In the year 1749, when I was going to Charles-town, under the provincial

seal of South-Carolina, with a party of the Chikkasah Indians, the

small-pox attacked them, not far from the Muskohge country; which

becoming general through the camp, I was under the necessity of setting

off by myself, between Flint river, and that of the Okmulgeh. I came up

with a large camp of Muskohge traders, returning from the English

settlements: the gentlemen told me, they had been lately assured at

Augusta by the Cheerake traders, that above a hundred and twenty of the

French Shawano might be daily expected near that place, to cut off the

English traders, and plunder their camps, and cautioned me, with much

earnestness at parting, to keep a watchful eye during that day’s march.

After having rode fifteen miles, about ten o’clock, I discovered ahead

through the trees, an Indian ascending a steep hill: he perceived me at

the same instant, for they are extremely watchful on such dangerous

attempts—Ambuscade is their favourite method of attack. As the company

followed their leader in a line, each at the distance of a few yards

from the other, all soon appeared in view. As soon as I discovered the

foremost, I put up the shrill whoop of friendship, and continually

seemed to look earnestly behind me, till we approached near to each

other, in order to draw their attention from me, and fix it that way, as

supposing me to be the foremost of a company still behind. Five or six

soon ran at full speed on each side of the path, and blocked up two

vallies, which happened to be at the place of our meeting, to prevent my

escape. They seemed as if their design was to attack me with their

barbed arrows, lest they should alarm my supposed companions by the

report of their guns. I observed that instead of carrying their bow and

quiver over their shoulder, as is the travelling custom, they held the

former in their left hand, bent, and some arrows. I approached and

addressed them, and endeavoured to appear quite indifferent at their

hostile arrangement. While I held my gun ready in my right hand about

five yards distant from them, their leader who stood foremost came and

struck my breast with the but-end of one of my pistols, which I had in

my left hand: I told him with that vehemence of speech, which is always

requisite on such an occasion, that I was an English Chikkasah; and

informed him by expressive gestures that there were two tens of

Chikkasah {276} warriors,[159] and more than half that number of women,

besides children, a little behind, just beyond the first hill. At this

news, they appeared to be much confused, as it was unexpected for such a

number of warlike enemies to be so near at hand. This Shawano party

consisted only of twenty-three middle sized, but strong bodied men, with

large heads and broad flat crowns, and four tall young persons, whom I

conjectured to be of the Cheerake nation. I spoke a little to a

hair-lipped warrior among them, who told me he lived in _Tukkasêhche_, a

northern town of that country. The leader whispered something to his

waiter, which, in like manner, was communicated to the rest, and then

they all passed by me, with sullen looks and glancing eyes. I kept my

guard till they were out of arrow-shot, when I went on at a seemingly

indifferent pace. But, as soon out of their view, I rode about seventy

miles with great speed, to avoid the danger of a pursuit, as I imagined

they would be highly enraged against me for their double disappointment.

About sun-set of the same day, I discovered more Indians a-head; but,

instead of sounding the usual whoop of defiance, I went on slowly, and

silently, a little way, reasoning with myself about the safest method in

so dangerous a situation: I had apprehensions of their being another

party of the Shawano company, separated in that manner to avoid a

pursuit; which otherwise might be very easy, by the plainness of their

tracks, through the long grass and herbage. But, at the critical time,

when I had concluded to use no chivalry, but give them leg-bail instead

of it, by leaving my baggage-horses, and making for a deep swamp, I

discovered them to be a considerable body of the Muskohge head-men,

returning home with presents from Charles Town, which they carried

chiefly on their backs. The wolf-king (as the traders termed him)[160]

our old steady friend of the Amooklasah Town, near the late Alebahma,

came foremost, harnessed like a jack-ass, with a saddle on his back,

well girt over one shoulder, and across under the other. We semed

equally glad to meet each other; they, to hear how affairs stood in

their country, as well as on the trading path; and I to find, that

instead of bitter-hearted foes, they were friends, and would secure my

retreat from any pursuit that might happen. I told them the whole

circumstances attending my meeting the Shawano,[161] with their being

conducted by our deceitful Cheerake friends, who were desirous of

spoiling the old beloved white path, by making it red; and earnestly

persuaded them to be on their guard that night, as I imagined the enemy

had pursued me when they {277} found I had eluded their bloody

intention. After a long conversation together, I advised them to go home

through the woods, to prevent a larger body of the lurking enemy from

spoiling them, and their beloved country, by the loss of so many old

beloved men, and noted warriors. I said this, to rouse them against the

Cheerake; well knowing that one pack of wolves, was the best watch

against another of the same kind. They thanked me for the friendly

notice I gave them, and the care I shewed for their safety, and engaged

me to call the next day at a hunting camp, where was a war-leader, the

son of the dog-king of the Huphale-Town, with a considerable number of

their people, and desire them to remove with all speed to their camp, at

the place they then fixed on. We smoked tobacco, and parted well

pleased. According to promise, I went the next day to the camp, and

delivered their message, which was readily complied with. The Shawano

whom I had eluded, after rambling about, and by viewing the smoke of

fires from the tops of high hills and trees, and carefully listening to

the report of guns, fell in with two Chikkasah hunters, who were adopted

relations of the Muskohge, and killed, and scalped them, and then ran

off to the northern towns of the Cheerake. This was the true and sole

cause of the last war between the Muskohge and Cheerake: and the

following account of the cause of those nations entering into amity with

each other, will, on the strictest enquiry, be found as true. The cause

and direful effects are still feelingly known to great numbers of the

suffering inhabitants, which I insert by way of caution to states-men

hereafter.

As the Indians have no public faith to secure the lives of friendly

messengers in war-time, their wars are perpetuated from one generation

to another, unless they are ended by the mediation of some neutral

party. A very polished courtier presided in South Carolina,[162] who was

said to have cast a very earnest eye on the supposed profits of the

Cheerake trade, which were much lessened by the Muskohge war; and, in

order to establish it at its former value, so as to be worth some

hazard, he exerted himself to reconcile the Muskohge and Cheerake. If he

succeeded, he was sure to be something in pocket, and could report at

home, the profound peace he had effected between those nations by his

unwearied endeavours. He accordingly applied to some of the most

intelligent and leading traders among those warring savages, and

atempted to persuade them {278} by the ruling motive of mutual interest,

to be reconciled through his brotherly mediation. Though the Cheerake

were great losers in the war, yet the surviving relations of those who

had been killed without equal revenge of blood, were at first

inflexible, and deaf to the mediation: but, by the oratory of some of

their own speakers who had not suffered, connected with our traders

persuasions, each separate family at last consented to meet their

enemies, at the time and place appointed by brotherly request, and there

bury the bloody tomohawk under ground, and smoke together, out of the

friendly white pipe. But, as the Muskohge were conquerors, and

frequently returned home in their favourite and public triumphant

manner, and had then no mischievous views against the English, as at

present, it was a very difficult task to reconcile them to our beloved

man’s pacific measures: their head-men had great sway over the

ambitious, and young rising warriors, and by the former manly conduct of

South-Carolina, in obtaining speedy redress for every material injury,

the more sensible and honest part of the old leading men were as much

averse to peace, as the light-headed warriors. They well knew the fickle

and ungovernable temper of their young men, and ambitious leaders, when

they had no red enemies to war with, to obtain higher war-titles by

scalps—and their wisdom saw at a distance, the dangerous consequences

that must attend a general peace: for a considerable time, therefore,

they highly inveighed, and firmly guarded against it. But when a man’s

private interest coincides with what he intends to accomplish, he is

assiduous and more intent to effect it. This was verified by the

unwearied diligence of the prime magistrate alluded to; he knew the

Indians could not kill so many deer and beaver in the time of war as of

peace, and by his address, he persuaded several of the leading traders,

even contrary to their own outward security and inward choice, to exert

their strongest endeavours with the Muskohge for a reconciliation with

the Cheerake. The chief of those trading gentlemen, who unwillingly

involved himself in this pernicious affair, was the humane and

intelligent L. M’G—l—wr—, Esq.[163] Each had their lessons, to set forth

the reciprocal advantages of the contending parties, by such a

coalition; but it was finished by that gentleman’s earnest and

well-timed application, connected with his great natural sense, and easy

flow of their own bold figurative way of expression—and their favourable

opinion of his steady, honest principles. Since that unlucky period, he

has as often lamented his success in that affair, as the discerning

honest rulers of the Muskohge opposed it. He told me, that {279} when he

was soliciting some of the head-men to comply with the fraternal

proposals of our kindly ruler, he unexpectedly met with a very sharp

repulse;—for, when he had finished his oration, on the disadvantages of

frowning war, and the advantages of smiling peace, an old war-leader

retorted every paragraph he had spoken, and told him, that till then he

always had reckoned the English a very wise people, but now he was sorry

to find them unwise, in the most material point: adding, “You have made

yourself very poor, by sweating, far and near, in our smoky town-houses

and hot-houses, only to make a peace between us and the Cheerake, and

thereby enable our young mad people to give you, in a short time, a far

worse sweat than you have yet had, or may now expect. But, forasmuch as

the great English chieftain in Charles Town, is striving hard to have it

so, by ordering you to shut your eyes, and stop your ears, lest the

power of conviction should reach your heart, we will not any more oppose

you in this mad scheme. We shall be silent concerning it; otherwise, I

should be as mad as you, if I reasoned any more with one who is wilfully

blind and deaf.”

A number of their warriors met at Charles Town, at the time appointed:

their high-stationed English friend then took a great deal of pains to

inform them of the mutual advantages, that would accrue to them, by a

firm peace, and he convinced their senses of it, by a visible proof; for

he borrowed from one of them an arrow, and holding each end of it in his

hands, he readily broke it, which surprized none of the red spectators,

except the owner,—they did not then regard it as a symbolical

performance, but a boyish action. He again requested from the same young

warrior, the loan of his remaining sheaf of arrows, who reluctantly gave

them, as he feared they would all singly fare the fate of the former.

But, when he held the bundle by each end in his hands, and could only

bend it a little, he revived the watchful owner, and pleasingly

surprized the attentive savages, as he thereby had strongly demonstrated

to them, that _vis unita fortior_, upon which he expatiated, in easy

fine language, to the great joy of his red audience. By such evidence,

they were induced to shake hands firmly together; and likewise to

endeavour to preserve a perpetual union with all their neighbouring

nations, lest the wolf should attack them separately. And ever since

that impolitic mediation, they have been so strongly convinced of their

great advantage and security, {280} by a close friendly union with each

other, that all the efforts of the wise and honest Georgia patriot,

Governor Ellis, in concert with the Indian trading merchants, to

dissolve it in the year 1760, proved abortive with the wary and jealous

Muskohge, while we were at war with the Cheerake—and many of the

out-settlers of Georgia and South Carolina were plundered and murdered

by them, without sparing women or children; many instances of which we

were too often well acquainted with on the spot. The Cheerake, however,

stood in such great awe of about sixty Chikkasah warriors, that except

once when they were repulsed by a treble inferior number, they durst not

attempt any sort of attack on Georgia barriers, during the whole

continuance of the war. The wisdom of the ruling members of that weak

colony directed them, in their dangerous circumstances, to chuse the

least of two evils,—to humour, and bear with those mischievous Muskohge,

rather than involve themselves in a complicated war with those two

confederated nations; which must have ruined Georgia, in the weak

condition it then was. And, notwithstanding they have considerably

increased since, both in wealth and number of inhabitants, it is

probable, the colony is now less capable of bearing with any sort of

firmness, a sudden shock from these savages, than they were at that

time. For, though the people were then fewer in numbers; yet their

settlements were more compact. By this means, they could easily join in

social defense, on any alarm: and, as the circumstances of most of them

did not tempt them to enervating luxury, so the needful exercises they

daily pursued, enabled them to make a diversion of ranging the woods,

when occasion required. Plantations are now settled, often at a great

distance from each other, even to the outmost boundaries of the colony,

where commonly the best gunsmen reside, but who probably would be cut

off by surprize, at the first onset: and, lower down, their dispersed

settlements are often separated, either by difficult or unpassable

morasses,—slow running black waters,—or broken salt-water sounds; which

of course would be a great impediment to the people supporting each

other: so that each plantation is exposed to a separate assault, by a

superior body of those cunning savages, who attack, and fly away like a

sudden thunder gust. We have no sure way to fight them, but in carrying

the war into the bowels of their own country, by a superior body of the

provincial troops, mixed with regulars; and as we can expect no mercy in

case of a defeat, we should not despise their power, but prepare

ourselves for a sure conquest. {281}

ACCOUNT

OF THE

CHOKTAH NATION, &c.

The Choktah country lies in about 33 and 34 Deg. N. L. According to the

course of the Indian path, their western lower towns are situated two

hundred computed miles to the northward of New Orleans; the upper ones

an hundred and sixty miles to the southward of the Chikkasah nation; 150

computed miles to the west of the late dangerous French Alebahma

garrison, in the Muskohge country; and 150 to the north of Mobille,

which is the first settlement, and only town, except New Orleans, that

the French had in West-Florida.

Their country is pretty much in the form of an oblong square. The

barrier towns, which are next to the Muskohge and Chikkasah countries,

are compactly settled for social defense, according to the general

method of other savage nations; but the rest, both in the center, and

toward the Missisippi, are only scattered plantations, as best suits a

separate easy way of living. A stranger might be in the middle of one of

their populous extensive towns, without seeing half a dozen of their

houses, in the direct course of his path. The French, to intimidate the

English traders by the prodigious number of their red legions in

West-Florida, boasted that the Choktah consisted of nine thousand men

fit to bear arms: but we find the true amount of their numbers, since

West-Florida was ceded to us, to be not above half as many as the French

report ascertained.[164] And, indeed, if the French and Spanish writers

of the American Aborigines, had kept so near the truth, as to mix one

half of realities, with their flourishing {282} wild hyperboles, the

literati would have owed them more thanks than is now their due.

Those who know the Choktah, will firmly agree in opinion with the

French, concerning them, that they are in the highest degree, of

a base, ungrateful, and thievish disposition—fickle, and

treacherous—ready-witted, and endued with a surprizing flow of smooth

artful language on every subject, within the reach of their ideas; in

each of these qualities, they far exceed any society of people I ever

saw. They are such great proficients in the art of stealing, that in our

store-houses, they often thieve while they are speaking to, and looking

the owner in the face. It is reckoned a shame to be detected in the act

of theft; but, it is the reward they receive, which makes it shameful:

for, in such a case, the trader bastinadoes the covetous sinner, almost

as long as he seems sensible of pain. A few years ago, one of the

Chikkasah warriors told me, he heard a middle-aged Choktah warrior,

boast in his own country, at a public ball-play, of having artfully

stolen several things from one and another trader, to a considerable

amount, while he was cheapening goods of us, and we were blind in our

own houses.

As their country is pleasantly interspersed with hills, and generally

abounds with springs and creeks, or small brooks; and is in a happy

climate, it is extremely healthful. Having no rivers in their country,

few of them can swim, like other Indians; which often proves hurtful to

them, when high freshes come on while they are out at war. Their towns

are settled on small streams that purl into Mobille river, and another a

little to the southward of it. Koosah, the largest town in their nation,

lies within 180 miles of Mobille, at a small distance from the river

which glides by that low, and unhealthy old capital. The summer-breezes

pass by Mobille, in two opposite directions, along the channel of the

river; and very unhealthy vapors keep floating over the small

semicircular opening of the town, which is on the south-side of the

river, opposite to a very low marsh, that was formed by great torrents

of water, sweeping down rafts of fallen trees, till they settled there,

and were mixt with the black soil of the low lands, carried, and

subsiding there in the like manner. From thence, to the opposite shore,

the river hath a sandy bottom, and at low water is so very shallow, that

a person could almost walk across, though {283} it is two leagues broad.

The southern side of the river is so full of great trees, that sloops

and schooners have considerable difficulty in getting up abreast: and

for a considerable distance from the sea-coast, the land is low, and

generally unfit for planting, even on the banks of the river. About

forty miles up, the French had a small settlement of one plantation

deep, from the bank of Mobille river. The rest of the land is sandy pine

barrens, till within forty miles of the Choktah country, where the oak

and the hiccory-trees first appear; from whence, it is generally very

fertile, for the extensive space of about six hundred miles toward the

north, and in some places, two hundred and fifty, in others, two hundred

and sixty in breadth, from the Missisippi: This tract far exceeds the

best land I ever saw besides in the extensive American world. It is not

only capable of yielding the various produce of all our North-American

colonies on the main continent, as it runs from the south, towards the

north; but, likewise, many other valuable commodities, which their

situation will never allow them to raise. From the small rivers, which

run through this valuable large tract, the far-extending ramifications

are innumerable; each abounding with ever-green canes and reeds, which

are as good to raise cattle in winter, as the best hay in the northern

colonies. I need not mention the goodness of the summer-ranges; for,

where the land is good, it always produces various sorts of good timber,

such as oak of different kinds; hiccory, wall-nut, and poplar-trees. The

grass is commonly as long and tender, as what the best English meadows

yield; and, if those vacant fertile lands of the Missisippi were settled

by the remote inhabitants of Virginia, the Ohio, and North-Carolina,

they, from a small stock, could in a few years raise a prodigious number

of horses, horned cattle, sheep, and swine, without any more trouble

than branding, marking, and keeping them tame, and destroying the beasts

of prey, by hunting them with dogs, and shooting them from the trees.

Soon they might raise abundance of valuable productions, as would both

enrich themselves and their off-spring, and, at the same time, add in a

very high degree to the naval trade and manufactures of Great-Britain.

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