In justice to the theory I am criticising, it ought to be remarked that

Krafft-Ebing does not contend that wherever hereditary taint and onanism

concur, the result will be sexual inversion; but rather that wherever we

have diagnosed an acquired form of sexual inversion, we shall discover

hereditary taint and onanism. Considering the frequency of both

hereditary taint and onanism in our civilisation, this is not risking

much. Those factors are discoverable in a large percentage of male

persons. What seems unwarranted by facts is the suggestion that

inherited neuropathy is an indispensable condition and the fundamental

cause of homosexual instincts. The evidence of ancient Greece, schools,

prisons, and sotadic races, compels us to believe that normally healthy

people are often born with these instincts or else acquire them by the

way of custom. Again, his insinuation that onanism, regarded as the main

exciting cause, is more frequent among young people of abnormal

inclinations than among their normal brethren, will not bear the test of

common observation and of facts communicated in the autobiographies of

professed onanists and confessed Urnings.

The problem is too delicate, too complicated, also too natural and

simple, to be solved by hereditary disease and self-abuse. When we shift

the ground of argument from acquired to inborn sexual inversion, its

puzzling character will become still more apparent. We shall hardly be

able to resist the conclusion that theories of disease are incompetent

to explain the phenomenon in modern Europe. Medical writers abandon the

phenomenon in savage races, in classical antiquity, and in the sotadic

zone. They strive to isolate it as an abnormal and specifically morbid

exception in our civilisation. But facts tend to show that it is a

recurring impulse of humanity, natural to some people, adopted by

others, and in the majority of cases compatible with an otherwise normal

and healthy temperament.

Krafft-Ebing calls attention to the phenomenon of permanent

_effeminatio_, in males unsexed by constant riding and the exhaustion of

their virility by friction of the genitals--a phenomenon observed by

Herodotus among Scythians, and prevalent among some nomadic races of the

Caucasus at the present day.[27] He claims this in support of his theory

of masturbation; and within due limits, he has the right to do so. The

destruction of the male apparatus for reproduction, whether it be by

castration after puberty, or by an accident to the parts, or by a lesion

of the spine, or by excessive equitation, as appears proved from the

history of nomad tribes, causes men to approximate physically to the

female type, and to affect feminine occupations and habits. In

proportion as the masculine functions are interfered with, masculine

characteristics tend to disappear; and it is curious to notice that the

same result is reached upon so many divers ways.

Next he discusses a few cases in which it seems that sexual inversion

displays itself episodically under the conditions of a psychopathical

disturbance.[28] That is to say, three persons, two women and one man,

have been observed by him, under conditions approaching mental

alienation, to exchange their normal sexual inclination for abnormal

appetite. In the analysis of the problem these cases cannot be regarded

as wholly insignificant. The details show that the subjects were clearly

morbid. Therefore they have their value for the building up of a theory

of sexual inversion upon the basis of inherited and active disease.

(B) Ultimately, Krafft-Ebing attacks the problem of what he calls "the

innate morbid phenomenon" of sexual inversion.[29] While giving a

general description of the subjects of this class, he remarks that the

males display a pronounced sexual antipathy for women, and a strongly

accentuated sympathy for men. Their reproductive organs are perfectly

differentiated on the masculine type; but they desire men instinctively,

and are inclined to express their bias by assuming characters of

femininity. Women infected by a like inversion, exhibit corresponding

anomalies.

Casper, continues Krafft-Ebing, thoroughly diagnosed the phenomenon.

Griesinger referred it to hereditary affliction. Westphal defined it as

"a congenital inversion of the sexual feeling, together with a

consciousness of its morbidity." Ulrichs explained it by the presence of

a feminine soul in a male body, and gave the name _Urning_[30] to its

subjects. Gley suggested that a female brain was combined with

masculine glands of sex. Magnan hypothesised a woman's brain in a man's

body.

Krafft-Ebing asserts that hardly any of these Urnings are conscious of

morbidity. They look upon themselves as unfortunate mainly because law

and social prejudices stand in the way of their natural indulgence.[31]

He also takes for proved, together with all the authorities he cites,

that the abnormal sexual appetite is constitutional and inborn.

Krafft-Ebing, as might have been expected, refers the phenomenon to

functional degeneration, dependent upon neuropathical conditions in the

patient, which are mainly derived from hereditary affliction.

He confirms the account reported above from Casper as to the platonic or

semi-platonic relations of the Urning with the men he likes, his

abhorrence of coition, and his sexual gratification through acts of

mutual embracement. The number of Urnings in the world, he says, is far

greater than we can form the least conception of from present means of

calculation.

At this point he begins to subdivide the subjects of congenital

inversion. The first class he constitutes are called by him "Psychical

Hermaphrodites." Born with a predominant inclination towards persons of

their own sex, they possess rudimentary feelings of a semi-sexual nature

for the opposite. These people not unfrequently marry; and Krafft-Ebing

supposes that many cases of frigidity in matrimony, unhappy unions, and

so forth, are attributable to the peculiar diathesis of the male--or it

may be, of the female--in these marriages. They are distinguished from

his previous class of "acquired" inversion by the fact that the latter

start with instincts for the other sex, which are gradually obliterated;

whereas the psychical hermaphrodites commence life with an attraction

towards their own sex, which they attempt to overcome by making demands

upon their rudimentary normal instincts. Five cases are given of such

persons.[32]

In the next place he comes to true homosexual individuals, or Urnings in

the strict sense of that phrase. With them there is no rudimentary

appetite for the other sex apparent. They present a "grotesque" parallel

to normal men and women, inverting or caricaturing natural appetites.

The male of this class shrinks from the female, and the female from the

male.[33] Each is vehemently attracted from earliest childhood to

persons of the same sex. But they, in their turn, have to be subdivided

into two sub-species. In the first of these, the sexual life alone is

implicate; the persons who compose it do not differ in any marked or

external characteristics from the type of their own sex; their habits

and outward appearance remain unchanged. With the second sub-species the

case is different. Here the character, the mental constitution, the

habits, and the occupations of the subject have been altered by his or

her predominant sexual inversion; so that a male addicts himself to a

woman's work, assumes female clothes, acquires a shriller key of voice,

and expresses the inversion of his sexual instinct in every act and

gesture of his daily life.

It appears from Krafft-Ebing's recorded cases that the first of these

sub-species yields nearly the largest number of individuals. He

presents eleven detailed autobiographies of male Urnings, in whom the

_vita sexualis_ alone is abnormal, and who are differentiated to common

observation from normal men by nothing but the nature of their amorous

proclivities. The class includes powerfully developed masculine beings,

who are unsexed in no particular except that they possess an inordinate

appetite for males, and will not look at females.

As regards the family history of the eleven selected cases, five could

show a clear bill of health, some were decidedly bad, a small minority

were uncertain.

One of these Urnings, a physician, informed Krafft-Ebing that he had

consorted with at least six hundred men of his own stamp; many of them

in high positions of respectability. In none had he observed an abnormal

formation of the sexual organs; but frequently some approximation to the

feminine type of body--hair sparingly distributed[34], tender

complexion, and high tone of voice. About ten per cent. eventually

adopted love for women. Not ten per cent. exhibited any sign of the

_habitus muliebris_ in their occupations, dress, and so forth. A large

majority felt like men in their relations to men, and were even inclined

toward active pæderasty. From the unmentionable act they were deterred

by æsthetical repulsion and fear of the law.

The second of these sub-species embraces the individuals with whom the

reader of Carlier is familiar, and whom Ulrichs calls Weiblinge. In

their boyhood they exhibited a marked disinclination for the games of

their school-fellows, and preferred to consort with girls. They helped

their mothers in the household, learned to sew and knit, caught at every

opportunity of dressing up in female clothes. Later on, they began to

call themselves by names of women, avoided the society of normal

comrades, hated sport and physical exercise, were averse to smoking and

drinking, could not whistle. Whether they refrained from swearing is not

recorded. Many of them developed a taste for music, and prided

themselves upon their culture. Eventually, when they became unclassed,

they occupied themselves with toilette, scandal, tea, and talk about

their lovers--dressed as far as possible in female clothes, painted,

perfumed and curled their hair--addressed each other in the feminine

gender, adopted pseudonyms of Countess or of Princess, and lived the

life of women of a dubious demi-monde.[35]

Yet they remained in their physical configuration males. Unlike the

preceding sub-species, they did not feel as men feel towards their

sweethearts, but on the contrary like women. They had no impulse toward

active pæderasty, no inclination for blooming adolescents. What they

wanted was a robust adult; and to him they submitted themselves with

self-abandonment. Like all Urnings, they shrank from the act of coition

for the most part, and preferred embracements which produced a brief

and pleasurable orgasm. But some developed a peculiar liking for the

passive act of sodomy or the anomalous act of fellatio.

In this characterisation I have overpassed the limits of the fifteen

cases presented by Krafft-Ebing. In order to constitute the type, I have

drawn upon one reliable, because sympathetic, source in Ulrichs, and on

another reliable, because antipathetic, source in Carlier.

Sexual inversion, in persons of the third main species, has reached its

final development. Descending, if we follow Krafft-Ebing's categories,

from acquired to innate inversion, dividing the latter into psychopathic

hermaphrodites and Urnings, subdividing Urnings into those who retain

their masculine habit and those who develop a habit analogous to that of

females, we come in this last class to the most striking phenomenon of

inverted sex. Here the soul which is doomed to love a man, and is

nevertheless imprisoned in a male body, strives to convert that body to

feminine uses so entirely that the marks of sex, except in the

determined organs of sex, shall be obliterated. And sometimes it appears

that the singular operation of nature, with which we are occupied in

this Essay, goes even further. The inverted bias given to the sexual

appetite, as part of the spiritual nature of the man, can never quite

transmute male organs into female organs of procreation. But it modifies

the bony structure of the body, the form of the face, the fleshly and

muscular integuments to such an obvious extent that Krafft-Ebing thinks

himself justified in placing a separate class of androgynous beings

(with their gynandrous correspondents) at the end of the extraordinary

process.

At this point it will be well to present a scheme of his analysis under

the form of a table.

{ Persistent.

{ Acquired {

{ { Episodical.

{

Sexual Inversion { { Psychopathic Hemaphrodites.

{ {

{ { { Male Habitus

{ { { (Mannlinge).

{ Congenital { Urnings {

{ { Female Habitus

{ { (Weiblinge).

{

{ Androgyni.

What is the rational explanation of the facts presented to us by the

analysis which I have formulated in this table cannot as yet be

thoroughly determined. We do not know enough about the law of sex in

human beings to advance a theory. Krafft-Ebing and writers of his school

are at present inclined to refer them all to diseases of the nervous

centres, inherited, congenital, excited by early habits of self-abuse.

The inadequacy of this method I have already attempted to set forth; and

I have also called attention to the fact that it does not sufficiently

account for phenomena known to us through history and through every-day

experience.

Presently we shall be introduced to a theory (that of Ulrichs) which is

based upon a somewhat grotesque and metaphysical conception of nature,

and which dispenses with the hypothesis of hereditary disease. I am not

sure whether this theory, unsound as it may seem to medical specialists,

does not square better with ascertained facts than that of inherited

disorder in the nervous centres.

However that may be, the physicians, as represented by Krafft-Ebing,

absolve all subjects of inverted sexuality from crime. They represent

them to us as the subjects of ancestral malady. And this alters their

position face to face with vulgar error, theological rancour, and the

stringent indifference of legislators. A strong claim has been advanced

for their treatment henceforth, not as delinquents, but as subjects of

congenital depravity in the brain centres, over which they have no

adequate control.

The fourth medical author, with whom we are about to be occupied,

includes sexual inversion in his general survey of human crime, and

connects it less with anomalies of the nervous centres than with

atavistic reversion to the state of nature and savagery. In the end, it

will be seen, he accepts a concordat with the hypothesis of "moral

insanity."

_Cesare Lombroso._ "_Der Verbrecher in Anthropologischer, Aerztlicher

und Juristischer Beziehung._"

This famous book, which has contributed no little to a revolution of

opinion regarding crime and its punishment in Italy, contains a

searching inquiry into the psychological nature, physical peculiarities,

habits, and previous history of criminals.[36] It is, in fact, a study

of the criminal temperament. Lombroso deals in the main, as is natural,

with murder, theft, rape, cruelty, and their allied species. But he

includes sexual inversion in the category of crimes, and regards the

abnormal appetites as signs of that morbid condition into which he

eventually revolves the criminal impulse.

Wishing to base his doctrine on a sound foundation, Lombroso begins with

what may be termed the embryology of crime. He finds unnatural vices

frequent among horses, donkeys, cattle, insects, fowls, dogs, ants. The

phenomenon, he says, is usually observable in cases where the male

animal has been excluded from intercourse with females. Having

established his general position that what we call crimes of violence,

robbery, murder, cruelty, blood-thirst, cannibalism, unnatural lust, and

so forth, exist among the brutes--in fact, that most of these crimes

form the rule and not the exception in their lives--he passes on to the

consideration of the savage man. In following his analysis, I shall

confine myself to what he says about abnormal sexual passion.

He points out that in New Caledonia the male savages meet together at

night in huts for the purpose of promiscuous intercourse (p. 42). The

same occurs in Tahiti, where the practice is placed under the protection

of a god. Next he alludes to the ancient Mexicans; and then proceeds to

Hellas and Rome, where this phase of savage immorality survived and

became a recognised factor in social life (p. 43). At Rome, he says, the

Venus of the sodomites received the title of Castina (p. 38).

Lombroso's treatment of sexual inversion regarded as a survival from

prehistoric times is by no means exhaustive. It might be supplemented

and confirmed by what we know about the manners of the Kelts, as

reported by Aristotle (Pol. ii. 6. 5.)--Tartars, Persians, Afghans,

North American Indians, &c. Diodorus Siculus, writing upon the morals of

the Gauls, deserves attention in this respect.[37] It is also singular

to find that the Norman marauders of the tenth century carried unnatural

vices wherever they appeared in Europe.[38] The Abbot of Clairvaux, as

quoted by Lombroso (p. 43), accused them of spreading their brutal

habits through society. People accustomed to look upon these vices as a

form of corruption in great cities will perhaps be surprised to find

them prevalent among nomadic and warlike tribes. But, in addition to

survival from half-savage periods of social life, the necessities of

warriors thrown together with an insufficiency of women must be

considered. I have already suggested that Greek love grew into a custom

during the Dorian migration and the conquest of Crete and Peloponnesus

by bands of soldiers.

Cannibalism, Lombroso points out (p. 68), originated in necessity,

became consecrated by religion, and finally remained as custom and a

form of gluttony. The same process of reasoning, when applied to sexual

aberrations, helps us to understand how a non-ethical habit, based on

scarcity of women, survived as a social and chivalrous institution among

the civilised Hellenes.

Lombroso traces the growth of justice in criminal affairs, and the

establishment of pains and penalties, up to the instinct of revenge and

the despotic selfishness of chiefs in whom the whole property of savage

tribes, including women, was vested. This section of his work concludes

with the following remarkable sentence (p. 96): "The universal diffusion

of crime which we have demonstrated at a certain remote epoch, and its

gradual disappearance as a consequence of new crimes springing up,

traces of which are still discoverable in our penal codes [he means

revenge, the egotism of princes, and ecclesiastical rapacity], are

calculated even more than the criminality of brutes to make us doubt of

what metaphysicians call eternal justice, and indicate the real cause of

the perpetual reappearance of crime among civilised races, namely

atavism."

Having established this principle, Lombroso proceeds to trace the

atavism of criminality in children. He shows that just as the human

embryo passes through all forms of lower lives, so men and women in

their infancy exactly reproduce the moral type of savages. Ungovernable

rage, revengeful instincts, jealousy, envy, lying, stealing, cruelty,

laziness, vanity, sexual proclivities, imperfect family affections, a

general bluntness of the ethical sense, are common qualities of

children, which the parent and the teacher strive to control or to

eradicate by training. "The child, considered as a human being devoid of

moral sense, presents a perfect picture of what doctors call moral

insanity, and I prefer to classify as inborn crime" (p. 97). "All

species of anomalous sexual appetite, with the exception of those

dependent upon senile decadence, make their appearance in childhood,

together with the other criminal tendencies" (p. 117).

Lombroso arrives, then, at the conclusion that what civilised humanity

calls crime and punishes, is the law of nature in brutes, persists as a

normal condition among savages, and displays itself in the habits and

instincts of children. The moral instinct is therefore slowly elaborated

out of crime in the course of generations by whole races, and in the

course of infancy and adolescence in the individual. The habitual

criminal, who remains a criminal in his maturity, in whom crime is

inborn and ineradicable, who cannot develop a moral sense, he explains

at first by atavism. A large section of his volume (pp. 124-136,

137-253) is devoted to anthropometrical observations upon the physical

structure, the cranial and cerebral development, and the physiognomy of

such criminals. Into this part of his work we need not enter. Nor is it

necessary to follow his interesting researches in the biology and

psychology of "born criminals"--chapters on tattooing, ways of thinking

and feeling, passions, tendencies to suicide, religious sentiment,

intelligence and culture, capacity of self-control, liability to

relapse, and so forth. Many curious facts relating to sexual inversion

are treated in the course of these enquiries; and one passage describing

the general characteristics of pæderasts (p. 376) ought to be alluded

to. Considering this subject solely as a phase of crime, Lombroso

reveals a superficial conception of its perplexity.

It is more important to reflect upon his theory of crime in general.

Having started with the hypothesis of atavism, and adopted the term

"born criminal," he later on identifies "innate crime" with "moral

insanity," and illustrates both by the phenomena of epilepsy.[39] This

introduces a certain confusion and incoherence into his speculative

system; for he frankly admits that he has only gradually and tardily

been led to recognise the identity of what is called crime and what is

called moral insanity. Criminal atavism might be defined as the sporadic

reversion to savagery in certain individuals. It has nothing logically

to connect it with distortion or disease--unless we assume that all our

savage ancestors were malformed or diseased, and that the Greeks, in

whom one form of Lombroso's criminal atavism became established, were as

a nation morally insane. The appearance of structural defects in

habitual criminals points less to atavistic reversion than to radical

divergence from the normal type of humanity. In like manner the

invocation of heredity as a principle (p. 135) involves a similar

confusion. Hereditary taint is a thing different not in degree but in

kind from savage atavism prolonged from childhood into manhood.

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