THE LAST DAYS OF PEACE.
Then came the De Lome incident which served to inflame further passions
already aroused.
Senor Enrique Depuy De Lome was the Spanish minister to this country.
He wrote a letter, strongly denunciatory of the president's message, and
of the president himself; with the worst taste possible, he alluded to
Mr. McKinley as a low politician, one who catered, for political
purposes, to the rabble.
This letter was intercepted and a copy given to the press. The original
was sent to the State Department. Of course De Lome at once became
persona non grata, which the Spanish government recognized, and even
before Minister Woodford could make a "representation," De Lome was
recalled from his position and Senor Polo appointed in his place.
President McKinley showed the most admirable self-poise through all this
affair, evincing outwardly no resentment for what was a personal insult
to himself.
It was declared that we ought to have a ship of war in Havana harbor to
protect American citizens, and for that purpose, the Maine was sent
there.
It was the visit of a friendly ship to, at that time, a friendly
country.
The Maine was received by the Spanish officials with every outward show
of respect, the firing of salutes and the raising of the American and
Spanish flags on the vessels of different nationalities.
And yet what was the result? Once more came an exhibition of Spain's
perfidy. We know it is very much like the Scotch verdict of "non
proven," but still there is no doubt among fair-minded men.
A tragedy ensued, a tragedy in which Spain played the part of the
villain, and such an unconscionable villain as has never been seen upon
the boards of any stage.
On the night of Tuesday, February 19, 1898, the United States battleship
Maine, presumably in friendly waters, was lying calmly anchored in the
harbor of Havana. Suddenly, with no warning whatever, for there was no
suspicion on the part of either officers or men, the magnificent
battleship was blown up. Two officers and two hundred and sixty of the
crew perished, but their names and memories will ever be cherished
affectionately and gratefully by the American people.
All on board behaved in the most heroic manner, Captain Charles D.
Sigsbee, the commander being the last to leave the fated ship. The
famous naval historian, Captain Mahan, says:
"The self-control shown in the midst of a sudden and terrible danger, of
which not one of the men on board knew, showed that in battle with known
dangers about them, and expecting every minute the fate that might
overtake them, the fellow sailors of the men of the Maine would stand to
their guns and their ship to the last. It was evident that the old
naval spirit existed, and that the sailors of the new navy were as good
as those who manned the old-time ships."
The Maine was one of the very best vessels in the American navy; with
her stores and ammunition, she represented an expenditure of close upon
five millions of dollars.
The blowing up of the Maine and the loss of our brave men aroused the
most intense excitement throughout the United States, but the request of
Captain Sigsbee that public opinion should be suspended until thorough
investigation had been made, was followed, and the people behaved with
admirable and remarkable control.
A naval board of inquiry was at once organized by the United States
government. This board consisted of experienced officers, who were
greatly assisted in their labors by a strong force of experts, wreckers
and divers.
The investigation was most searching. The 21st of March, 1898, the board
presented a unanimous verdict. The report was most voluminous, embracing
some twelve thousand pages.
The verdict was practically that "the loss of the Maine was not in any
respect due to fault or negligence on the part of any of the officers or
members of her crew; that the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a
submarine mine, which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her
forward magazines; and that no evidence has been obtainable fixing the
responsibility of the destruction of the Maine upon any person or
persons."
Although it was not possible to obtain evidence which should convict the
guilty parties, there was not and never has been the faintest doubt in
the mind of any fair-minded person as to who was responsible for the
tragedy. When Congress afterward spoke of the crime or the criminal
negligence of the Spanish officials, the words found an ardent response
in the heart of every true American.
There is no doubt but that the destruction of the Maine was the lever
that started the machinery of war.
Like "Remember the Alamo!" "Remember the Maine!" is a clarion cry of
battle that will go echoing down the centuries.
In Cuba we were most fortunate in having a superb representative in the
person of General Fitz Hugh Lee, a man of rare intellectual ability,
ever courteous but ever firm, a fine specimen of Southern chivalry.
The Spaniards, as was but natural, hated him, but when his withdrawal
was suggested by the Spanish government President McKinley cabled to
Minister Woodford at Madrid that the services of General Lee at Havana
were indispensable and his removal could not be considered.
The relations between Spain and the United States became every day more
and more strained. Every effort was made by the President to bring about
a peaceable solution of the Cuban question, but Spain, stiff necked and
suicidal, refused to cooperate with him.
On April 11, the president sent his famous message to Congress.
In it, he alluded to the way in which we had been forced to police our
own waters and watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act
in aid of Cuba.
He spoke of how our trade had suffered, how the capital invested by our
citizens in Cuba had been largely lost, and how the temperance and
forbearance of our own people had been so sorely tried as to beget a
perilous unrest among our own citizens.
The President, also, made some strong arguments against both
belligerency and recognition, especially against the latter.
He quoted Jackson's argument, on the subject of the recognition of
Texas, concluding as follows:
"Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should stand aloof, and
maintain our present attitude, if not until Mexico itself or one of the
great foreign powers shall recognize the independence of the new
government; at least until the lapse of time or the course of events
should have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of
that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold the
government constituted by them. Neither of the contending parties can
justly complain of this course. By pursuing it we are but carrying out
the long established policy of our government, a policy which has
secured us respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at
home."
It is necessary to quote still further from President McKinley's
message, a message so fine, so just and so true, that we are sure it
will go down into history praised by all future historians, as it well
deserves to be.
He says:
"The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish
desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by differences
between us and Spain, and unstained by the blood of American citizens.
"The forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral to stop the
war, according to the large dictates of humanity and following many
historical precedents where neighboring states have interfered to check
the hopeless sacrifice of life by internecine conflicts beyond their
borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves, however,
hostile constraint upon both parties to the contest, as well as to
enforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. The grounds for
such intervention may be briefly summarized as follows:
"1. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities,
bloodshed, starvation and horrible miseries now existing there, and
which the parties to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stop
or mitigate. It is no answer to say that this is all in another country,
belonging to another nation, and is, therefore, none of our business. It
is specially our duty, for it is right at our doors.
"2. We owe to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that protection and
indemnity for life and property which no government there can or will
afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions that deprive them of
local protection.
"3. The right to intervene may be justified by the very serious injury
to the commerce, trade and business interest of our people, and by the
wanton destruction of property and devastation of the island.
"4. And, what is of the utmost importance, the present condition of
affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace and entails upon this
government an enormous expense. With such a conflict waged for years in
an island so near us, and with which our people have such trade and
business relations--when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in
constant dread, and their property destroyed and themselves
ruined--where our trading-vessels are liable to seizure and are seized
at our very door, by warships of a foreign nation, the expeditious of
filibustering that we are powerless to prevent altogether, and the
irritating questions and entanglements thus arising--all these and
others that I need not mention, with the resulting strained relations,
are a constant menace to our peace, and compel us to keep on a semi-war
footing with a nation with which we are at peace."
In his message, the President also gives utterance to these notable and
memorable words:
"The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain wages war
cannot be attained.
"The fire of insurrection may flame or may smoulder with varying
seasons, but it has not been, and it is plain that it cannot be,
extinguished by present methods. The only hope of relief and repose from
a condition which cannot longer be endured is the enforced pacification
of Cuba.
"In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of
endangered American interests, which give us the right and the duty to
speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop."
The President then refers the whole matter to Congress to decide as that
body may think best.
A somewhat acrimonious debate, of several days duration followed,
chiefly over the side issue of the recognition of the Republic of Cuba.
On April 19, 1898, by the way, the date of the first battle of the
Revolution at Concord, Massachusetts, the following joint resolution was
agreed upon.
"Joint resolution for the recognition of the independence of the people
of Cuba, demanding that the government of Spain relinquish its authority
and government in the Island of Cuba, and withdraw its land and naval
forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, and directing the President of the
United States to use the land and naval forces of the United States to
carry these resolutions into effect.
"Whereas, the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than
three years in the Island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked
the moral sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace
to Christian civilization, culminating, as they have, in the destruction
of a United States battleship, with two hundred and sixty-six of its
officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of Havana,
and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by the President of
the United States in his message to Congress of April 11, 1898, upon
which the action of Congress was invited; therefore,
"Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled,
"1. That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be,
free and independent.
"2. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the
Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the Government
of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island
of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban
waters.
"3. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,
directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the
United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States
the militia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary to
carry these resolutions into effect.
"4. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention
to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island except
for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that
is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to
its people."
The President set his seal of approval upon these resolutions the
following day, and the same day an ultimatum was sent to Spain,
practically the same as what has been quoted above.
It was also stated that it was the President's duty to request an answer
within forty-eight hours.
Within forty-eight hours the ultimatum was rejected by the Spanish
Cortes.
The ministers and representatives of the two countries were immediately
recalled from their various posts, and a state of warfare proclaimed.
The United States now stood pledged to aid and succor agonized Cuba, to
strike the shackles from off her bruised and bleeding limbs, and raise
her to a position which her valor had long deserved, amongst the free
and independent nations of the world.