the mean time

four Indians came to the camp, and having made their adorations to the

sun and moon, they addressed Soto in the name of their cacique, bidding

him welcome to his territories, and offering his friendship. The general

returned a courteous answer, and was well supplied with provisions for

his forces during his stay, but could never prevail on the cacique to

visit him, who always excused himself under pretence of sickness; but it

was afterwards found that this peace was concluded by the Indians on

purpose to save their harvest, which was then ready to be carried home.

In fifteen days the two piraguas were finished for crossing the river,

although some damage was done by the Indians from the opposite side by

means of their canoes; but the Spaniards drove them always away, as they

kept a constant guard concealed behind trenches. These piraguas were so

large as to contain an hundred and fifty foot and thirty cavalry, all of

whom embarked in sight of the Indians, and plied up and down the river

with sails and oars; and the Indians were so astonished and intimidated

by the sight of such huge floating machines, that they abandoned the

opposite bank of the river and dispersed.

After passing the river, the Spaniards came to a town of about four

hundred houses, constructed upon some high bluffs or ridges near another

river[174], and surrounded by spacious fields of Indian corn, and

abundance of fruit-trees of several kinds. The Spaniards were

courteously received at this place by order of the cacique, named

_Casquin_[175], who resided at a different town higher up the river, and

sent to compliment the Spanish commander. After resting six days, they

proceeded up the banks of the river, through a plentiful and populous

country, till they came to the town where Casquin resided, who received

and entertained them with great attention and kindness.

[Footnote 174: This other river may have been the St Francis, which

flows into the west side of the Missisippi a little above where Soto is

supposed to have crossed.--E]

[Footnote 175: The memory of this name perhaps is still preserved in a

small river or creek, called Kaskin-opa, which runs into the east side

of the Missisippi about 20 miles below the mouth of the Ohio. The

situation indeed is materially different from that in which Soto is

supposed to have found the cacique named Casquin in the text; but the

roaming tribes of Indians frequently change their places of residence,

as influenced by success or misfortune in war and hunting.--E.]

Three days after their arrival, the cacique waited upon Soto, and, after

making his obeisance to the sun and moon, he said "he was persuaded the

Spaniards worshipped a better God than the Indians, since he had given

them victory with so small a number over such multitudes of Indians:

Wherefore he requested that Soto would pray to his God to send rain, of

which they were in great want." The general answered, that though he and

all his men were sinners, they would humbly pray to God to shew mercy.

Having accordingly ordered a cross to be erected on a hill, he and all

the forces, except a guard left to protect the quarters, went in solemn

procession to adore the cross, accompanied by the cacique and some

Indians, the Christian priests singing the litanies, and all the

soldiers joining in the responses. Being come to the cross, many prayers

were recited on their knees, after which they returned to their quarters

chanting appropriate psalms. Above twenty thousand natives stood gazing

at this religious procession, some on the same side of the river, and

others on the opposite bank, all of whom occasionally set up loud

shouts, as if begging of God to hear them. It pleased God to answer

their humble prayers, as towards midnight there fell sufficient rain to

satisfy the wants of the Indians, and the Christians returned solemn

thanks for the mercy which God had been pleased to grant at their

intercessions.

Nine days afterwards, the Spaniards again set out on their march,

accompanied by Casquin and a great number of Indians carrying water and

other necessaries. The cacique was also accompanied by five thousand of

his warriors, as he was at war with the cacique of the next adjoining

tribe, and took the opportunity of the Spaniards to assist in the war.

During this march they spent three days in getting across a great swamp,

when they came in sight of Capaha[176], being the frontier town of the

next tribe. This place was fortified on three sides by a wet ditch forty

fathoms wide and ten fathoms deep, into which water was conveyed from

the great river by a canal three leagues in length. The fourth side,

which had no ditch, was secured by high and thick palisades. As the

cacique of Capaha was unprovided for resistance, he went away on seeing

the approach of his enemies along the canal in a canoe, and sheltered

himself in a fortified island in the great river. Many of his subjects

accompanied him, and those who remained were butchered by the followers

of Casquin, who took the whole scalps[177] of all they killed to carry

home as trophies. They plundered the town, and took many prisoners,

among whom were two beautiful women, wives of the cacique. They likewise

demolished the burial-place belonging to Capaha, throwing about the

bones of his ancestors, and recovered the scalps of their own countrymen

which were hung up there as memorials of victory. All this evil was done

before the arrival of Soto and the Spaniards, who had not been informed

by Casquin of the enmity between him and Capaha. He would even have

destroyed the town, if he had not feared giving offence to Soto.

[Footnote 176: On the western bank of the Missisippi, and in the country

of the Akansas, there are two Indian towns named Kappas or Quapa, which

may possibly have some connection with the Capaha of the text.--E.]

[Footnote 177: On all occasions the text of Herrera, as translated by

Stephens, names these savage trophies of massacre sculls, which we have

ventured to call scalps, consistent with the now universal practice of

the North American savages. Possibly the entire scull might be the

original trophy, for which the scalp was afterwards substituted as more

portable.--E.]

On the coming up of the Spaniards, Soto sent a message to the fugitive

cacique by means of some prisoners, offering peace; but Capaha would not

hear of any friendly intercourse, and loudly declared his resolution to

take ample vengeance of his enemies. Learning that the Spanish commander

was making preparations for an attack on Capaha, Casquin requested him

to wait for sixty canoes which he had ordered up the river, by means of

which the army could be transported to attack the fortified island. In

the mean time the troops of Casquin marched through the country of their

enemies, which they laid waste on all sides, and in their course set

free some of their own countrymen who were there in captivity, and had

been lamed by cutting the sinews of one of their legs to prevent them

from running away. On going in the canoes to attack the island, a great

part of its coast was inaccessible, being overgrown with thick briars

and brambles, which formed an impenetrable barrier, and the only

accessible part was fortified by several rows of strong palisades. Soto

ordered two hundred of his Spanish soldiers to endeavour to land along

with the Indians belonging to Casquin. On this occasion one Spaniard was

drowned by too great eagerness to get first to land; but the rest

managed so well that they soon gamed the first palisade, on which the

women and children belonging to the defenders set up a terrible cry of

consternation. A desperate opposition was made at the second palisade,

in which consisted the last refuge of the defenders. The subjects of

Capaha reviled those of Casquin, calling them cowardly dogs, who had

never ventured before to attack that place, and threatened them with

ample vengeance when the valiant strangers had left the country. The

subjects of Casquin were so intimidated by these threats and the brave

opposition they experienced, that in spite of every thing their cacique

could say they took to flight, carrying off forty of the canoes, and

would have done the same with the other twenty, had not two Spaniards

that were left in charge of each defended them with their swords. Being

thus deserted by their allies, and having no horses to act against the

Indians, the Spaniards began to retire; and when the Indians proposed to

pursue them, Capaha restrained them, thinking this a favourable

opportunity to embrace the peace he had before rejected, and the

Spaniards accordingly retired unmolested.

Next day, without taking any notice whatever of Casquin, Capaha sent

four messengers to Soto, apologizing for having before refused peace,

which he now sued for, and requested leave to wait upon him. Soto was

well pleased with this, and returned a suitable answer. Accordingly,

Capaha came next day to the town, attended by an hundred Indians finely

adorned with plumes of feathers; and before waiting on the general went

to the sepulchre of his forefathers, where he gathered together the

bones with anxious care, kissed them with much reverence, and replaced

them in their chests or coffins. On coming into the presence of Soto, he

paid his compliments with a good grace, and though only about twenty-six

years of age gave an intelligent account or the affairs of his country.

Turning to his enemy Casquin, he addressed him as follows: "I suppose

you are now well pleased at having seen what you never expected, for

which you may thank the power of these valiant strangers: But when they

are gone, you and I shall understand each other. In the mean time I pray

the sun and moon to send us good seasons." Being informed of what Capaha

had said, the general without giving time to Casquiu to reply, assured

Capaha that he and his Spaniards had not come into the country to

inflame the enmity of the tribes, but to reconcile them. After more

friendly discourse of this nature, Capaha consented to be friends with

Casquin, and the two chiefs sat down to dinner with Soto. After the

repast, the two women who belonged to Capaha and had been taken

prisoners were brought in and restored to him, at which he seemed well

pleased, yet presented them to Soto, who declined accepting them; but

Capaha desired him to give them to any one he pleased, as they should

not stay with him, and they were accordingly admitted among the

followers of the Spanish army.

At this time the Spaniards suffered excessively for want of salt, when

they were informed by some Indians that there was plenty to be had, and

likewise of the metal they called gold only about four leagues from

thence. Soto accordingly sent Ferdinand de Silvera and Pedro Moreno

under the guidance of these Indians to the place, ordering them likewise

to examine diligently into all the circumstances of the country they

passed through. They returned after eleven days with six loads of rock

salt, as clear as crystal, and one load of fine copper; and reported

that the country they had passed through was rather barren and thinly

inhabited. On receiving this report, the general resolved to return in

the first place to Casquin, and thence to proceed towards the west,

having marched northward all the way from Mavila, in order to remove to

a distance from the sea. After resting five days at Casquin, they

marched other five days down the river, where at a town in the province

of _Quiguate_ the inhabitants fled without any hostilities, but they

returned in two days and the cacique made an apology for his absence. In

the interval, the inhabitants of that place wounded two of the

Spaniards, which the general thought proper to overlook under the

present circumstances. Departing from Quiguate after a sojourn of seven

days, they arrived in five days more at the province of _Colima_,

marching still down the river, and were received in a friendly manner.

At this place they found another river having blue sand, which was salt

to the taste. The Spaniards being much in want of salt, steeped some of

this sand in water, which they strained and boiled, and procured

excellent salt to their great joy; yet some ate of it so voraciously

that ten of them died.

Departing from this province of Colima, which the Spaniards named _De

Sal_, or the Salt Country, they marched four days through an uninhabited

wilderness, after which they came to a province called _Tula_[178]. On

approaching the first town, the whole population both male and female

came out to oppose them, and a battle ensued in which the Indians were

defeated, and the Spaniards rushed into the town along with the

fugitives; and as the inhabitants obstinately refused to submit or

surrender they were all massacred. After this, on Reynoso Cabeza de

Vaca[179] going into one of the houses, he was suddenly beset by five

women who had hidden themselves in a corner, who would have stifled him

if he had not been rescued by two soldiers who came in upon hearing his

cries for assistance, and who were forced to kill the women before they

could extricate him from their hands. From this place Soto sent out

parties of his cavalry to view the country. When any Indians were made

prisoners in these excursions, they used to throw themselves on the

ground, exclaiming "_either kill me or leave me_," refusing obstinately

to accompany the Spaniards, or to give any account of the country. At

this place the Spaniards found several well dressed cows hides, though

they could never learn from whence they came[180], and likewise other

good skins of various kinds. Four days after the arrival of the

Spaniards at this place, they were attacked one morning early by

surprise by a large party of Indians, in three several places at once,

all calling out _Tula! Tula!_ continually, which was considered as a

watch-word to know each other in the obscurity and confusion of the

attack. The Spaniards seized their arms in all haste, invoking the

blessed virgin and their patron apostle St Jago for aid, as they were in

the utmost peril. In this battle the Indians fought with great clubs, a

weapon which had not been seen before in Florida. The Indians continued

the assault with such obstinacy till after sunrise, and the Spaniards

had been so completely surprised, that they were forced to lay aside all

punctilios of military discipline, each using his utmost individual

efforts for safety, and the officers even submitting to fight

occasionally under the command of their inferiors. At length the Indians

were repulsed, and retired unpursued by the Spaniards, of whom four were

killed and a good many wounded.

[Footnote 178: It is proper to observe that this place is named Fula on

another occasion by Herrera.--E.]

[Footnote 179: This may have been a relative of Alvar Nunnez Cabeza de

Vaca, whose adventures in escaping from the disastrous expedition of

Panfilo de Narvaez to Florida have been related in the third section of

this chapter.--E.]

[Footnote 180: It is however well known that buffaloes are found in

various parts of North America.--E.]

While the Spaniards after the battle were surveying the dead, and

looking at the dreadful wounds made by their swords and spears, an

Indian started up from among the dead, on which Juan de Caranza ran to

attack him. But the Indian gave him such a stroke with a Spanish

battle-axe he had laid hold of, as to cleave his target and wound him in

the arm. On this Diego de Godoy came up to assail him, but was soon

disabled. Francisco de Salazar came on next, and made several thrusts at

the Indian who skulked behind a tree, but at length gave Salazar so

violent a blow on the neck that he dropped from his horse. The fourth

Spaniard who came against this single Indian was Gonzalo Silvestre, who

conducted himself with more caution. Having avoided a blow aimed at him

by the Indian, he gave him in return a back stroke with his sword on the

forehead, which glanced down his breast, and cut off his left hand at

the wrist. The Indian rushed on aiming a blow at the face of Silvestre,

who warded it off with his target, underneath which he with another back

stroke cut him almost in two at the waist. The general and many others

went up to see this Indian who had made himself so remarkable by his

valour, and to admire the wonderful cut he had received from Gonzalo

Silvestre; who was well known at the court of Madrid in 1570, by his

valour and dexterity.

After remaining twenty days in Tula, the Spaniards departed from thence,

accompanied only by one Indian woman and a boy belonging to that place,

the former having attached herself to Juan Serrano de Leon, and the

other to Christopher de Mosquera. In two days march, they came to the

territory of Vitangue, through which they marched for four days, and

then took up their quarters in a well built town, which they found

abandoned. The situation of this place was advantageous, as it was

inclosed with good palisades and there was plenty of provisions both for

the men and horses; and as the winter advanced with hasty strides, Soto

resolved to remain here till the ensuing spring, although the Indians

were continually troublesome, and rejected every proposal for peace.

SECTION VI.

_Conclusion of the Expedition to Florida by Ferdinand de Soto_[181].

[Footnote 181: Herrera, VI. 1--30.]

Soto and his men accordingly took up their quarters in the town of

Vitangue at the latter end of the year 1541[182]. As during their abode

at this place, the Spaniards often went out to kill deer, rabbits, and

roe-bucks, all of which were plentiful and good in the surrounding

country, they were frequently on these occasions way-laid by the

Indians, who discharged their arrows at them from ambushments and then

made their escape. A great deal of snow fell during the winter, but as

the Spaniards had abundance of fire-wood and provisions, among which was

excellent fruit, they lived in tolerable comfort and in plenty. The

cacique of the province, desirous of becoming acquainted with the

strength and numbers of the Spaniards, that he might know how best to

attack them, sent several messages to the general under pretence of

offering to visit him. At first the Spaniards admitted these people into

their quarters even under night; but at length Soto began to suspect

some sinister purpose, by the frequency of these messages, and gave

orders that no more of them should be admitted at night, reproving those

who did not chastise and turn back these unseasonable visitors. In

consequence of these orders, one of the centinels killed an Indian who

impudently endeavoured to force his way into the town next night, for

which he was much commended by the general.

[Footnote 182: At this place the text returns to the true date of 1541,

quite conformable with the whole tenor of the narrative, and fully

confirming our observations respecting erroneous dates in the text on

former occasions.--E.]

Towards the end of winter, several parties were sent out in different

directions to endeavour to procure Indians for carrying the baggage, who

brought in very few. Upon this Soto set out himself on a similar

expedition, with 100 horse and 150 foot. After a march of twenty leagues

into the province of _Naguaten_, which was very populous, he attacked a

town by surprise one morning at day-break, and returned with many

prisoners. In April 1542, the Spaniards broke up from their winter

quarters at Vitangue, and in seven days through a fruitful country

arrived without opposition at the chief town of Naguaten, where they

found abundance of provisions, and remained seventeen days. On the sixth

day after their arrival, a message was brought from the cacique, to

excuse himself for not having visited the general and offering his

services. Soto received this messenger with much civility, and sent back

a courteous answer. Next day four chiefs came attended by 500 servants

with a large quantity of provisions, saying they had been sent by their

lord to attend upon the general, but the cacique never made his

appearance.

On departing from Naguaten, and after the Spaniards had marched two

leagues, they missed a gentleman of Seville, named Diego de Guzman, who

had always hitherto behaved himself well, but was much addicted to

gaming. On inquiry it was found that Guzman had lost every thing he had

at play the day before, among which was a good black horse and a

beautiful young Indian woman to whom he was much attached. He had

punctually delivered up every thing he had lost, except the woman, whom

he promised to yield up in five days. It was concluded therefore that

the reason of his disappearance was from shame of having abandoned

himself to gaming, and owing to his love for the woman. On this

occasion, the general required of the four chiefs belonging to Naguaten

to restore Guzman, or that he would detain them as prisoners. They

accordingly sent to inquire after him, and it was found that he had gone

along with the woman to the cacique, whose daughter she was, that the

Indians used him well, and that he refused to return. Upon this, one of

the four chiefs asked permission of the general to go and inquire the

reason of Guzman refusing to come back, and requested a letter to the

deserter to that effect, saying that it was not reasonable he and his

comrades should be reduced to slavery for the fault of another person

who renounced his country and deserted from his commander. Soto

accordingly ordered Baltasar de Gallegos, who was the friend and

townsman of Guzman, to write him a letter reproving his behaviour and

advising him to return; promising in the name of the general that his

horse and arms should be returned, or others given in their room. The

Indian who carried this letter was ordered to threaten the cacique with

having his country laid waste if he did not restore Guzman. The

messenger returned in three days, bringing back the letter, having

Guzmans name wrote upon it with a piece of burnt stick, and an answer

peremptorily refusing to return. Along with this letter, the cacique

sent a message, declaring that he had done nothing to oblige Guzman to

stay, and did not think himself obliged to force him back, but would on

the contrary be well pleased if many others of the Spaniards would stay

with him, all of whom should be well used: And if the general thought

proper on this account to kill the four chiefs who were in his power and

to ruin the country, he certainly might do so, but it would in his

opinion be extremely unjust. Perceiving that it was impossible to induce

Guzman to return, and that the cacique was in the right, Soto dismissed

the four chiefs with some presents, and continued his progress.

After five days march through the province of Naguaten, the Spaniards

entered upon a new territory called _Guacane_, inhabited by a fierce and

warlike tribe, who obstinately refused to be at peace with them. In all

the houses of this tribe, _wooden-crosses_ were found; supposed to have

been occasioned by what Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had taught in

their progress through some other provinces of Florida, from whence

these crosses had been conveyed to this province and several

others[183]. Soto, having now lost half of his men and horses, was very

desirous to establish some colony, that the fatigues and dangers which

had been endured by him and his men might turn out to some useful

purpose. With this view he was now anxious to return to the great river,

repenting that he had not built a town at _Achusi_, as he once designed.

He had now a strong inclination to found a colony in some convenient

situation near the great river; where he could build two brigantines to

send down to the sea, to give notice of the large and fertile provinces

he had discovered, considering that if he should happen to die, all the

fruits of his labours would be lost. Having marched eight days through

the hostile province of _Guacane_, he proceeded by long marches in

search of the great river through seven extensive provinces, some of

which were fertile. In some of these the Spaniards were received in a

friendly manner, as they used every possible means to avoid war, because

their numbers were so much diminished, and they feared the summer might

pass away before they could reach the great river. Having entered the

province of _Anilco_, they marched thirty leagues through it to a town

of four hundred houses, having a large square in which the residence of

the cacique stood on an artificial mount on the bank of the river, which

was as large as the Guadalquiver at Seville. On their approach to this

place, the cacique drew out 1500 warriors to combat the Spaniards; yet

as soon as they drew near, all the Indians fled without shooting a

single arrow, and crossed the river in canoes and on floats, carrying

off their women and children, only a small number being taken by the

Spaniards. Soto sent several messages to the cacique requesting peace,

but he constantly refused to be seen or to send any answer.

[Footnote 183: In Governor Pownalls map of North America, Soto is said

to have reached a place called Caligoa in Louisiana on a branch of a Red

river, in lat. 36° N. and about 230 miles west from the Missisippi.--E.]

Leaving Anilco, and crossing the river on which it stood without

opposition, the Spaniards marched through an extensive unpeopled

wilderness overgrown with wood, and came into the province of

Guachacoya. The first town they came to was the capital of the province,

and was situated on several hillocks at the side of the great river, on

one of which hillocks stood the residence of the cacique. Being taken by

surprise, as he had received no intelligence of the approach of the

Spaniards in consequence of being at war with Anilco, the cacique of

Guachacoya saw no likelihood of being able to defend his town, and made

therefore a precipitate retreat across the river with his people in

canoes and floats, carrying off as many of their effects as they could.

The wars which were carried on among the tribes inhabiting the various

districts or provinces of Florida, were not intended to deprive each

other of their dominions, neither did they ordinarily engage in pitched

battles with their whole forces; but consisted chiefly in skirmishes and

mutual surprises, carried on by small parties at the fishing-places, in

the hunting grounds, among the corn-fields, and on the paths through the

wilderness. Sometimes they burnt the towns of their enemies, but always

retired into their own country after any exploit; so that their warlike

enterprises seemed rather for exercise in the use of arms, and to shew

their valour, than for any solid or public purpose. In some places they

ransomed or exchanged prisoners. In others they made them lame of a leg

in order to retain them in their service, more from pride and vain glory

than for any substantial use or benefit[184].

[Footnote 184: It is perhaps singular that no mention is made of the

cruel manner in which the North American Indians were in use to put

their prisoners to death. Probably that practice was then confined to

the tribes farther to the north and west.--E.]

Three days after the arrival of the Spaniards at Guachacoya, the cacique

became acquainted with the unfriendly reception they had received at

Anilco. Though a barbarian, he could perceive the advantage which might

be derived from that circumstance to obtain revenge upon his enemies, by

an alliance with the warlike strangers. He sent therefore four of his

inferior chiefs to wait upon the Spanish general attended by a

considerable number of Indians loaded with fish and fruit, and desiring

permission to wait upon him at the end of four days. Soto accordingly

received the messengers with great courtesy, and sent back a friendly

answer; yet the wary cacique sent fresh messengers every day to see in

what disposition the Spanish general was. At length, being satisfied

that Soto was disposed to receive him well, he made his appearance

attended by ten chiefs splendidly dressed after their manner, in fine

plumes of feathers, and rich furs, but all armed. Soto received them in

a friendly manner, and had a long discourse, with the cacique in one of

the spacious rooms belonging to his residence, by the intervention of

interpreters. At one time the cacique happened to sneeze, on which all

the Indians who were present bowed their heads and extended their arms,

in token of salute; some saying, _the sun preserve you_, others _the sun

be with you_, and others _may the sun make you great_, with other

complimentary expressions of similar import. Among other discourse at

this interview, the cacique proposed to Soto to return into the province

of Anilco to take revenge on the cacique for his enmity, and offered to

supply 80 canoes to carry the Spaniards down the great river and up that

of Anilco, the distance being only twenty leagues, when the rest of the

army marching by land might form a junction in the centre of the enemies

country. As Soto was inclined to take a full view of the country,

meaning to form a settlement between these two provinces, where he might

build his brigantines, he agreed to this proposal, and accordingly

orders were given out to prepare for the march. Juan de Guzman was

ordered to embark with his company on board the canoes, which were

likewise to carry 4000 Indians, and who were expected to join the forces

which marched by land at the end of three days. Soto and the rest of the

Spanish forces marched by land, being accompanied by Guachacoya with

2000 warriors, besides a large number carrying the provisions.

They all met at the time appointed, and as the Anilcans were unable to

oppose the groat force which came against them, the Guachacoyans entered

the town killing all they met, without regard to age or sex; committed

all imaginable barbarities, broke open the sepulchres scattering and

trampling on the bones, and took away the scalps of their countrymen and

other trophies which the Anilcans had hung up in commemoration of their

victories. On seeing the barbarity of his allies, Soto sounded a

retreat and ordered the Spaniards to turn the Indians out of the town,

wishing anxiously to put a stop to any farther mischief, and to prevent

it from being set on fire. But all his efforts were ineffectual, as the

Guachacoyans thrust burning brands into the thatch of the houses, which

soon took fire, and the town was utterly destroyed. The Spaniards and

their allies now returned to Guachacoya, where Soto gave orders for

cutting down and hewing timber with which to build the brigantines, and

to prepare iron work for their construction; designing when the vessels

were finished to cross the river into a province named _Quiqualtangui_,

which was very fertile and populous, the cacique of which had a town of

five hundred houses, but who could never be induced to listen to

proposals of peace from the Spaniards: On the contrary, he had sworn by

the sun and moon, that he would give battle to these vagabond robbers,

and would hang up their quarters on trees. The general endeavoured to

appease him with presents and fair words, being always generous towards

the leaders of the barbarians, endeavouring to bear with and soften

their savage manners, and to conciliate their friendship. By this wise

conduct he had hitherto been able to subsist his troops for so long a

time among so many fierce and savage nations.

While engaged in these things, Soto was seized with a violent fever,

which increased upon him so that he soon perceived it would prove

mortal. He made therefore his will, and endeavoured to prepare for death

like a good Christian. That nothing might be left unprovided for, he

appointed in presence of all his officers and principal followers Luis

Moscoso de Alvarado to succeed him in the command till the king might

order otherwise; and after commending the virtue and bravery of

Alvarado, he entreated and commanded all to yield him implicit

obedience, even taking their oaths to that purpose, and represented to

them how necessary it was for them all to be united and obedient, for

their own preservation among these barbarous nations. He then took an

affectionate leave of all his officers and soldiers, and departed this

life on the seventh day of his illness, after performing all the duties

of a zealous Christian. Ferdinand de Soto was of a comely appearance and

pleasant countenance, and of affable and generous dispositions. He was

an excellent soldier, and managed his weapons with much dexterity both

on foot and on horseback; skilful and experienced in all military

affairs; always brave and cool in action, and the foremost in every

enterprise of danger: severe in punishing when necessary, yet easy to

forgive, and always inclined to please his soldiers when that might be

done without lessening his authority. At his death he was only forty-two

years of age, and had expended his whole fortune, exceeding 100,000

ducats on this romantic and fruitless expedition. His death was

universally lamented among his followers, as he had acquired their

universal love and esteem by his excellent qualities and conduct. It was

thought necessary to bury him under night, that his death might not be

known to the Indians, nor the place of his interment, lest they should

insult his remains; but in spite of all their precautions the secret was

revealed; for which reason they hollowed out a log of oak into which

they put his body, and sunk it in the middle of the great river, at a

place where it was a quarter of a league across and nineteen feet deep.

When the funeral of the general was over, Luis de Alvarado assembled his

officers to hold a council upon the present state of their affairs.

After thanking them for admitting him as their commander, and making a

statement of their numbers, arms, and ammunition, he desired they would

determine upon what was best to be done, considering the fierceness and

inveterate enmity of the barbarous nations by whom they were surrounded:

Whether to prosecute what had been previously resolved upon by their

late lamented general, or to devise some other measure for extricating

themselves from the country, declaring that he was ready to proceed

according to their opinion and advice. In their answer, the officers

thanked him for the compliment he paid them, but referred the

determination respecting their future proceedings to himself, and again

submitted to obey him as their commander. The death of Soto had made a

great change in the minds of the Spanish forces, who now determined to

abandon the country they had taken so much pains to discover.

Accordingly, they set out on the 5th of July 1542, and marched above 100

leagues to the westwards, through a barren and desert country[185]. On

leaving Guachacoya they were joined by an Indian youth of about sixteen

years of age, whom they did not observe till the fourth day of their

march. Suspecting him of being a spy, Alvarado asked him who he was and

what was his object in following them. He said that he had fled from

Guachacoya, because the chief whom he served was at the point of death,

and he had been appointed to be buried alive along with his master, as

it was the custom of the country to inter women and servants along with

great personages, to minister to them in the next world.

[Footnote 185: Though not directly so expressed in the text; it may be

inferred from circumstances in the after part of the narratives that the

present object of Alvarado and the Spaniards, was to endeavour to find

their way by land to the northern part of New Spain.--E.]

At the end of the 100 leagues of wilderness, the Spaniards came to a

province called _Auche_, where they were well received, and where they

rested for two days. Still determined upon proceeding to the westwards,

they were informed that they had a desert wilderness of four days

journey to cross, and received a supply of provisions sufficient for the

journey, with a guide to conduct them through the wilderness. But after

having marched for eight days in that direction, still in the

unhospitable and unpeopled wilds, and having been three days without

Indian corn, they discovered that they had been imposed upon and were

likely to perish of famine. Alvarado now ordered a dog to be let loose

upon the faithless guide; who acknowledged that he had received orders

from the cacique of Auche to lead them into the heart of the desert that

they might there perish, because he did not think himself able to

contend with them in arms. He craved pardon therefore of the general for

having obeyed the orders of his chief, and engaged to lead the army in

three days more, still proceeding to the westwards, to an inhabited

country where they would find provisions. But the Spaniards were so

incensed against him for leading them into the present alarming

situation, that they would not listen to his apology or promises, and

permitted the dogs to devour him. Thus left in the utmost want of

provisions, and utterly ignorant of the country, the Spaniards held on

their way towards the west for other three days, during which they had

to subsist upon any wild plants they could find; and at length came to

an inhabited though barren country. They here procured the means of

subsistence, particularly beef, and saw many fresh cows hides, though

the Indians never shewed them any cows[186]. While the Spaniards were

proceeding on their march through this province, which they denominated

_De los Vaqueros_[187], or the tribe of cow-herds, they observed an

Indian approach from the skirts of a wood, and believing he might have

brought some message from the cacique, they permitted him to draw near.

But as soon as he was within reach, he levelled an arrow at five or six

soldiers who stood together, who fortunately escaped the danger by

stepping to a side; but the arrow flew among some Indian women who were

dressing provisions for their masters, pierced one of them quite

through, and wounded another in the breast, so that both died. On the

alarm being given, Baltasar Gallegos, who happened to be at hand,

overtook the Indian before he could get back to the wood, and slew him.

[Footnote 186: Unquestionably because they had none to produce. The beef

and the hides were assuredly acquired by hunting the wild American

buffaloe or bison.--E.]

[Footnote 187: In this rare instance our maps throw some light on the

text. Nearly in the latitude of the mouth of the Ohio, but 700 or 800

miles west from the Missisippi, there is a nation named the Apaches

Vaqueros, probably the same indicated in the text. The route thither

from the Missisippi leads through several tribes of savage Indians,

named Ozages, Paducas, and Kanzez.--E.]

Having travelled above thirty leagues westwards through this province of

the cow-herds, they discovered a ridge of vast mountains still farther

to the west, which from their own scouts and the information of the

Indians, they learnt were barren, desert, and unpeopled. They were also

informed, that if they bent their course to the right hand, they would

come into a desert country; but that to the left, though a longer way,

they would travel through inhabited and plentiful countries[188].

Considering what they had endured in their late march through the desert

intervening between Auche and the country of _Los Vaqueros_, they had

determined upon giving up their first plan of proceeding by land to

Mexico, thinking it better to return to the great river, and so proceed

to the sea pursuant to the plan originally proposed by their late

general. They accordingly took long marches to the _southwards_, taking

care not to offend the barbarians, yet they were teased by frequent

attacks while leaving the country of the cow-herds. On one of these

occasions a soldier was wounded by an arrow, which penetrated through

his greaves and thigh, and passing through the saddle lap, ran two

fingers breadth into the horses side, the arrow being made of reed with

no other head than the reed itself hardened in the fire and sloped to a

point. The wounded soldier was lifted from his horse, the arrow being

previously cut off between his thigh and the saddle, and he was left to

cure himself, as he had formerly performed many wonderful cures on his

comrades with only oil and wool, assisted by prayers. But since the

battle of Mavila, in which all the oil was lost, he had never attempted

to cure either others or himself, though twice wounded before, believing

that the cure could not be performed without oil and dirty wool. In this

distress, he swore that he would not submit to the surgeons, and would

rather die than allow them to dress his wound. Having no oil, he

substituted hogs lard, and procured some wool from an Indian mantle, as

the Spaniards had now no shirts or any other linen among them, and to

the astonishment of every one he was so sound in four days that he was

able to mount his horse on the fifth day. He now begged pardon of the

soldiers for having allowed so many of his comrades to perish, by

refusing to cure them, as he had believed the efficacy of his mode of

cure depended on the oil, but as he now found that it consisted in the

holy words he had pronounced over the dressings, he desired they might

again recur to him when wounded, and he would exert himself as formerly.

This soldier, named Sanjurgo Gallego, was very chaste, a good Christian,

ever ready to serve all men, and had many other virtues[189].

[Footnote 188: There is some ambiguity in the text, from which it is

difficult to ascertain whether the left and right hand of their general

line of march is now to be respectively considered as south and north,

or the contrary. But as coupled with their intended return towards the

great river, now to the east, the _left_ means probably the _north_, and

the _right_ the _south_.--E.]

[Footnote 189: Though not mentioned in the text, it is not improbable

that Gallego had formerly placed considerable dependence on the use of

_holy_ oil, or chrysm. The whole secret of his surgery seems to have

consisted in the application of bland oils, and leaving nature to

operate, without the employment of the ancient barbarous methods of

cure, by tents, escharotics, cautery, and heating inflammatory

applications; which in modern times, abandoned by surgeons, have been

adopted by farriers.--E.]

After leaving the territories of the cow-herds, the Spaniards marched

for twenty days through the lands of other tribes. Being of opinion that

they had declined too much from, the direction of Guachacoya, to which

place they now proposed returning, the Spaniards now directed their

course eastwards, still inclining somewhat towards the _north_, so that

in this way they crossed the direction they had formerly gone in their

march from Auche to the country of the cow-herds, yet without perceiving

it. When at length they reached the great river, it was the middle of

September, having travelled three months from leaving Guachacoya; and

though they had fought no pitched battle during all that time, they

were never free from alarm night or day, so that they had lost forty

soldiers during this last useless and circuitous march. The Indians on

every opportunity shot all who happened to stray from the main body, and

would often crawl on all fours at night into their quarters, shoot their

arrows, and make their escape, unseen by the centinels. To add to their

distresses, the winter now began to set in, with much rain, snow and

excessive cold weather. On coming to where they proposed quartering for

the night, though wet, cold, weary and hungry, they were obliged to send

parties in advance to secure them, generally, by force, and after all

were mostly under the necessity of procuring provisions by means of

their swords. Besides all this, they were often forced to construct

rafts or floats on which to pass rivers, which sometimes occupied them

five or six days. The horsemen were frequently obliged to pass the night

on horseback, and the infantry to stand up to their knees in mire and

water, with hardly any clothes to cover them, and such as they had

always wet. Owing to these accumulated hardships, many of the Spaniards

and their Indian attendants fell sick, and the distemper proceeded to

the horses, so that sometimes four or five men and horses died in a day,

and sometimes seven, whom they scarcely had leisure to bury for haste in

pursuing their march.

In this miserable condition they came to the great river about the

latter end of November[190]. In their march on the west side of the

great river, from leaving the territory of Guachacoya to their arrival

at their new winter quarters, they had marched by estimation 350

leagues, and lost 100 men and 80 horses by the way, without counting

their Indian servants, who were of vast use. This was the only fruit of

their long and painful march westwards in quest of New Spain, and of

refusing to follow the plan which had been devised by their late general

for descending the great river to the sea. At this period they were much

gratified by finding two contiguous towns on the great river of 200

houses each, which were enclosed by a wet ditch drawn from the river.

They were now reduced to 320 foot and 70 horse, or 390 in all, who now

remained of 900 men and 330 horses which had landed in the bay of

Espiritu Santo at the end of May 1539, four years and a half before. Yet

inured to hardships and accustomed to conquer, they immediately attacked

and gained possession of these towns, from which the inhabitants fled,

having heard of the irresistible valour of the Spaniards from other

tribes. They had the good fortune to find plenty of provisions in these

towns, and to remain undisturbed by the Indians, so that they soon

recovered from their fatigues; yet several died in consequence of their

past sufferings, and among the rest Juan Ortiz, their chief interpreter

and an excellent soldier.

[Footnote 190: They were already said to have reached it in the middle

of September. The discrepancy may either be an oversight of Herrera; or

they took from the middle of September to the end of November, in

descending the right bank of the great river to where they passed the

winter, having come to it much higher up than they intended.--E.]

Having determined to take up their quarters at this place, they

fortified one of the towns to serve as quarters for the winter. This

province, called _Aminoya_, lay seventeen leagues farther up the river

than Guachacoya, to which they had endeavoured to direct their course on

returning from the province of _Los Vaqueros_. Being somewhat recovered

towards the end of January 1543, they set to work to cut down and

prepare timber for building their brigantines. At this place, an old

Indian, who had been unable to make his escape along with the rest,

objected to their staying in their present quarters for the winter,

saying that the river was in use to overflow every fourteen years, and

that this was the expected season of its doing so. They refused however

to profit by this information, of which they had sufficient reason to

repent in the sequel. The return of the Spaniards to the great river was

soon known in all the neighbouring districts. Upon which the cacique of

Anilco, to prevent them from favouring the Guachacoyans as formerly,

sent an embassy to Alvarado, offering his friendship and making mighty

promises. The ambassador sent upon this occasion by Anilco was his _Apu_

or lieutenant-general, who brought great abundance of fruit and other

things to the Spaniards, and 200 Indian, servants to attend upon them

and supply their wants. Having delivered his message, the Apu sent back

the answer to the cacique, and remained with the Spaniards. The cacique

of Guachacoya came likewise to wait upon the Spanish general, with a

great present, to confirm the former friendship, and though he saw the

lieutenant of his enemy among the Spaniards, he took no notice of the

circumstance. On consultation about the brigantines, it was found that

it would require seven of them to accommodate all the people; and the

timber being all hewed and ready, the work was begun in earnest, and

occupied their utmost diligence all the months of February, March and

April 1543, during all which time they were amply supplied with all

necessaries by Anilco, who even furnished them with blankets and mantles

to defend themselves from the cold. These articles of clothing were

manufactured by the Indians from an herb resembling mallows, which has

fibres like those of flax; and the dresses which are made of this

substance are afterwards dyed according to their fancies. On the present

occasion, the Spaniards reserved the new blankets and mantles furnished

by Anilco for sails to their brigantines, and broke up those which were

old and useless to serve as oakum for caulking their vessels. Of the

same materials the Spaniards made all kinds of cordage for their

brigantines, from the smallest ropes up to cables; and in every thing

the cacique Anilco, to whom they had formerly done so much injury,

assisted the Spaniards to the utmost of his power, while Guachacoya was

exceedingly dissatisfied at seeing the intimacy between them.

On the other side of the river there lay a large and fertile province

called _Quiqualtanqui_, the cacique of which was a haughty warlike

youth, who believed that although the Spaniards were now building

vessels to convey them out of the country, they might yet return in

greater numbers to enslave the natives. For this reason he determined to

destroy them, and assembled forces from all parts of the country, both

those of his, own tribe and from all the tribes around. Having concluded

an extensive confederacy and begun his preparations for war, he sent a

friendly message to Alvarado to lull him into security, advising all his

confederates to do the same. The general gave them all favourable

answers, yet kept himself carefully on his guard. _Quiqualtanqui_

invited Anilco to join in the confederacy, instead of which he gave

notice of it to the Spaniards. It was not known how Guachacoya stood

affected on this occasion, but he was suspected of having hostile

intentions, as he made no communication of the conspiracy. The

confederates continued to send frequent messages and presents to the

Spaniards to discover what they were doing; and though repeatedly warned

not to come to their quarters under night they took no notice of it. One

night that Gonzalo Silvestre happened to stand centinel in the second

watch, the moon shining very bright, he observed two armed Indians in

their plumes of feathers, passing over the ditch on a tree that lay

across instead of a bridge. These men came to a postern which they

entered without asking leave, on which Silvestre gave one of them a cut

on the forehead, on which he immediately fled. The other Indian, without

waiting for his wounded companion, got into the canoe on the river and

gave the alarm to his party. The wounded man, missing the tree across

the ditch, swam over and cried out for assistance when he came to the

river, on which some of his friends came and carried him off. At

sunrise, Quiqualtanqui sent four messengers demanding that Alvarado

should punish the centinel for having been guilty of a breach of the

peace, more especially, as the wounded man was a chief. Four other

messengers arrived at mid-day on a similar errand, saying that the

wounded chief was at the point of death; and four more came in the

afternoon affirming that he was dead, and insisted that the centinel

should be publicly punished, since the action he had committed was an

affront to all the Indians of the confederacy. Alvarado boldly answered,

that they had been previously and repeatedly warned never to come to the

Spanish quarters under night, being always welcome and honourably

treated through the day. He added that though sincerely sorry for what

had happened, he could not possibly punish the centinel who had only

done his duty according to military discipline, neither would his

soldiers allow of any such thing being done. The confederates thought

fit to connive at this transaction, satisfied that Alvarado was a man of

invincible courage and wise conduct; yet resolved upon executing their

design against the Spaniards as soon as possible.

Being eager to get away from the country, the Spaniards laboured

indefatigably in fitting out the vessels, even the best gentlemen among

them using the utmost diligence; while those who were not handy in the

several occupations about the brigantines employed themselves in hunting

and fishing to procure provisions for the rest. Among other fish taken

on the present occasion, one was taken by means of a hook of such

enormous dimensions, that the head alone weighed forty pounds. The

confederate Indians under Quiqualtanqui continued their warlike

preparations, being much encouraged by knowing that Ferdinand de Soto

was dead, that the number of the Spaniards was very much diminished, and

that very few horses were left. So confident were they of success, that

two of their spies desired some of the Indian women who served the

Spaniards to be patient, for they would soon be freed from their

bondage to these vagabond robbers, as they were all to be slain. But the

women disclosed this to their masters. When the night happened to be

very still, the noise of many people could be heard from the opposite

side of the river; and the Spaniards could distinctly see numerous fires

at regular distances, as of the quarters of a large army. But it pleased

God to confound the evil designs of these Indians, by an inundation of

the river, which began on the 10th of March 1543, and increased with

prodigious rapidity, so that on the 18th which was Palm Sunday, when the

Spaniards were in procession, for they observed all the religious

solemnities, the water broke in at the gates of the town, and there was

no going along the streets for long after but in canoes. This inundation

was forty days of rising to its greatest height, which was on the 20th

of April, at which time it extended above twenty leagues on each side of

the river, so that nothing could be seen in all the country around but

the tops of the trees, and the people had to go every where in canoes.

During the time of this terrible inundation, Alvarado sent twenty

Spaniards to Anilco to request a supply of rosin, blankets, and cordage

for completing the equipment of the vessels, and these men were sent in

four canoes lashed two and two together, to prevent them from being

overset by the trees which were under water. On coming to the town of

Anilco, they found it destroyed, though twenty leagues from the Spanish

quarters, and the inundation had extended five leagues farther. Gonzado

Silvestre who commanded these Spaniards was greatly in favour of the

cacique Anilco, because he had restored to him a youth who had

accompanied the Spaniards on their march to the westwards, who perfectly

understood the Spanish language, and was so much attached to the

Spaniards as to be very averse from returning to his father. On this

occasion Anilco supplied Silvestre with every thing of which he was in

want.

It pleased God that the water began to subside towards the latter end of

April; yet so slowly that on the 10th of May there was no going about

the streets of the town on account of the deep mire with which they were

filled. This was the more distressing to the Spaniards as they were

barefooted, all their shoes having been burnt at Mavila, and the shoes

they had since been able to make, being of untanned leather, were like

so much tripe as soon as wet. At the latter end of May, the great river

returned to its usual channel, and the confederated Indians again drew

their forces together to execute their original design against the

Spaniards, of which they received intelligence from Anilco; who likewise

informed Alvarado of the signals which had been concerted by the

confederates for the better prosecution of their enterprise, and even

offered to assist the Spaniards with 8000 well armed warriors, and that

if they chose to retire into his country the confederates would not dare

to attack them. Alvarado returned thanks for these friendly offers, but

declined accepting them; because as he intended to go down the river and

to quit the country, he did not deem it proper either to take refuge in

the territory of Anilco or to accept the assistance of his warriors, as

either of those might draw upon him the confederated hostility of his

neighbours: But he promised, if it should please God ever to put it in

his power, Anilco should not have cause to repent the service he had

been of to the king of Spain, or the kindness he had shewn to the

Spaniards. In conclusion, he recommended to Anilco to discontinue any

farther intercourse with him, lest he might give umbrage to the

confederated caciques. Many of the Spaniards were so puffed up by the

friendly offers of Anilco, that they endeavoured to persuade Alvarado to

accept the proferred aid, and prosecute an offensive war, thinking it

easy to subdue these people. But Alvarado was quite sensible of his

present weakness, and determined to leave the country as soon as

possible; besides which he did not deem it prudent to confide too much

on the fidelity of Anilco.

Four days afterwards, exactly conformable to the information received

from Anilco, a numerous embassy arrived from the confederated caciques,

intended to spy out the posture of the Spaniards, to enable them to

concert measures for the intended attack. Having rigidly examined these

pretended messengers, it was debated among the leaders of the Spaniards

what ought to be done with these fraudulent envoys. Some were for giving

them fair words, as had been the practice hitherto; but it was finally

resolved to punish them in an exemplary manner, that the caciques might

know their treachery was discovered, which might perhaps prevent the

execution of their designs. Accordingly though the messengers on this

occasion were very numerous, thirty only were selected who had their

hands cut off, and were sent back in this guise to their employers, with

a message signifying that the Spaniards had all along been aware of

their villainy. This severe example proved successful, insomuch that the

confederacy was immediately dissolved, and the forces retired to their

respective countries. Yet as the Spaniards had only built seven great

boats, they thought they might possibly be more successful by water, and

they agreed to collect a great number of canoes to attack them while

going down the river.

As the Spaniards believed that their only safety depended upon going

down the river as soon as possible, they hastened the completion of

their vessels; and as they had not enough of iron for the construction

of whole decks, they satisfied themselves with quarter-decks and

fore-castles to secure the provisions, laying planks only a midships.

Every thing relative to the brigantines being completed, they gathered

all the Indian corn, pulse, and dried fruit they could procure; made

bacon of all the swine that were left alive, except eighteen they

carried with them alive, and two boars and two sows which they gave to

each of the two caciques who were their friends. With the lard of the

slaughtered swine, they tempered rosin instead of pitch and tar for

paying their vessels. They likewise provided a number of canoes; part of

which were lashed two and two together to carry thirty horses which

still remained alive, and answered well for the purpose; the rest were

distributed among the brigantines, each having one at her stern to serve

as a boat. On midsummer day 1543 the brigantines were launched into the

great river, and on St Peters day, the 29th of that month, every thing

being in readiness, the brigantines and canoes having defences made of

boards and skins to fend off the arrows, they took leave of the friendly

caciques, Anilco and Guachacoya, and set sail down the great river.

Two captains were appointed to each brigantine, that when one had

occasion to land the other might remain on board in charge of the

vessel. About 350 Spaniards embarked, all that remained of 900 who had

originally landed in Florida. Near thirty Indian men and women were on

board each vessel, all of their own free will, as they declared they

would rather die with their masters than remain behind. Accordingly on

St Peters day before mentioned, about sunset, after Alvarado had given

regular instructions to all his officers and encouraged his men, they

began their voyage, holding on their course down the river both with

sails and oars, all that night and the next day and night. But on the

following day they were opposed by a fleet of near 1000 canoes belonging

to the confederated caciques, some of which were so large as to have

twenty-five paddies on each side, and carrying many armed men besides

the rowers. These large canoes were called the _admirals_, as being

supposed to have the principal commanders on board. One was painted red,

another blue, and others of several colours; the men on board having

their bodies painted of the same colours as the canoes, as were their

bows. All this splendid shew, with the variegated plumes of feathers on

the heads of the warriors, made a grand display. While they rowed after

the Spaniards, they kept time to their songs, which were said by the

interpreters to signify, "That the vagabond strangers should all be

slain on the water, and become food for the fishes."

After taking a close view of the Spanish brigantines, the Indians

divided their fleet of canoes into three equal squadrons, plying up

close to the bank on the starboard side; and when up with the

brigantines, the van forming a long and narrow line a-head, crossed the

river obliquely passing close by the brigantines, into which they all

successively threw in a shower of arrows, by which several Spaniards

were wounded notwithstanding their targets and baricades. The other

squadrons did the same in regular order, and as the brigantines

continued on their course, the squadrons of canoes continued

successively to repeat similar charges, both day and night, expecting in

this manner to destroy all the Spaniards by degrees. The Spaniards held

on their way for ten successive days and nights, continually assailed in

this manner by the Indians, and doing some execution in their turn by

means of their crossbows, all their musquets having been turned into

iron work for the brigantines, having become useless as all their powder

was expended. At the end of these ten days, the Indian fleet drew back

from the Spaniards to the distance of about half a league. The

Spaniards, still advancing came in sight of a small town, and supposed

from the Indians leaving them that they were now near the sea, having

run by estimation 200 leagues, as they used both sails and oars, and

went straight down the river without stopping in any place. Being

desirous of procuring provisions, Alvarado ordered 100 men to land, with

eight horses; and as the Indians immediately abandoned their town, they

procured plenty of provisions of all sorts. In this town likewise they

found leather made of goats skins, some white, and some of various

colours, and other skins of different kinds well dressed, and many

mantles. They found here a long slip of the finest sables, eight ells in

length and an ell broad, adorned at regular distances with strings of

pearls and small tufts of seed pearl, regularly placed. Gonzalo

Silvestre who commanded on this enterprise, got this rarity to his

share, which was supposed to be some ensign of war, or some ornament for

their dances.

As many Indians appeared collecting in the fields, and the canoes were

returning to attack the brigantines, Alvarado ordered the trumpets to

sound a retreat to recall Silvestre and his men on board. On this

occasion the Spaniards were obliged to abandon their horses, which the

Indians immediately shot to death with their arrows. When the party was

all returned to the brigantines, the Spaniards resumed their voyage down

the river, followed by the canoes, which did not now retain their former

order, but followed in several separate squadrons. On the thirteenth day

of their voyage down the great river, one of the brigantines happening

to fall about an hundred paces behind the rest, the Indians immediately

attacked and even boarded it, and would in all probability have made

themselves master of it, had not the other brigantines come up to its

rescue. However the Indians carried off the canoe from the stern, in

which were five sows that had been reserved for a breed.

On the sixteenth day of the voyage, one Estevanez, a desperate yet

clownish fellow, who was vain of the reputation he had acquired by his

intrepidity, took away the canoe from the stern of the brigantine in

which he was embarked, and persuaded five other soldiers to accompany

him, saying that he was going to perform an exploit to gain fame, and to

obtain leave of the captain of the vessel, he pretended that he was

going to speak with the general. When he had got clear of the

brigantine, he immediately made towards the enemy, crying out _fall on

them! they run!_ When Alvarado saw this mad action he endeavoured to

recall Estevanez by sound of trumpet, and sent about forty men after him

in several canoes under the command of Juan de Guzman, to bring back

Estevanez whom Alvarado intended to hang for his breach of discipline.

At the same time the brigantines furled their sails and rowed up against

the stream to support the canoes. The Indian canoes, which covered the

water for an extent of a quarter of a league, retreated a little way on

purpose to separate the Spanish canoes from the brigantines; on which,

quite frantic at seeing them give way, Estevanez pushed on, followed by

the other canoes which were sent to bring him back. The Indian canoes

then drew up in form of a crescent, and when the Spanish canoes were

well advanced among them, those Indian canoes which formed the horn or

point on the right, attacked them so furiously athwart ships that they

sunk them all, by which means all the Spaniards were drowned, and if any

happened to appear above water, they were either shot with arrows, or

had their brains dashed out by the paddles. Thus forty-eight Spaniards

perished, only four escaping of all that were in the canoes. The Indians

held on their pursuit of the brigantines all that day making continual

rejoicings for their victory. On the _seventeenth_ day at sun-rise, when

the Indians had paid their adorations to the sun with hideous cries, and

a prodigious noise of drums, horns, and trumpets, they ceased the

pursuit of the Spaniards and retired, having continued the chase about

four hundred leagues.

The river was now estimated by the Spaniards to be _fifteen_ leagues

across, from which they concluded they were near the sea, yet did not

venture to quit the main stream for fear of hidden danger. Thus holding

on their course, on the nineteenth day of their voyage they came to the

sea, computing that they had run little short of 500 leagues[191], from

the place where they built their brigantines. Being ignorant whereabout

they were, they cast anchor at an island, where they rested three days

to recover from their long fatigues and continual watching, and to refit

their brigantines. They here computed how far they had been up the

country, and as already mentioned estimated the distance from where the

brigantines were built to the sea at near 500 leagues: And as the river

was there nineteen feet deep and a quarter of a league over, they

conjectured that the source of the river might be still 300 leagues

farther up the country, or 800 leagues in its whole course. When the

Spaniards had been three days in this island, they observed seven canoes

to issue from a place overgrown with tall reeds, and come towards them.

When within hearing, a gigantic man, as black as a negro, stood up in

the headmost canoe and addressed them in the following harangue:

"Wherefore do you vagabond robbers stroll about this coast, disturbing

its inhabitants? Get you gone speedily by one of the mouths of the great

river, and let me not find you here after this night, or I will kill you

all and burn your ships!" After this he withdrew among the reeds, and

Alvarado sent Gonzalo Silvestre with 100 men in the remaining canoes to

examine the inlet among the reeds. Of these men seventeen were armed

with cross-bows and three had long bows taken from the Indians, as the

want of musquets had induced the Spaniards to use the arms of their

enemies, at which they were become skilful. On getting into the creek or

inlet among the reeds, Silvestre found sixty small canoes drawn up in

readiness to receive him, which he immediately attacked, and overset

three of them at the first shock, wounding many of the Indians; and as

all the rest of the canoes immediately fled, Silvestre and his party

returned to the brigantines.

[Footnote 191: Five hundred Spanish leagues at 17-1/2 to a degree, or

about four English miles, would amount to about 2000 miles of voyage

down the Missisippi; but we have no sufficient warrant in the text to

ascertain the league used by Herrera, neither is it probable that the

Spaniards on this occasion could make any computation nearly accurate.

The only reasonable conjecture on this subject is from the number of

days employed in descending the river, which the text informs us was

_nineteen_, three of which we may suppose were occupied in different

stoppages. We know likewise from Imlays Description of Kentucky, p. 126,

that the ordinary rate of descending the Missisippi is about 80 miles a

day. On these data, the Spaniards made a voyage down that river of about

1280 English miles, from which we may conclude that they had wintered

somewhere about the situation of New Madrid, in lat. 36° 30' N. or

perhaps nearly opposite the junction of the Ohio with the great

river.--E.]

Leaving the island, and going out into the open sea, the Spaniards now

bore away to the westwards to endeavour to find their way to New Spain,

always keeping the coast of Florida[192] on their starboard-side or

right hand. They knew not whereabout they were, and had neither chart

nor compass to guide their course, neither had they any instrument to

find the latitude; but they satisfied themselves in the hope of reaching

New Spain by following the coast. During all the first day and night,

they continued to sail among the fresh water of the great river. After

this they held on their course for fifteen days without any thing

remarkable taking place; only that they were under the necessity of

landing every day to procure water, as they had no vessels in which to

carry any store on board. At the end of that period they got among a

parcel of small islands, which were frequented by such multitudes of sea

fowl that the entire surface was covered by their nests, so that there

was scarcely room to tread. These furnished an ample supply of

provisions, though their flesh had somewhat of a fishy taste. Next day

they landed on a pleasant shore covered with trees, to procure water;

and while looking about in search of shell fish, some pieces of bitumen

were found resembling pitch, and upon farther search they were fortunate

enough to find the source whence it flowed. On finding this convenience,

they thought proper to repair or careen their brigantines, which had

become leaky, which they did by means of this bitumen melted along with

a proper quantity of hogs lard. This work occupied them for eight days,

during which time they only saw eight Indians, to whom they gave some

trinkets they had yet remaining, without asking any questions respecting

the country where they now were, as all their hopes and wishes centered

in arriving in New Spain.

[Footnote 192: It has been already noticed that the term Florida is used

in the whole of this chapter in a very extended sense, being applied to

all of North America to the north of the Gulf of Mexico. Immediately on

leaving the great river or Missisippi, and sailing to the west, the

coast is new known under the name of Louisiana.--E.]

They proceeded on their voyage keeping as close as possible to the

shore, for fear of being driven out to sea by the north wind, and

likewise for the convenience of fishing, as they had nothing else now to

eat, for which reason they always made some stay wherever they found

good fishing-grounds. They continued always in this manner, coasting the

land which lay to starboard, the wisest among them being quite ignorant

whereabout they were, yet always satisfied that by holding this course

they must at length get to New Spain if not swallowed up by the waves.

At the end of fifty-three days after leaving the great river, the north

wind of which they had been so long in dread began to blow with great

fury[193]. On this occasion five of the vessels which kept close under

the land sought shelter in a creek; but the other two, being somewhat

farther out at sea, were in great danger of perishing. They were all

stark naked, having only clouts hung before them, and were almost

drowned with wet and benumbed with cold, as part of them had continually

to bale out the water from their vessels while the rest handed the

sails. At length the gale somewhat moderating, they were able to shape a

course to the westwards, and having been twenty-six hours in great

distress without food or sleep, they discovered land about sunset. One

young man who had been twice before upon the coast said that he now

knew the land, though he could not say in what country it was: But he

said that part which seemed black was a high bluff impracticable shore,

while that which had a white appearance was a clean soft sandy beach,

and advised them to endeavour to make for that part before night, as if

the wind should drive them on the black coast there would be no

probability of saving their lives. The officers of the brigantine in

which this young man was endeavoured by signs to make known what was

intended to the other vessel, and then made direct for the white coast

followed by the other, and before sunset ran both vessels aground on the

sandy beach, after which they lightened both vessels by carrying every

thing on shore, and propped them up to keep them from oversetting.

Having thus landed, two men undertook to go in quest of the other

brigantines.

[Footnote 193: By this time their course must have long been almost due

south along the coast of the new kingdom of Leon, and province of Nuevo

Santander.--E.]

Next day three parties were sent out in different directions to discover

the country. The two parties which went along the coast to the right and

left soon returned with some broken pieces of earthen ware, of the kinds

which are made at Talavera and Malaga in Spain, which gave them much

satisfaction to think that they must now be in the neighbourhood of

their countrymen. Gonzalo Silvestre, who went up the country with the

third party, at the end of a quarter of a league saw some Indians

fishing on a lake[194], and two others gathering fruit from the trees.

The Spaniards endeavoured to lay hold of these two Indians, but one of

them escaped by swimming over the lake. Silvestre found likewise in a

cottage two small baskets of fruit, a turkey, a cock and two Spanish

hens, and some conserve of _maguey_. Still holding fast the Indian,

Silvestre went back to his comrades at the sea-side, and to all the

inquiries they made of the Indian as to where they were, his only answer

was _Brezos! Brezos!_ which, as they afterwards learnt, was meant to

signify that he belonged to a Spaniard named Christoval de Brezos. On

rejoining his companions, Silvestre found them rejoicing at the sight of

the broken earthen dishes; but they were still more gratified at seeing

the Spanish poultry, and the Indian being now reassured on finding he

was in the hands of Spaniards, told them they were in the province of

Panuco, and that the other brigantines had gone up the river Tampico to

that city, which was ten leagues off. He said likewise that he belonged

to one Christoval de Brezos; and that a cacique resided only at the

distance of a league and a half who could read and write. Accordingly

they gave the Indian some toys and sent him to the cacique; and in four

hours afterwards the cacique came to them attended by eight Indians,

loaded with fowls, fish, fruit, and Indian corn, and brought them paper,

pens, and ink, that they might write an account of their arrival and

situation to the governor of Panuco.

[Footnote 194: Probably the lake of _Tamiagua_, a few miles south from

the river _Tampico_, into which, as will be found in the sequel, the

other five brigantines had got at the beginning of the storm. In this

case, the two brigantines had run upon a spit which separates that lake

or lagoon from the sea.--E.]

The two men who had gone in search of the five brigantines, found them

in the river Tampico, so that the whole company met at the end of eight

days, all barefooted and almost entirely naked, having only some scanty

coverings of the skins of deer, bears, and other animals. The governor

of Panuco treated them with much attention, and sent advice of their

situation to the viceroy of Mexico, who ordered them to be sent without

delay to that city, and sent them four horse-loads of shirts, shoes, and

other necessaries, besides medicines and sweetmeats. After recovering

from their fatigues, the men were ready to destroy their officers for

not having settled in Florida, where there was such plenty of pearls and

rich furs. On their march to Mexico, which was made in several

detachments to avoid mischief, the people everywhere ran to see them

pass as so many monsters. At Mexico they were clothed and kindly treated

by the rich inhabitants; and as discord soon broke out again among them,

for having abandoned so fine a country as Florida, the viceroy appeased

them by promising to undertake the enterprise speedily in person along

with them, when they should all have good pay, and that he would provide

for them in the mean time. When clothed, some of the adventurers

returned into Spain, others remained in Mexico, and others went into

Peru, while some entered into monasteries; and thus all these brave

soldiers were dispersed.

Those persons who had been sent by the late general, Ferdinand de Soto,

when he first advanced into the interior of Florida, to bring him

supplies from the Havannah, faithfully obeyed his orders, as they sailed

from thence four several years, and plied all along the coast to find

him, but could never hear any tidings of him or any of his men, till, in

the year 1543, arriving at Vera Cruz in October, they learnt that the

remains of the expedition had been conducted to Mexico.--_This relation

has been faithfully taken from that which was transmitted to the king,

immediately after the close of that unfortunate enterprise_.

END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.