serviceable such hardy and expert men would be to their country, as
heretofore, if our Indian trade was properly regulated; and how
exceedingly preferable the tenth part of their number would prove
against boasted regular troops, in the woods. Though the British legions
are as warlike and formidable in the field of battle, as any troops
whatever, as their martial bravery has often testified; yet in some
situations they would be insignificant and helpless. Regular bred
soldiers, in the American woods, would be of little service. The natives
and old inhabitants, by being trained to arms from their infancy, in
their wood-land sphere of life, could always surround them, and sweep
them off entirely, with little damage to themselves. In such a case,
field-pieces are a mere farce. The abettors of arbitrary power, who are
making great advances through the whole British empire, to force the
people to decide this point, and retrieve their constitutional rights
and liberties, would do well to consider this. Is it possible for
tyranny to be so weak and blind, as to flatter its corrupt greatness
with the wild notion of placing a despotic military power of a few
thousand regular troops, over millions of the Americans, who are trained
to arms of defence, from the time they are able to carry them—generally
inured to dangers, and all of them possessing, in a high degree, the
social virtues of their manly free-minded fore-fathers, who often bled
in the noble cause of liberty, when hateful tyranny persisted in
stretching her rod of oppression over their repining country? Tyrants
are obstinately deaf, and blind; they will see and hear only through the
false medium of self-interested court-flatterers, and, instead of
redressing the grievances of the people, have sometimes openly {266}
despised and insulted them, for even exhibiting their modest prayers at
the foot of the throne, for a restoration of their rights and
privileges. Some however have been convinced in the end they were wrong,
and have justly suffered by the anathematizing voice of God and a
foederal union. That “a prince can do no ill” is a flat contradiction of
reason and experience, and of the English Magna Charta.[151]
Soon after West-Florida was ceded to Great-Britain, two warlike towns of
the _Koo-a-sah te_ Indians removed from near the late dangerous Alabahma
French garrison, to the Choktah country about twenty-five miles below
Tumbikbe[152]—a strong wooden fortress, situated on the western side of
a high and firm bank, overlooking a narrow deep point of the river of
Mobille, and distant from that capital, one hundred leagues. The
discerning old war-chieftain of this remnant, perceived that the proud
Muskohge, instead of reforming their conduct towards us, by our mild
remonstrances, grew only more impudent by our lenity; therefore being
afraid of sharing the justly deserved fate of the others, he wisely
withdrew to this situation; as the French could not possibly supply
them, in case we had exerted ourselves, either in defence of our
properties, or in revenge of the blood they had shed. But they were soon
forced to return to their former place of abode, on account of the
partiality of some of them to their former confederates; which proved
lucky in its consequences, to the traders, and our southern colonies:
for, when three hundred warriors of the Muskohge were on their way to
the Choktah to join them in a war against us, two Kooasâhte horsemen, as
allies, were allowed to pass through their ambuscade in the evening, and
they gave notice of the impending danger. These Kooasâhte Indians,[153]
annually sanctify the mulberries by a public oblation, before which,
they are not to be eaten; which they say, is according to their ancient
law.
I am assured by a gentleman of character, who traded a long time near
the late Alebahma garrison, that within six miles of it, live the
remains of seven Indian nations, who usually conversed with each other
in their own different dialects, though they understood the Muskohge
language; but being naturalized, they were bound to observe the laws and
customs of the main original body. These reduced, broken tribes, who
have helped to multiply the Muskohge to a dangerous degree, have also a
fixed oral tradition, that they formerly came from South-America, and,
after sundry struggles {267} in defence of liberty, settled their
present abode: but the Muskohge record themselves to be terræ filii, and
believe their original predecessors came from the west, and resided
under ground, which seems to be a faint image of the original formation
of mankind out of the earth, perverted by time, and the usual arts of
priest-craft.
It will be fortunate, if the late peace between the Muskohge and
Choktah, through the mediation of a superintendant, doth not soon affect
the security of Georgia, and East and West-Florida, especially should it
continue long, and Britain and Spain engage in a war against each other:
for Spain will supply them with warlike stores, and in concert, may
without much opposition, retake the Floridas; which they seem to have
much at heart. A Cuba vessel, in the year 1767, which seemed to be
coasting on purpose to meet some of the Muskohge, found a camp of them
almost opposite to the Apalache old fields, and proposed purchasing
those lands from them; in order to secure their liberties, and, the same
time, gratify the inherent, ardent desire they always had to oppose the
English nation. After many artful flourishes, well adapted to soothe the
natives into a compliance on account of the reciprocal advantages they
proposed, some of the Muskohge consented to go in the vessel to the
Havannah, and there finish the friendly bargain. They went, and at the
time proposed, were sent back to the same place, but, as they are very
close in their secrets, the traders know not the result of that affair;
but when things in Europe require, time will disclose it.
As the Muskohge were well known to be very mischievous to our
barrier-inhabitants, and to be an over-match for the numerous and fickle
Choktah, the few warlike Chikkasah, by being put in the scale with
these, would in a few years, have made the Muskohge kick the beam. Thus
our southern colonists might have sat in pleasure, and security, under
their fig-trees, and in their charming arbours of fruitful grape-vines.
But now, they are uncertain whether they plant for themselves, or for
the red savages, who frequently take away by force or stealth, their
horses and other effects. The Muskohge chieftain, called the “Great
Mortar,” abetted the Cheerake against us, as hath been already noticed,
and frequently, with his warriors and relations, carried them as good a
supply of ammunition, as the French of the Alebahmah-garrison could well
spare: for by order of their government, they were bound to reserve a
certain quantity, for any unforeseen occasion {268} that might happen.
If they had been possest of more, they would have given with a liberal
hand, to enable them to carry on a war against us, and they almost
effected their earnest wishes, when the English little expected it; for
as soon as the watchful officer of the garrison, was informed by his
trusty and well instructed red disciple, the Great Mortar, that the
Cheerake were on the point of declaring against the English, he saw the
consequence, and sent a pacquet by a Muskohge runner, to Tumbikbe-fort
in the Choktah country, which was forwarded by another, and soon
delivered to the governor of New-Orleans: the contents informed him of
the favourable opportunity that offered for the French to settle
themselves in the Cheerake country, where the late Fort-Loudon stood,
near the conflux of Great Telliko and Tennase-rivers, and so distress
our southern colonies, as the body of the Cheerake, Muskohge, Choktah,
Aquahpa, and the upper Missisippi-Indians headed by the French, would be
able to maintain a certain successful war against us, if well supplied
with ammunition. Their deliberations were short—they soon sent off a
large pettiaugre, sufficiently laden with warlike stores, and decoying
presents; and in obedience to the orders the crew had received of making
all the dispatch they possibly could, in the third moon of their
departure from New Orleans, they arrived within a hundred and twenty
computed miles of those towns that are a little above the unhappy
Fort-Loudon: there they were luckily stopped in their mischievous
career, by a deep and dangerous cataract; the waters of which rolled
down with a prodigious rapidity, dashed against the opposite rocks, and
from thence rushed off with impetuous violence, on a quarter-angled
course.[154] It appeared so shocking and unsurmountable to the
monsieurs, that after staying there a considerable time, in the vain
expectation of seeing some of their friends, necessity forced them to
return back to New Orleans, about 2600 computed miles, to their
inconsolable disappointment.
These circumstances are now well known to our colonies: and, if our
state policy had not sufficiently discovered itself of late, it would
appear not a little surprising that the Great Mortar, should have such
influence on the great beloved man, (so the Indians term the
superintendant) as to move him, at a congress in Augusta, to write by
that bitter enemy of the English name, a conciliating letter to the
almost-vanquished and desponding Choktah—for where the conquerors have
not an oblique point in {269} view, the conquered are always the first
who humbly sue for peace. This beloved epistle, that accompanied the
eagles-tails, swans-wings, white beads, white pipes, and tobacco, was
sent by a white interpreter, and _Mesheshecke_, a Muskohge
war-chieftain, to the perfidious Choktah, as a strong confirmation of
peace. Without doubt it was a master stroke of court-policy, to strive
to gain so many expert red auxiliaries; and plainly shews how extremely
well he deserves his profitable place of public trust. I am assured by
two respectable, intelligent, old Indian traders, G. G. and L. M. G.
Esq;[155] that they frequently dissuaded him from ever dabling in such
muddy waters; for the consequence would unavoidably prove fatal to our
contiguous colonies. This was confirmed by a recent instance—the late
Cheerake war, which could not have commenced, if the Muskohge and
Cheerake had not been reconciled, by the assiduous endeavours of an
avaricious, and self-interested governor. If any reader reckons this too
bold, or personal, I request him to peruse a performance, entitled, “A
modest reply to his Excellency J. G. Esq;” printed in Charles-town, in
the year 1750,[156] in which every material circumstance is sufficiently
authenticated.
When we consider the defenceless state, and near situation of our three
southern barrier colonies to the numerous Muskohge and Choktah—what
favourable opinion can charity reasonably induce us to form of the
continued train of wrong measures the managers of our Indian affairs
have studiously pursued, by officiously mediating, and reconciling the
deep-rooted enmity which subsisted between those two mischievous
nations? If they could not, consistent with the tenour of their
political office, encourage a continuance of the war, they might have
given private instructions to some discreet trader to strive to
influence them, so as to continue it.
It is excusable in clergymen that live in England to persuade us to
inculcate, an endeavour to promote peace and good will, between the
savages of the remote desarts of America; especially if they employ
their time in spiritual affairs, to which they ought to be entirely
devoted, and not as courtiers, in the perplexing labyrinths of state
affairs: but what can be said of those statesmen, who instead of
faithfully guarding the lives and privileges of valuable subjects,
extend mercy to their murderers, who have {270} a long time wantonly
shed innocent blood, and sometimes with dreadful tortures? The blood
cries aloud to the avenging God, to cause justice to be executed on
their execrable heads: for a while they may escape due punishment, but
at last it will fall heavy upon them.
When the superintendant’s deputy[157] convened most of the Muskohge
head-men, in order to write a friendly mediating letter to the
Chikkasah, in behalf of the Muskohge, the Great Mortar, animated with a
bitter resentment against any thing transacted by any of the British
nation, introduced a considerable number of his relations, merely to
disconcert this plan. The letter, and usual Indian tokens of peace and
friendship, were however carried up by a Chikkasah trader: but the Great
Mortar timed it so well, that he soon set off after the other with
ninety warriors, till he arrived within 150 miles of the Chikkasah
country, which was half way from the western barriers of his own; there
he encamped with 83, and sent off seven of the staunchest to surprize
and kill whomsoever they could. Two days after the express was
delivered, they treacherously killed two young women, as they were
hoeing in the field; all the people being off their guard, on account of
the late friendly tokens they received, and the assurance of the white
man that there were no visible tracks of any person on the long trading
path he had come. This was the beginning of May, in the year 1768, a few
hours after I had set off for South-Carolina. As soon as the sculking
barbarians had discharged the contents of their guns into their innocent
victims, they tomohawked them, and with their long sharp knives, took
off the scalps, put up the death _whoo-whoop-whoop_, and bounded away in
an oblique course, to shun the dreaded pursuit. The Chikkasah soon put
up their shrill war-whoop, to arm and pursue, and sixty set off on
horse-back, full speed. They over-shot that part of the woods the enemy
were most likely to have fled through; and four young sprightly
Chikkasah warriors who outran the rest, at last discovered, and
intercepted them;—they shot dead the Great Mortar’s brother, who was the
leader, scalped him, and retook one of the young women’s scalps that was
fastened to his girdle. Three continued the chase, and the fourth in a
short time overtook them: soon afterward, they came up again with the
enemy, at the edge of a large cane-swamp, thick-warped with vines, and
china briers; there they stopped, and were at first in doubt of their
being some of {271} their own company: the pursued soon discovered them,
and immediately inswamped, whereupon the four were forced to decline the
attack, the disadvantage being as four to eight in an open engagement.
In a few days after, I fell in with them; their gloomy and fierce
countenances cannot be expressed; and I had the uncourted honour of
their company, three different times before I could reach my destined
place, on account of a very uncommon and sudden flow of the rivers,
without any rain. Between sunset and eleven o’clock the next day, the
river, that was but barely our height in the evening, was swelled to the
prodigious height of twenty-five feet perpendicular, and swept along
with an impetuous force.
It may not be improper here to mention the method we commonly use in
crossing deep rivers.—When we expect high rivers, each company of
traders carry a canoe, made of tanned leather, the sides over-lapped
about three fingers breadth, and well sewed with three seams. Around the
gunnels, which are made of sapplings, are strong loop-holes, for large
deer-skin strings to hang down both the sides: with two of these, is
securely tied to the stem and stern, a well-shaped sappling, for a keel,
and in like manner the ribs. Thus, they usually rig out a canoe, fit to
carry over ten horse loads at once, in the space of half an hour; the
apparatus is afterwards commonly hidden with great care, on the opposite
shore. Few take the trouble to paddle the canoe; for, as they are
commonly hardy, and also of an amphibious nature, they usually jump into
the river, with their leathern barge a-head of them, and thrust it
through the deep part of the water, to the opposite shore. When we ride
only with a few luggage horses, as was our case at _Sip-se_, or
“Poplar,” the abovementioned high-swelled river, we make a frame of dry
pines, which we tie together with strong vines, well twisted; when we
have raised it to be sufficiently buoyant, we load and paddle it across
the stillest part of the water we can conveniently find, and afterward
swim our horses together, we keeping at a little distance below them.
At the time we first began to search for convenient floating timber, I
chanced to stand at the end of a dry tree, overset by a hurricane,
within three feet of a great rattle snake, that was coiled, and on his
watch of self-defence, under thick herbage. I soon espied, and killed
{272} him. But an astrologer, of twenty years standing among the
Indians, immediately declared with strong asservations, we should soon
be exposed to imminent danger; which he expatiated upon largely, from
his imagined knowledge of a combination of second causes in the
celestial regions, actuating every kind of animals, vegetables, &c. by
their subtil and delegated power. I argued in vain to hush his
groundless fears: however, while the raft was getting ready, another
gentleman, to quiet his timorous apprehensions, accompanied me with
fire-arms, pretty near the path in the beforementioned cane-swamp, and
we staid there a considerable while, at a proper distance apart—at last
we heard the well-mimicked voice of partridges, farther off than our
sight could discover, on which one of us struck up the whoop of
friendship and indifference; for I knew that the best way of arguing on
such occasions, was by a firmness of countenance and behaviour. I then
went near to my companion, and said, our cunning man was an Aberdeen
wizard, as he had so exactly foretold the event. The savages had both
discovered our tracks, and heard the sound of the ax. We soon met them;
they were nine of the mischievous _Ohchai_ town, who had separated from
the rest of their company. We conversed a little while together upon our
arms, and in this manner exchanged provisions with each other—then we
went down to the bank of the river, where they opened their packs,
spread out some hairy deer and bear skins with the fleshy side
undermost, and having first placed on them their heavy things, and then
the lighter, with the guns which lay uppermost, each made two knots with
the shanks of a skin, and in the space of a few minutes, they had their
leathern barge afloat, which they soon thrust before them to the other
shore, with a surprisingly small deviation from a direct course,
considering the strong current of the water. When our astrologer saw
them safe off, he wished them a speedy journey home, without being
exposed to the necessity of any delay. He was soon after carried safe
over on our raft, though once he almost over-set it, either by reason of
the absence, or disturbance, of his mind. Had he contracted a fever,
from the impending dangers his knowledge assured him were not yet past,
the cold sweat he got when left by himself, while we were returning with
the raft, and afterward swimming with the horses, must have contributed
a good deal to the cure. Soon afterwards, we came in sight of their camp
in a little spot of clear land, surrounded by a thick cane-swamp, where
some traders formerly had been killed by the Choktah. Our astrologer
{273} urged the necessity of proceeding a good way farther, to avoid the
danger. I endeavored to convince him by several recent instances, that a
timorous conduct was a great incentive to the base-minded savages, to do
an injury, not expecting any defence; while an open, free, and resolute
behaviour, a show of taking pleasure in their company, and a discreet
care of our firearms, seldom failed to gain the good will of such as are
not engaged in actual war against our country: he acquiesced, as I
engaged to sit next to the Indian camp, which was about a dozen yards
apart from our’s. He chose his place pretty near to mine, but in the
evening, I told him, that as I did not understand the Muskohge dialect,
nor they much of the Chikkasah language, I would give him the
opportunity of diverting himself at leisure with them, whilst on account
of the fatigues of the day, I would repose myself close at the root of a
neighbouring tree. This method of encamping in different places, on
hazardous occasions, is by far the safest way. I told them, before my
removal to my night quarters, that he was almost their countryman, by a
residence of above twenty years among them,—their chieftain therefore
readily addressed him, and according to what I expected, gave me an
opportunity of decently retiring. But when he expected a formal reply,
according to their usual custom, our astrological interpreter spoke only
a few words, but kept pointing to the river, and his wet clothes, and to
his head, shaking it two or three times; thereby informing them of the
great danger he underwent in crossing the water, which gave him so
violent a head-ach, as to prevent his speaking with any pleasure. I
laughed, and soon after endeavoured to persuade him to go over a little
while to their camp, as I had done, and by that means, he might know
better their present disposition; he replied with a doleful accent, that
he was already too near them, to the great danger of his life, which he
now too late saw exposed, by believing my doctrine of bringing them to
observe friendly measures, instead of pushing beyond them as he had
earnestly proposed. I asked him how he could reasonably fear, or expect
to shun a sudden death, no[158] account of his knowledge of the starry
influences, and skill in expounding dreams, and especially as he seemed
firmly to believe the deity had pre-determined the exact time of every
living creature’s continuance here: upon this he prevaricated, and told
me, that as I knew nothing of astrology, nor of the useful and skilful
exposition of important dreams, neither believed any thing of witches
and wizards being troublesome and hurtful to others, he could not
imagine I believed any thing of a divine providence or a resurrection of
the dead; which were evidently, {274} alike true, as appeared both by
divine writ, and the united consent of every ancient nation. He said,
people were ordered to watch and pray; I therefore could not be ruled by
the scripture, for why did I go to bed so soon, and leave all that
trouble to him. I told him, I wished he might by prayer, obtain a calm
composure of mind. He said, I was the cause of all his uneasiness, by
inducing him, contrary to his over night’s bloody dream, to lie so near
those wolfish savages. Then, in an angry panic, he cursed me, and said,
he should not that night have prayed there, only that the devil tempted
him to believe my damned lies, and sin against the divine intimations he
had received just before.
Within half a day’s ride of Augusta, I met the gentlemen who were
appointed to meet certain head-men of the Muskohge, to run a line,
between Georgia and the Muskohge country. The superintendant’s deputy
before-mentioned, accompanying them; I then informed him of the bad
situation of the Indian trade, both in the Chikkasah, and Muskohge
nations—The cause thereof—The dangerous policy of having reconciled
those jarring warlike savages—the ill disposition of the latter toward
us,—and it was the opinion of all the traders (one excepted) that
nothing, but their hot war with the Choktah, prevented them from
executing their mischievous intentions against us. I said this to the
commissary before the several gentlemen; but his conduct, and that of
his brother officer in the Chikkasah country, were no way correspondent
to the advice. While he benefited the ungrateful Muskohge, and gave them
a plea to injure the traders, he was free from personal danger, from the
red quarter; but one night at camp, after the line had been, at the
friendly and artful persuasions of G. G. Esq; run above twenty miles
beyond the southern limites agreed upon, he almost fatally experienced
the effects of their revengeful temper; which cannot be restrained when
they imagine themselves really injured, and afterwards insulted: for as
he was chiding a noted warrior with sharp language, the savage leaped
up, seized the other’s gun, cocked, and presented it against his breast;
but luckily he could not discharge it, as it was double-tricker’d,
contrary to the model of their smooth-bored guns. The public prints,
however, echoed the success of our directors of Indian affairs, on this
important occasion; though it was entirely owing to the abilities and
{275} faithful application, first, of Mr. G. G. and afterwards of Mr. L.
M. G. which the deputy almost prevented by his imprudent conduct, that
had nearly cost him also his life, and endangered the public
tranquility.