Herr von Kuehlmann, about the so-called Bagdad Treaty. The real object of
this was to divide up Asia Minor into spheres of influence, although
this term was anxiously avoided in view of the rights of the Sultan. Sir
E. Grey also repeatedly stated that there were in existence no
agreements with France and Russia about the partition of Asia Minor.
In consultation with a Turkish representative, Hakki Pasha, all economic
questions concerning German undertakings were settled in the main
according to the wishes of the Deutsche Bank. The most important
concession Sir E. Grey made to me personally was the continuation of the
railway as far as Basra. We had dropped this point in favour of the
connection to Alexandretta; up to that time Bagdad had been the terminal
point of the railway. An international commission was to regulate
navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab. We were also to have a share in the
harbour works at Basra, and received rights for the navigation of the
Tigris, which hitherto had been a monopoly of the firm of Lynch.
By this treaty the whole of Mesopotamia as far as Basra was included
within our sphere of influence (without prejudice to already existing
British navigation rights on the Tigris and the rights of the Wilcox
irrigation works), as well as the whole district of the Bagdad and
Anatolian railway.
The coast of the Persian Gulf and the Smyrna-Aidin railway were
recognised as the British economic sphere, Syria as the French, and
Armenia as the Russian. If both treaties were executed and published, an
agreement with England would be reached which would preclude all doubts
about the possibility of an "Anglo-German co-operation."
THE QUESTION OF THE NAVY
The Naval question was and is the most delicate of all. It is not always
regarded rightly.
The creation of a powerful fleet on the other side of the North Sea--the
development of the greatest military power of the Continent into the
greatest naval power as well--was bound to be felt in England as at
least "inconvenient." There can be no doubt about this in any reasonable
view. In order to maintain her advantage and not to become dependent, in
order to secure the rule over the seas which is necessary for her if she
is not to starve, she was compelled to undertake armaments and
expenditure which weighed heavily on the tax-payer. England's
international position would be threatened, however, if our policy
created the belief that warlike developments might ensue--a state of
affairs which had almost been reached during the time of the Morocco
crises and the Bosnian problem.
Great Britain had become reconciled to our fleet _within its then
appointed limits_, but it was certainly not welcome, and was one of the
causes--though not the only cause and perhaps not the most important--of
her adhesion to France and Russia; but on account of the fleet _alone_
England would not have drawn the sword any more than on account of our
trade, which has been alleged to have produced jealousy and finally war.
From the very beginning I maintained that, _notwithstanding_ the fleet,
it would be possible to arrive at a friendly understanding and
_rapprochement_ if we did not introduce a new Navy Bill and _our policy
were indubitably pacific_. I also avoided mention of the fleet and the
word never passed between Sir E. Grey and me. On one occasion Sir E.
Grey said at a meeting of the Cabinet, "The present German Ambassador
has never mentioned the fleet to me."
During my tenure of office Mr. Churchill, then First Lord of the
Admiralty, proposed, as is known, the so-called "Naval holiday" and
suggested for financial reasons, and probably also to meet the pacific
wishes of his party, a year's pause in armaments. Officially Sir E. Grey
did not support the proposal; he never mentioned it to me, but Mr.
Churchill repeatedly spoke to me about it.
I am convinced that his suggestion was honest, as prevarication is
altogether foreign to English nature. It would have been a great success
for Mr. Churchill if he could have come before the country with
reductions of expenditure and freed it from the nightmare of armaments
that weighed on the people.
I replied that for technical reasons it would be difficult to agree to
his plan. What was to become of the workmen who were engaged for this
purpose, and what of the technical staff? Our Naval programme had been
decided on, and it would be difficult to alter it in any way. On the
other hand we had no intention of exceeding it. But he reverted to it
again and pointed out that the sums used for enormous armaments might
better be employed for other and useful purposes. I replied that this
expenditure too benefited our home industries.
Through interviews with Sit W. Tyrrell, Sir E. Grey's principal private
secretary, I managed to have the question removed from the agenda
without causing any ill-feeling, although it was again referred to in
Parliament, and to prevent any official proposal being made. It was,
however, a pet idea of Mr. Churchill's and the Government's, and I think
that by entering upon his plan and the formula 16:10 for battleships we
might have given tangible proof of our goodwill, and strengthened and
encouraged the tendency (which already prevailed in the Government) to
enter into closer relations with us.
But, as I have said, it was possible to arrive at an understanding _in
spite of the fleet_ and without a "Naval holiday." I had always regarded
my mission from this point of view, and I had also succeeded in
realising my plans when the outbreak of war destroyed everything I had
achieved.
COMMERCIAL JEALOUSY
The "commercial jealousy," about which we hear so much, is based on a
wrong conception of the circumstances. Certainly Germany's rise as a
commercial power after the war of 1870 and during the following decades
was a menace to British commercial circles which, with their industries
and export-houses, had held a virtual monopoly of trade. The increasing
commerce with Germany, which was the leading country in Europe as
regards British exports--a fact to which I invariably referred in my
public speeches--had, however, given rise to the wish to maintain
friendly relations with their best customer and business friend, and had
driven all other considerations into the background.
The Briton is matter-of-fact--he takes things as they are and does not
tilt against windmills. Notably in commercial circles I encountered the
most friendly spirit and the endeavour to further our common economic
interests. As a matter of fact nobody in them took any interest in the
Russian, Italian, Austrian, or even in the French representative, in
spite of his striking personality and his political successes. Only the
German and American Ambassadors attracted public attention.
In order to get into touch with important commercial circles, I accepted
invitations from the United Chambers of Commerce, and from the London
and Bradford Chamber, and was the guest of the cities of Newcastle and
Liverpool. I was well received everywhere; Manchester, Glasgow, and
Edinburgh had also invited me, and I intended to go there later.
People who did not understand British conditions and did not realise the
importance of "public dinners," also people to whom my successes were
unwelcome, reproached me with having done harm with my speeches. I
believe on the contrary that by appearing in public and emphasising
common commercial interests I contributed in no small measure to the
improvement of relations, quite apart from the fact that it would have
been clumsy and churlish to refuse all invitations.
In all other circles I also met with the most friendly reception and
hearty co-operation--at Court, in society, and from the Government.
THE COURT AND SOCIETY
The King, although not a genius, is a simple and well-meaning man with
sound common sense; he demonstrated his goodwill towards me and was
frankly desirous of furthering my task. Although the British
Constitution leaves only very limited powers to the Crown, yet the
monarch, in virtue of his position, can exercise a considerable
influence on opinion both in society and in the Government. The Crown is
the apex of the social pyramid; it sets the fashion. Society, which is
principally Unionist (Conservative), has always taken an active interest
in politics a habit which the ladies share. It is represented in the
House of Lords, the House of Commons, and hence also in the Cabinet. An
Englishman either is a member of society, or he would like to be one. It
is his constant endeavour to be a "Gentleman," and even people of
undistinguished origin, like Mr. Asquith, delight to mingle in society
and the company of beautiful and fashionable women.
The British gentlemen of both parties have the same education, go to
the same colleges and universities, have the same recreations--golf,
cricket, lawn-tennis, or polo. All have played cricket and football in
their youth; they have the same habits of life, and spend the week-end
in the country. There is no social cleavage between the parties, but
only a political one; in recent years it has so far developed into a
social cleavage that the politicians of the two camps avoid social
intercourse with one another. Even on the neutral territory of an
Embassy one did not venture to mingle the two parties, as since the Veto
and Home Rule Bills the Unionists have ostracised the Radicals. When the
King and Queen dined with us a few months after my arrival, Lord
Londonderry left the house after dinner, as he did not wish to remain
together with Sir E. Grey. But it is not a difference of caste or
education as in France; they are not two separate worlds, but the same
world, and the opinion about a foreigner is a common one, and not
without influence on his political position, whether Mr. Asquith be
governing or Lord Lansdowne.
There has been no difference of caste in England since the time of the
Stuarts, and since the Guelphs and Whig oligarchy, in contrast to the
Tory landed gentry encouraged the rise of an urban middle-class. It is
rather a difference of political opinions about questions of
constitutional law and taxation. Especially aristocrats like Grey,
Churchill, Harcourt, Crewe, who joined the people's party--the
Radicals--were most hated by the Unionist aristocracy; one never met any
of these gentlemen at any of the great aristocratic houses, except at
those of a few party friends.
We were received in London with open arms and both parties rivalled one
another in courtesy towards us. In view of the close relationship
between politics and society in England, it would be wrong to
undervalue social relations, even when the majority of the upper ten
thousand are in opposition to the Government.
There is not the same unbridgeable gulf between Mr. Asquith and the Duke
of Devonshire that there is between, say, M. Briand and the Due de
Doudeauville. Certainly they do not consort together in times of great
tension; they belong to two separate social groups, but these are parts
of the _same_ society, though of different grades, the centre of which
is the Court. They have common friends and habits of life; mostly they
have known each other from their youth up and also are frequently
related to one another either by blood or marriage.
Phenomena like Mr. Lloyd George--the man of the people, petty attorney,
and self-made man--are the exception. Even Mr. Burns, the Socialist
Labour leader, and self-educated man, sought contact with society. In
view of the prevailing attempt to rank as a gentleman, whose unattained
prototype is still the great aristocrat, the value of the verdict of
society and its attitude must not be underestimated.
Hence the social adaptability of a representative nowhere plays a
greater role than in England. A hospitable house with pleasant hosts is
worth more than the most profound scientific knowledge; a savant with
provincial manners and small means would gain no influence, in spite of
all his learning.
The Briton loathes a bore, a schemer, and a prig; he likes a good
fellow.
SIR EDWARD GREY
Sir Edward Grey's influence in all matters of foreign policy was almost
unlimited. On important occasions he used indeed to say, "I must first
bring it before the Cabinet"; but this always agreed to his views. His
authority was undisputed. Although he does not know foreign countries
at all, and had never left England except for a short visit to Paris, he
was fully conversant with all the important questions owing to his long
parliamentary experience and his natural insight. He understands French,
but does not speak it. He was returned to Parliament as a young man, and
soon began to interest himself in foreign affairs. Under Lord Rosebery
he was Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and became
Secretary of State in 1906, under Mr. Campbell-Bannerman; he has now
held the post for some ten years.
The scion of an old north country family, which had already furnished
Grey, the well-known statesman, he joined the left wing of his party and
sympathised with Socialists and pacifists. You may call him a Socialist
in the ideal sense, as he carries the theory into his private life and
lives very simply and unpretentiously, although he has extensive means.
Ostentation is foreign to him. In London he only had a small house, and
never gave dinners, except the one official dinner at the Foreign Office
on the King's Birthday. On the few occasions when he entertained guests
it was at a simple dinner or lunch with maidservants to wait. Also he
avoided large functions and banquets.
Like his colleagues, he regularly spends his week-ends in the country,
but not with large or fashionable parties. He is mostly by himself in
his cottage in the New Forest, where he takes long walks to study birds
and their ways, as he is a passionate lover of nature and an
ornithologist. Or sometimes he goes to his estate in the north, where he
feeds the squirrels that come in at the windows, and breeds different
species of waterfowl.
He was very fond of going to the Norfolk marshes to watch in their
breeding season the rare kinds of herons, which nest only there.
In his youth he was a well-known cricket and racquet player; now his
favourite pastime is salmon and trout-fishing in Scottish rivers in
company with his friend Lord Glenconner, Mr. Asquith's brother-in-law.
"All the rest of the year I am looking forward to it." He has published
a book on fishing.
On one occasion, when we spent a week-end with him alone at Lord
Glenconner's, near Salisbury, he arrived on a bicycle and returned to
his cottage about thirty miles distant in the same way.
The simplicity and honesty of his ways secured him the esteem even of
his opponents, who were to be found rather in the sphere of home affairs
than of foreign policy. Lies and intrigue are equally repugnant to him.
His wife, to whom he was devotedly attached and from whom he was
inseparable, died in consequence of being thrown from a trap she was
driving. As is generally known, one of his brothers was killed by a
lion.
Wordsworth is his favourite poet, and he could quote much of his poetry.
The calm quiet of his British nature is not lacking in a sense of
humour. Once when he was lunching with us and the children, and heard
them talking German, he said, "I can't help thinking how clever these
children are to talk German so well," and was pleased with his joke.
This is a true picture of the man who is decried as "Liar-Grey" and
instigator of the world-war.
MR. ASQUITH
Mr. Asquith is a man of an entirely different stamp. A jovial
_bon-vivant_, fond of the ladies, especially the young and pretty ones,
he is partial to cheerful society and good cooking; and his zest for
enjoyment is shared by his wife. Formerly a well-known barrister with a
large income, and for a number of years in Parliament, then a Minister
under Mr. Gladstone, a pacifist like his friend Grey, and favouring an
understanding with Germany, he treated all questions with the cheery
calm and assurance of an experienced man of business, whose good health
and excellent nerves were steeled by devotion to the game of golf.
His daughters were at school in Germany and spoke German fluently. In a
short time we got on friendly terms with him and his family, and were
his guests in his small country house on the Thames.
Only on rare occasions did he concern himself with foreign politics,
when important questions arose; then of course his decision was final.
During the critical days of July Mrs. Asquith repeatedly came to us to
warn us, and in the end she was quite distraught at the tragic turn of
events. Mr. Asquith also, when I called on him on the 2nd August to make
a last effort in the direction of expectant neutrality, was quite
broken, though absolutely calm. Tears were coursing down his cheeks.
NICOLSON
Sir A. Nicolson and Sir W. Tyrrell were the two most influential men at
the Foreign Office after the Minister. The former was no friend of ours,
but his attitude towards me was absolutely correct and courteous. Our
personal relations were excellent. He too did not want war; but when we
advanced against France, he no doubt worked in the direction of an
immediate intervention. He was the confidant of my French colleague,
with whom he was in constant touch; also he wished to relieve Lord
Bertie in Paris.
Sir Arthur, who had been Ambassador at Petrograd, had concluded the
treaty of 1907, which had enabled Russia again to turn her attention to
the West and to the Near East.
TYRRELL
Sir W. Tyrrell, Sir Edward's private secretary, possessed far greater
influence than the Permanent Under-Secretary. This highly intelligent
man had been at school in Germany, and had then turned to diplomacy, but
had only been abroad for a short time. At first he favoured the
anti-German policy, which was then in fashion amongst the younger
British diplomatists, but later he became a convinced advocate of an
understanding. He influenced Sir E. Grey, with whom he was very
intimate, in this direction. Since the outbreak of war he has left the
Office and found a place in the Home Office, probably because of the
criticisms passed on him for his Germanophil tendency.
ATTITUDE OF THE GERMAN FOREIGN OFFICE
Nothing can describe the rage of certain gentlemen at my London
successes and the position which I had managed to make for myself in a
short time. They devised vexatious instructions to render my office more
difficult. I was left in complete ignorance of the most important
matters, and was restricted to the communication of dull and unimportant
reports. Secret agents' reports, on matters about which I could not
learn without espionage and the necessary funds, were never available to
me; and it was not till the last days of July, 1914, that I learnt,
quite by chance, from the Naval Attache of the secret Anglo-French
agreement concerning the co-operation of the two fleets in case of war.
The knowledge of other important events which had been known to the
Office for a long time, like the correspondence between Grey and Cambon,
was kept from me.
IN CASE OF WAR
Soon after my arrival I obtained the conviction that under _no_
circumstances had we to fear a British attack or British support for any
foreign attack, but that _under any circumstances England would protect
the French_. I expressed this view in repeated dispatches, with minute
proof and great emphasis, but did not obtain any credence, although Lord
Haldane's refusal to assent to the neutrality formula and England's
attitude during the Morocco crisis had been pretty obvious indications.
In addition there were the secret agreements which I have referred to,
and which were known to the Office.
I always pointed out that in the event of a war between European Powers,
England as a commercial state would suffer enormously, and would
therefore do her best to prevent a conflict; but, on the other hand, she
would never tolerate a weakening or annihilation of France; because of
the necessity of maintaining the European balance of power and of
preventing a German superiority of force. Lord Haldane had told me this
shortly after my arrival, and all the leading people had expressed
themselves in the same sense.
THE SERBIAN CRISIS
At the end of June I went to Kiel by command of the Emperor. A few weeks
prior to this I had been made an honorary D.C.L. of Oxford, an honour
which had not been conferred on any German Ambassador since Herr von
Bunsen. On board the _Meteor_ we learned of the death of the Archduke.
H.M. regretted that his efforts to win him over to his way of thinking
had thus been rendered vain. I do not know whether the plan of an active
policy against Serbia had already been decided on at Konopischt.
As I was not instructed about views and events in Vienna, I did not
attach very great importance to this occurrence. Later on I could only
remark that amongst Austrian aristocrats a feeling of relief outweighed
other sentiments. On board the _Meteor_ there was also an Austrian guest
of the Emperor's, Count Felix Thun. He had remained in his cabin all the
time suffering from sea-sickness, in spite of the splendid weather; but
on receiving the news he was well. The fright or joy had cured him.
On my arrival in Berlin I saw the Chancellor and told him that I
considered the state of our foreign relations very satisfactory, as we
were on better terms with England than we had been for a long time,
whilst in France also the government was in the hands of a pacifist
Ministry.
Herr von Bethmann Hollweg did not appear to share my optimism, and
complained about Russian armaments. I sought to reassure him,
emphasising the fact that Russia had no interest in attacking us, and
that such an attack would never receive Anglo-French support, as both
countries wanted peace. Thereupon I went to Dr. Zimmermann, who was
acting for Herr von Jagow, and he told me that Russia was about to raise
900,000 additional troops. His language betrayed unmistakable annoyance
with Russia, which was "everywhere in our way." There were also
difficulties in economic policy. Of course, I was not told that General
von Moltke was pressing for war; but I learned that Herr von Tschirschky
had been reprimanded because he reported that he had counselled
moderation towards Serbia in Vienna.
On my return from Silesia to London I stopped only a few hours in
Berlin, where I heard that Austria intended to take steps against Serbia
in order to put an end to an impossible situation.
I regret that at the moment I underestimated the importance of the news.
I thought that nothing would come of it this time either, and that
matters could easily be settled, even if Russia became threatening. I
now regret that I did not stay in Berlin and at once declare that I
would not co-operate in a policy of this kind.
Subsequently I ascertained that, at the decisive conference at Potsdam
on the 5th July, the Vienna enquiry received the unqualified assent of
all the leading people, and with the rider that no harm would be done if
a war with Russia should result. Thus it was expressed, at any rate, in
the Austrian protocol which Count Mensdorff received in London. Soon
afterwards Herr von Jagow was in Vienna to consult Count Berchtold about
all these matters.
At that time I received instructions to induce the British Press to
adopt a friendly attitude should Austria administer the _coup de grace_
to the "Great Serbia" movement, and to exert my personal influence to
prevent public opinion from becoming inimical to Austria. If one
remembered England's attitude during the annexation crisis, when public
opinion showed sympathy for the Serbian rights in Bosnia, as well as her
benevolent furtherance of national movements in the days of Lord Byron
and Garibaldi, the probability that she would support the intended
punitive expedition against the murderers of the prince happened so
remote, that I found myself obliged to give an urgent warning. But I
also warned them against the whole plan, which I characterised as
adventurous and dangerous, and advised them to counsel the Austrians to
_moderation_, as I did not believe that the conflict could be localised.