ORSHA TO THE BEREZINA
Napoleon reached Orsha on November 19th, and at once set strenuously to
work to restore order. Stringent orders were given that all stragglers
were to rejoin their respective corps in specified localities. What
effect these orders produced cannot easily be estimated; demoralisation
was so advanced and the mass of disbanded troops so great, that it
appears that little could be done to reform the skeleton units.
Something, however, could be done to rally and refresh the scanty
relics of the fighting force. There were in the town stores sufficient
to supply the troops with food for some days. There were, apparently,
fifty guns, some hundreds of horses, and Eblé’s reserve train of sixty
pontoons with all its equipment. Six batteries were organised out of
the artillery, each of six guns. Two went to Davout, who had saved
only eight guns out of 150; two to Eugène, who had not one left; two
were assigned to Latour-Maubourg--for what reason is not very clear.
Mounted cavalry officers were collected into what was called the Sacred
Squadron, under Grouchy. It has been stated that it was destroyed as
soon as created; but it was certainly in existence a week later.
Severe orders were issued to destroy superfluous vehicles, and to hand
over the horses thus freed to the artillery. Generals were restricted
to a single vehicle, and soldiers were forbidden to possess carts or
pack-horses. These orders were largely non-effective; there were not
gendarmes and faithful troops enough to execute them, and too many
people interested in resisting or neglecting them--as the passage of
the Berezina was soon to show.
Reasonable and necessary as it undoubtedly was to diminish the mass
of baggage and assist the artillery, it was surely the height of
imprudence to destroy the bridge-train. Eblé, alive to the danger,
pressed to be allowed to keep fifteen pontoons, but in vain, and
he could only save 2 field forges, 2 waggons of charcoal and 6 of
implements. At Smolensk he had seen to it that each man carried a tool,
and a supply of clamps and large nails. To his wise precautions the
piteous remnants of the _Grande Armée_ were to owe their salvation.
When Napoleon gave the order to burn the pontoons, Chichagov had been
four days in possession of Minsk, and was already close to Borisov with
his advance-guard! Comment is needless.
Victor remained at Chereia until November 10th. Oudinot, who had
now recovered from his wound, resumed the command of the 2nd Corps.
The army at Chereia was thus commanded by two independent generals
who would probably disagree. Victor was the senior officer, but not
definitely the commander-in-chief; and Napoleon in his orders merely
bids him to concert measures with Oudinot. Probably on the 9th, Victor
received an urgent order written by Napoleon at Mikalevka, to take the
offensive and drive back Wittgenstein. He was told that the safety of
the _Grande Armée_ depended upon him. The Emperor admitted that it was
much fatigued and that the cavalry was dismounted. “March!” ordered the
falling giant. “It is the order of the Emperor and of necessity!”
On receipt of this pressing order Victor and Oudinot got under way.
But the army was no longer what it had been a fortnight previously.
The troops appear still to have been well clothed; they had availed
themselves of convoys intended for the Poles. Food does not appear
to have been lacking. But the weather was bitterly cold, the ground
covered with snow, and the numbers were steadily dwindling. It
is probable that the two corps did not muster over 30,000 men on
November 14th. Wittgenstein, exclusive of Vlastov, had as many, and
his position behind the Ula and the Lukomlia was strong. His army was
now distributed in four small corps under Lieutenant-Generals Count
Steingell, Prince Iachvil, Berg, and Major-General Fock.
Oudinot is said by De Chambray to have advocated a direct attack, but
Victor considered it too risky, and it was decided to endeavour to
turn the Russian left. On November 11th, therefore, the French army,
the 9th Corps leading, advanced to Lukoml, about 10 miles south of
Chasniki, and thence moved eastward across the Lukomlia and the Usveia
upon Smoliani, a village lying beyond Wittgenstein’s left flank. On
the 13th Partouneaux’s division, which formed the advance-guard, found
that of Wittgenstein in position across the road and drove it back
upon Smoliani with heavy loss, including several hundred prisoners.
Wittgenstein, seeing that his left was threatened, changed front in
that direction and sent forward Prince Iachvil to reinforce and rally
the advance-guard. With the rest of his army he took up a position
along the Lukomlia. His line extended for about a mile and a half,
generally in advance of the frozen stream, its front being covered by
three large ponds, beyond which lay Smoliani. Steingell’s troops were
on the right and Berg’s on the left. Iachvil’s would form the centre.
Fock’s division was stationed in the bend of the Ula below Chasniki.
On the morning of the 14th Partouneaux’s division moved upon Smoliani,
Iachvil retiring steadily before him into the Russian main line.
Partouneaux developed an attack on the village, and easily captured
it, but was checked by the fire of the Russian artillery. Steingell
then sent forward some troops and retook Smoliani. Round this outpost
of the Russian line a brisk conflict lasted through the rest of the
short winter’s day. Its possession was, indeed, of slight importance;
and, since the Russians declined to be cowed by the threat of a turning
movement, Victor’s bolt was practically shot. Except for an attempted
demonstration by Victor’s cavalry on his right, the fighting elsewhere
was confined to a cannonade. The 2nd Corps and the bulk of the Russian
army were not engaged at all. On neither side were the losses heavy.
Victor may have had about 1400 killed and wounded. The Russians claimed
900 prisoners--probably a great exaggeration. Their own losses during
the two days probably totalled 2000.
Victor could now only retreat. He did not know the real state of the
central army, but he did know that his dwindling force was Napoleon’s
last reserve. On the 17th the two corps were once more about Chereia.
There they might at least hope to hold back Wittgenstein from the
vitally important high-road.
Wrede, after Polotsk, had, as has been seen, fallen back to cover
Vilna. He retired through Glubokoië to Danilovichi, and was there
reinforced by Coutard’s brigade, Lithuanian levies, and various
drafts, until on November 18th he had some 11,000 men. Vlastov, after
the action of Smoliani, had been drawn in by Wittgenstein, and Wrede
reoccupied Glubokoië on the 19th, having previously sent Corbineau to
rejoin Oudinot.
At Riga Essen had been succeeded in the command by Paulucci. The field
force of the garrison was spread out on the left bank of the Düna.
Its line was very extensive, and the troops on the left, under Lewis,
were dangerously exposed. On November 15th, therefore, Macdonald made
an attack upon them with Massenbach’s Prussian cavalry division, a
brigade of Prussian infantry and one of Poles. Lewis, cut off and hotly
pressed, only succeeded in escaping by crossing the Düna on the ice.
This sharp lesson made Paulucci cautious, and some weeks passed away in
tranquillity, Macdonald growing more and more uneasy at the bad news
which began to filter through to him, and not at all on good terms with
Yorck.
While Schwarzenberg was following Sacken, Admiral Chichagov pursued
his way to Minsk. The town was full of vast magazines of every kind,
besides thousands of sick and wounded. Yet no attempt had been made
to fortify it, and the force immediately available for its defence
consisted only of two small French battalions, a weak Württemberg
regiment, some depôts, and 4 Lithuanian battalions and 4 squadrons
newly raised and untrustworthy. Instead of keeping his troops united
near Minsk and Borisov, Bronikowski formed a field force under General
Kossecki, which he sent forward on the road to Slonim. Dombrowski,
hearing of Chichagov’s advance, hastened to collect his division, but
it was so scattered in his effort to fulfil his multitudinous duties
that it could not arrive in time.
Having once made up his mind to ignore Schwarzenberg and push on to
Minsk, the Admiral wasted no time. He sent off Colonel Chernishev with
a regiment of Cossacks to explain the situation to Wittgenstein, and
on November 9th started Lambert and Sabaniev for Minsk. In defence
of his slowness hitherto it must be said that, besides the menace
of Schwarzenberg in his rear, he was much pestered by orders from
Kutuzov, which were usually too old to be applicable to the situation.
He was directed to entrench himself on the Berezina, and he had only
a single competent engineer officer. He was ordered to reinforce the
garrison of Kiev, lest Napoleon should follow the example of Charles
XII and move southward! To further weaken his army was madness, but
Chichagov diverted some drafts to Kiev, and held on for Minsk, Lambert
leading, Sabaniev and Voïnov following, and Chaplitz bringing up the
rear. At Nesvizh, on the 12th, General Lüders joined. On the 13th
Kossecki’s column was found by Lambert holding the bridge over the
Niemen at Novi-Svergen. Kossecki had only 4 Lithuanian battalions
and a solitary gun. He had vainly represented to Bronikowski the
strength of the advancing enemy, and begged permission to retire.
Lambert easily carried the bridge, capturing the gun and about 1000
prisoners. Kossecki fell back towards Minsk, and on the way was
reinforced by a small battalion of the French 46th, 300 French cavalry,
150 Württembergers and 2 guns. On the 15th he was overtaken by Lambert
at Koidanow, 18 miles from Minsk, and, after a running fight of
several miles, his force was destroyed, only the remnant of the French
cavalry, which had fought splendidly, reaching Minsk. The consequences
were fatal. Dombrowski was still over 20 miles distant with his
advance-guard; not 1500 troops remained in Minsk and Borisov; and
Lambert was already half-way from Koidanow. Dombrowski, who had himself
hurried on in advance of his troops, saw nothing for it but to abandon
Minsk. Next day Bronikowski, with about 1000 men, retreated on Borisov,
while Dombrowski turned his troops back to Berezino, hoping thence to
reach Borisov before the Russians. Minsk was occupied by Lambert in the
afternoon, and there he found no less than 2,000,000 rations of food
and 4700 sick and wounded. The hospitals were found to be in a shocking
condition.
Chichagov’s whole army was in Minsk by the 18th, and a halt was made
to rough-shoe the horses and rest the men. Ertel should have been at
hand with his corps; but on pretext of sickness he was still at Mazyr,
and only a detachment of 6 battalions, 4 squadrons and a Cossack
regiment had been sent forward to Igumen. Chichagov at once despatched
Major-General Tuchkov II to supersede him.
On the 19th the Admiral started Lambert for Borisov and Chaplitz for
Zembin. Next day Sabaniev marched in the track of Lambert, and Voïnov
after Chaplitz. Chichagov accompanied Voïnov, while Langeron was with
Sabaniev. A small garrison was left in Minsk, and the Cossack Colonel
Lukovkin sent towards Igumen to observe Dombrowski.
Bronikowski had at Borisov and Vseselovo less than 2000 men. Dombrowski
reached Borisov at midnight on the 20th, bringing with him 6 battalions
and 6 squadrons of his division; his other infantry regiment and 2
squadrons were still behind. Arriving in the dark he bivouacked on
the left bank. A French battalion occupied the _tête du pont_, the
7th Württembergers Borisov; the rest of Bronikowski’s force was at
Veselovo, several miles higher up the river opposite Zembin.
Lambert had with him 5 infantry regiments, 28 squadrons and some
Cossacks--about 8000 men and 36 guns. Against him Dombrowski could
bring less than 5000 in all, with, apparently, 34 guns.
Lambert attacked the bridge-head early on the 21st. The French
battalion was driven out, but the Württembergers hurried up from the
rear, repulsed the Russians, and gave Dombrowski time to arrive. Again
and again Lambert assaulted the works in vain; and the fight raged
obstinately well into the afternoon, the 1st and 6th Polish regiments,
with their French and German comrades, resisting with magnificent
courage. Lambert himself was dangerously wounded. Towards evening,
however, the 14th Chasseurs succeeded in turning the works on the right
by slipping through a gully, while the bulk of Lambert’s division again
assailed them in front. They were finally carried, and the adventurous
14th pressed on so impetuously that they passed the bridge with the
flying foe and saved it from destruction. The remains of Dombrowski’s
force were hurled through the town in utter confusion, despite their
desperate attempts to rally, and pursued by the Russian cavalry towards
Lochnitza, on the road to Orsha. Langeron arrived with his leading
troops towards the close of the action, and in the evening was joined
by Chichagov and Voïnov.
On the Russian side more than 1500 men were killed and wounded,
General Engelhart being among the former and Lambert among the latter.
Dombrowski’s force lost over 3000 men killed, wounded, and prisoners.
Twenty-four guns were taken by the victors.[8] Dombrowski’s rear-guard
regiment was attacked on the march by Colonel Lukovkin, and severely
mauled before it could recover from the surprise and beat off the
Cossacks.
The position of Napoleon now appeared desperate. Seventy thousand
men, inspirited by success, were preparing to bar his retreat to
the frontier; Minsk and Vitebsk with their magazines, Borisov with
its all-important bridge, had passed into the enemy’s hands, and
Schwarzenberg, with the one powerful force that remained at Napoleon’s
disposal, had been drawn far away to the south-west. The Emperor had
with him about Orsha only some 25,000 demoralised men, surrounded by a
helpless mob of 40,000 non-combatants of both sexes, the majority in
the last stages of misery and despair. He had scarcely any effective
cavalry, and not more than 110 badly horsed guns, while to his left
rear was a pursuing army three times his strength. So must the position
of the defeated conqueror have presented itself to his dismayed
followers. It now remains to review the circumstances which rendered
it, terrible as it undoubtedly was, somewhat less critical than it
might have been.
After Krasnoï, Kutuzov had practically abandoned the pursuit. The
condition of his army was very serious; the number of men in the ranks
was diminishing daily, while the horses were rapidly breaking down
under the effects of hard marching, little forage, and constantly
remaining saddled. Buturlin states that the loss by fatigue and
hardship since October 24th already amounted to 30,000 men.
In direct pursuit of Napoleon, Kutuzov sent forward the various flying
columns and Cossack detachments, and a special force under Yermólov,
consisting of the Chasseurs of the Guard, six battalions of Dokhturov’s
corps, 2 regiments of Cossacks and 12 guns. The united force of these
detachments may be estimated at 20,000 men and 40 guns. The vanguard
of Miloradovich, which was to follow in support, totalled also about
20,000 men. A regiment of Chasseurs had been left to garrison Smolensk.
With the rest of the army Kutuzov marched slowly to Kopys, which he
reached on the 24th, Miloradovich being about two marches farther
on, and Yermólov and Platov were in advance of the vanguard. Kutuzov
left the guns of 12 batteries at Kopys, using their men and horses to
complete weakened units, and detailed to escort them the remains of
the light cavalry of the Guard. On the 26th he left Kopys with a force
reduced now to about 40,000 men and 200 guns. Napoleon was already at
the Berezina, and for all practical purposes the Russian Grand Army
was off the board at the decisive moment. What was worse, though his
information was naturally out of date, Kutuzov still endeavoured to
control the operations of Chichagov and Wittgenstein.
Chichagov on the Berezina was in a state of great uncertainty. His
army was not now more than 33,000 strong, and his 10,000 cavalry were
almost useless on the wooded and marshy banks of the river. He was
without information of the main armies later than the evacuation of
Moscow. On the evening of the 21st the Comte de Rochechouart, one of
the Admiral’s French _émigré_ staff-officers, found among Bronikowski’s
half-burnt papers a despatch from Victor, stating that Napoleon would
probably reach Borisov on the 23rd. The news must have been something
of a shock to Chichagov, since he naturally expected to be attacked by
greatly superior numbers. His conduct at this juncture has been sharply
criticised, yet one does not well see what else he could have done.
He moved forward the advance-guard, now commanded by Major-General
Pahlen II, towards Lochnitza, on the Orsha road, to give warning of any
hostile advance, established his head-quarters in Borisov, and kept the
bulk of his force on the right bank of the river. His errors appear
to have been that he allowed too much of his baggage trains to cross,
and permitted a large detachment of his cavalry to disperse to forage;
the latter step may, however, have been necessary. The point is that
Chichagov was ignorant of the deplorable condition of the Moscow army,
and rather expecting to be himself attacked.
Wittgenstein, on his side, possessed very scanty information about the
general state of affairs, and his staff estimated Napoleon’s strength
as at least 60,000. The result was that his movements were extremely
slow and circumspect.
In other words, while the destruction of the remnant of Napoleon’s
forces was inevitable if all his adversaries showed energy, it was
already becoming apparent that this would not be the case, and that he
would have an opportunity of escaping.
Napoleon learned of the fall of Minsk while on the march to Orsha, and
despatched orders to Oudinot to march to Borisov to secure the passage.
On the 20th Victor was directed to cover the march on Borisov, which he
was to reach on the 26th.
Oudinot was timed to arrive on the 24th, and since he had only about
50 miles to march, the Emperor did not imagine the position to be
desperate. Oudinot, perhaps more alive to it, reached Borisov on the
23rd. On the 22nd he was rejoined by Corbineau, who, after a skirmish
with Chernishev’s Cossacks, found himself cut off from Borisov by
Chichagov’s army, and was guided by a peasant to a ford at Studianka,
about 8 miles higher up.
Napoleon, with the Guard and head-quarters, left Orsha on the 20th and
arrived on the 22nd at Tolochin. There were in the place considerable
stores, and Napoleon halted for 24 hours. There he was joined by Ney
with the relics of his command, Davout now resuming rear-guard duty.
Platov occupied Orsha on the afternoon of the 21st. He captured 21
abandoned guns, some stores, a mass of trains, and thousands of sick
and wounded, all of whom perished. The Russians had not the means of
succouring them, even had they possessed the will to do so.
Junot and Zayonczek, with the remains of the 5th and 8th Corps and
the dismounted cavalry, were in advance; then came the Guard and
head-quarters, Ney, Eugène and Davout. Davout may have had remaining
about 6000 men, Eugène perhaps 3000, Ney 1500, Junot and Zayonczek
possibly each 1000; to the former were attached about 1000 dismounted
horsemen. The Guard may have been 9000 infantry and artillery and
1500 cavalry strong. A few hundred only of the line cavalry still
retained horses. It was with the greatest difficulty that the fighting
troops could force their way through the helpless horde of stragglers
and disarmed fugitives which covered the road. The armed soldiers
themselves presented a miserable spectacle. A mournful silence reigned
in the shattered ranks; the men plodded along mechanically, huddling
themselves in their rags; little was heard save the shuffling of feet
in the snow and slush. Vaudoncourt records his feelings of horror when
he met the advance-guard and saw the dismounted Cuirassiers, ragged,
bare-footed, emaciated, wretched beyond belief, dragging themselves
painfully along the roads.
An incident typical of the absolute callousness to which misery had
reduced everyone is related by Lejeune, who had succeeded Romoeuf as
Davout’s chief-of-staff. At Krupki, near Borisov, Davout’s staff found
two babies in the house occupied by them. Lejeune begged the Marshal’s
steward to try and give them a little broth. None was forthcoming,
and the steward at last, distressed by the continued wailing of the
little creatures, drowned them! Wilson, too, tells how the Grand Duke
Constantine, out of sheer humanity, as he declared, “put out of his
misery” a stripped and perishing French officer.
[Illustration:
NAPOLEON, BERTHIER, MURAT, AND RAPP (IN THE ORDER NAMED) ROUND CAMP FIRE
Russian peasants brought in prisoners by French Chasseurs-à-cheval
From the picture by Verestchagin]
On the 22nd Napoleon heard from Oudinot that Chichagov had captured
Borisov and that he himself was on the way to retake it. The Emperor
replied in a somewhat incoherent letter, instructing him to seize
a point of passage, and interspersing orders and intelligence with
agitated appeals to the Marshal’s energy and devotion. The last were
not needed. Oudinot’s intellectual capacity was not great, but his
devotion was undoubted, and he never served Napoleon so well as in the
terrible days that followed.
Oudinot on the 23rd picked up Dombrowski and the remains of his force.
He placed the remains of his cavalry at the head of the advance, with
Legrand’s division in support; and in the afternoon fell upon Pahlen
near Lochnitza. The Russians were taken entirely by surprise, largely
apparently because of their leader’s negligence, and, veterans as they
were, broke and fled headlong. They poured in mad panic into Borisov
just as Chichagov and his staff were dining. Everybody seems to have
lost his head, and the place was abandoned in haste and complete
disorder. All the baggage which had crossed the river was left behind
as the prey of the 2nd Corps--much to its benefit. Voïnov hurried up
4 battalions, which occupied the houses near the bridge, and enabled
the panic-stricken mob to crowd across in safety. The bridge was then
broken, and despite their really brilliant success the passage of the
river was closed to the French. The Russians had lost in their panic
flight about 1000 men in all and a quantity of baggage, including the
Admiral’s camp service and portfolio; but no guns were lost--probably
rather owing to good fortune than good management. Langeron sneers
bitterly at his chief, but the fault was obviously that of Pahlen and
his advance-guard, who should not have permitted themselves to be
surprised by a small force of cavalry.
On November 23rd Napoleon with his leading troops reached Bobr, a
town of 300 houses, about 35 miles from Borisov. Victor was falling
back towards the road from Chereia, and on this day Billard’s brigade
of Partouneaux’s division had a sharp encounter with Wittgenstein’s
advance-guard under Vlastov. Billard was driven back with considerable
loss, which was, however, much exaggerated by the Russians, though a
battalion of the 126th Regiment was completely destroyed. Wittgenstein
might have done much more, but he was very circumspect and timid,
and Clausewitz hints that he was not greatly disposed to co-operate
cordially with Chichagov. The latter expected him to unite with his
own army behind the river, according to the Tzar’s directions; and so
also did Napoleon, who ordered Victor to endeavour to bar his march
on Zembin. The Marshal could not obey, for he was already too far
south, having acted upon previous instructions given when Napoleon
was still uncertain as to the point at which he should cross the
Berezina. Otherwise Napoleon till the last dangerously underestimated
Wittgenstein’s strength, and wrote as if Victor could easily defeat him.
At Bobr Napoleon received the crushing news of the failure to save the
bridge of Borisov. All now depended upon the bridging of the river.
Eblé, with his pontonniers and his inestimable convoy of implements,
was ordered forward, while General Chasseloup was directed also to the
Berezina with all the sappers and artificers who could be collected,
but they were without forges and almost destitute of ordinary hand
tools. Stringent orders were given to destroy superfluous vehicles and
hand over their horses to the artillery. Needless to say, they were
generally evaded. Davout was directed to hold firm as long as possible
in order to give the miserable mob of non-combatants time to escape. It
would have been better had the humane order never been issued. Most of
the non-combatants were doomed, and the lives of devoted officers and
soldiers were wasted in protecting them. At Bobr d’Alorna rejoined with
the garrison of Mohilev. His 1500 men and the remains of the 5th Corps
and Claparède’s division were united to the relics of the 3rd Corps,
thus giving Ney a force of about 6000 men and 30 guns.
Oudinot also, on the banks of the Berezina, was doing his best. He was,
as usual with Napoleon’s generals, timid of responsibility; but having
made up his mind he acted with excellent judgment. Having obtained,
despite all difficulties, information as to the points of passage, he,
about midday on the 24th, selected Studianka, and directed thither his
small, ill-trained, and ill-equipped force of artificers. He informed
Napoleon frankly of the difficulty of his task; the enemy were keenly
watching the course of the river. To distract Chichagov he made
demonstrations above and below Borisov, and noted that the Russians
seemed inclined to expect the French advance rather below than above.
Napoleon, after a conference with Generals Dode and Jomini, who knew
the course of the river, also decided to force a passage above Borisov,
and indicated the ford at Veselovo, 15 miles above that town. When the
order arrived, however, the Marshal had already selected Studianka.
The frost, which had ceased since the 18th, was now setting in again.
On the one hand, the slightly alleviated misery in the army now again
began to increase. On the other, it hardened the low, marshy banks
of the Berezina and enabled the French to transport their artillery
and trains. Opposite to Studianka, about a mile from the right bank,
ran the Borisov-Zembin road, by which the army must defile in order
to gain the Minsk-Vilna highway at Molodechno. Behind Studianka the
ground rose, and artillery could be placed in position to command the
low opposite bank. Studianka itself was a fair-sized village, and its
houses afforded timber useful for the construction of bridges.
We must now turn to Chichagov, who has been made by Russians the
scapegoat for the escape of Napoleon. In the first place, he believed
that Napoleon had 70,000 or 80,000 men against his 32,000. Next, he
had been informed by Wittgenstein that Napoleon was, in his opinion,
retreating in the direction of Bobruisk. The Admiral was confirmed
in this by intelligence that Austrian cavalry scouts were on the
Minsk-Bobruisk road. Chichagov’s dispositions in these circumstances
were perfectly sound. Chaplitz, who had been watching the upper
Berezina for some time, remained near Brelova, nearly opposite
Studianka; while Voïnov and Sabaniev, with Pahlen’s rallied force, were
concentrated round Borisov, ready to act in force in any direction.
On the 25th he received a despatch from Kutuzov. It was not a direct
order, but, coming from the commander-in-chief, it naturally had great
weight with the Admiral. It suggested that Napoleon would probably move
southward towards Bobruisk to cross the lower Berezina. At the same
time, Major-General O’Rourke and Colonel Lukovkin reported that they
had found Polish troops lower down (these were Dombrowski’s belated
detachments).
Chichagov, assuming that Kutuzov had good reason for sending his
despatch, and considering the intelligence sent by his detachment
commanders, concluded that Napoleon’s rumoured southern movement was
a reality; and, on the 25th, leaving Pahlen at Borisov, and ordering
Chaplitz to draw in to him, he marched off with Voïnov and Sabaniev to
Chabachevichi, some 15 miles down the Berezina. Langeron says that both
he and Sabaniev endeavoured to dissuade him--Sabaniev apparently losing
his temper. Chichagov, however, persisted, and considering everything
it is difficult to see what else he could have done, misled as he
was by bad information from every side. On the 25th Napoleon himself
reached Borisov, and was seen by Langeron and his staff, much to their
consternation, as the only force at hand to oppose him was Pahlen’s
weakened advance-guard. The French Guards were in Borisov; the rest
of the Moscow remnant between Borisov and Krupki, two marches to the
rear. Oudinot was at Studianka; Victor rather to the north of Davout
at Krupki, in order to cover him against Victor. Davout since Orsha
had been only harassed by Cossacks. The bulk of Wittgenstein’s slowly
advancing force was at Kolopenichi, 27 miles north-east of Borisov:
Platov was east of Krupki, and Yermólov at Maliavka, near Bobr.
General Aubry, Oudinot’s chief of artillery, began to fell trees and
construct trestles for bridges immediately upon arriving at Studianka,
but unfortunately they proved too weak. As soon as it was dark Oudinot
started his artillery for the selected point of passage, and as night
drew its veil over the dreary banks of the Berezina, Generals Eblé
and Chasseloup reached Studianka with their men and their slender
equipment, and began in earnest to construct bridges. All night they
laboured to prepare the supports, and at 8 a.m. on the 26th the first
trestle was fixed in position. It had been hoped to throw three
bridges, but there were scarce enough materials for two. Chasseloup
soon saw that the hopeless deficiency of equipment of his engineers
would prevent him from doing anything independently; he therefore
brought his men to help Eblé, the engineers working at the preparation
of trestles and floors while the pontonniers fixed them.
The fate of the relics of the _Grande Armée_ now rested, humanly
speaking, in the hands of a prematurely aged and physically broken man
of fifty-five years of age, who had never, under Napoleon, received
employment equal to his merits. The name of Jean Baptiste Eblé is one
to be uttered with all honour and reverence as that of a man who,
besides being a master of his profession, was in very truth a hero,
upright, modest, self-sacrificing, and literally faithful unto death.
One seeks not for purity or an exalted standard of duty among the rough
and greedy fighters about Napoleon. Exceptions there were, but they
were comparatively few; and so one turns with peculiar respect towards
the simple, gracious figure of Eblé.
Early on the 26th Eblé verified the width and depth of the river. The
latter had increased, owing to a freshet, since Corbineau’s crossing
from 3-1/2 feet to 5.
Besides pushing on the preparations for the bridges, the engineers
constructed three small rafts, by which some 400 infantry were ferried
over to guard the bridge-head, accompanied by some of Corbineau’s
troopers, who forded the river with foot soldiers behind them.
The cold was bitter; the water was already freezing; and the
pontonniers would have to work in it up to their shoulders. The ordeal
meant certain death to almost all; but the men answered the call of
their chief with a heroism as high as his own. They were relieved every
15 minutes and were promised special rewards, but five-sixths of them
perished. There were 7 companies in all, about 400 men, of whom 100
were Dutch.
The bridges were placed 200 yards apart. Each had 23 sets of trestles
(_chevalets_). That on the right was intended only for troops. It was
terribly weak. Suitable wood for the roadway was lacking, but the
engineers patched up one of planks nailed one upon another, and laid
brushwood and twigs upon it to lessen the strain. The roadway was in
places nearly level with the water; there were no rails. The left-hand
bridge was intended for artillery and baggage. It was more solid than
the other; but still very weak, and as there was no time to square them
the roadway was constructed of rough logs, the passage over which of
vehicles occasioned continued joltings which impaired the stability of
the frail structure.
[Illustration: GENERAL BARON EBLÉ
Commander of the Bridge Trains of the Grand Army in 1812]
Napoleon himself, with his Head-quarters and Guard, reached Studianka
early on the 26th. He came to the head of the bridges and there
remained until they were completed, personally supervising the
construction. In the intervals when he could do nothing he sat on a
pile of logs on the bank, gloomily gazing upon the slowly progressing
structures on which his last hopes rested. More than once he asked
Eblé to hurry. The General pointed to his devoted pontonniers working
themselves to death in the icy stream, and the Emperor could say no
more. What he could do to relieve them he apparently did, sometimes
helping with his own hands to serve them out brandy.
The artillery of the Guard and of the 2nd Corps was massed behind
Studianka ready to open fire as soon as the Russians should show
themselves. But Chaplitz was already withdrawing through the woods to
Borisov; only a weak rear-guard with 2 light guns remained opposite
the village. Chaplitz’s worst fault was to neglect to destroy the long
wooden bridges on which the Zembin road crossed the marshes. He was
a brave and a good officer, but on this occasion failed much in the
performance of his duty.
At 1 p.m. the right-hand bridge was completed, and at once Napoleon
gave the order to Oudinot’s corps to cross. With the addition of
Dombrowski’s Poles it appears to have been nearly 11,000 strong. Some
of its regiments were reduced to mere skeletons; but others were still
relatively strong. They were generally well clothed and in good order,
and their still unbroken spirit appeared in the lately unaccustomed
cheers with which they hailed Napoleon as they defiled past him. The
Swiss regiments were especially solid and eager. Only 2 guns were
taken across for fear of injuring the bridge. The advance-guard easily
cleared away Chaplitz’s feeble rear-guard, and moved forward on the
Borisov road until it found Chaplitz, reinforced by Pahlen, in position
across its path. Reconnaissances despatched to Zembin found the
Vilna road clear, and the Emperor decided to give up any intention of
reaching Minsk and to move upon Vilna.
The heavier bridge was ready at 4 p.m., and the artillery of the Guard
and Oudinot’s corps began to pass. At 8 p.m. three sets of trestles
gave way. Half the pontonniers were called upon and, worn out with
desperate toil and sunk in sleep as they were, they answered Eblé’s
call. By 11 p.m. the breakage was repaired, and the rest of the
artillery, the remains of the reserve park, and Ney’s corps began to
cross.
At 2 a.m. on the 27th the bridge broke in the centre; three sets of
trestles were destroyed. The second half of the pontonniers were called
upon. Eblé himself chose good sound wood and superintended the making
of new ones, while the heroic pontonniers sacrificed themselves as
nobly as before. At 6 a.m. the damage was repaired and the passage
proceeded. The bridge broke again at 4 p.m., two trestles giving way.
It was repaired by 6 p.m.
The supports of the troop bridge held firm, but the weak roadway was
continually breaking, and the devoted engineers were at work upon it
with little intermission. It was so frail and swayed so badly that it
is remarkable that it did not collapse.
Napoleon, with the Head-quarters and the Guard (less Claparède),
crossed about 1 p.m. on the 27th. As yet no very great number of the
non-combatants had arrived, and they were mostly employees of the army
who crossed with their corps. The disbanded mob was flocking into
Borisov ahead of Eugène and Davout. It was amenable to no control,
and, as aforesaid, Napoleon’s order to the rear-guard to hold back was
little likely to save it from destruction.
Chichagov, on reaching Chabachevichi, sent patrols across the river
which failed to locate the enemy, and the Admiral became aware that he
had been misled. He once more turned his troops towards Borisov, which
they re-entered on the evening of the 26th. He directed Langeron to do
what he could to reinforce Chaplitz, adding that he was coming up with
all speed. Everybody, according to the bitter Langeron, was cursing
“this miserable sailor.” They, however, did not know the circumstances,
and might have cursed the high and well-born Prince Golénischev-Kutuzov
with better reason. Langeron took forward Pahlen’s infantry to
reinforce Chaplitz; he says--certainly with exaggeration--that there
were only 1200 of them. Voïnov’s and Sabaniev’s troops, after a 30
miles march in frost and snow, were in no condition for battle, and the
Army of the Danube had to remain at rest on the 27th. Without wishing
entirely to absolve Chichagov, it appears to the writer that the chief
blame must be laid upon Kutuzov, who lagged behind and sent misleading
intelligence. Blame also attaches to Chaplitz for his negligence
at Zembin. Yet it must be observed that he probably expected, with
the rest of Chichagov’s officers, that Napoleon would retreat upon
Minsk, and therefore drew in the detachment, which might otherwise
have been cut off. Chichagov cannot be blamed for resting during the
27th. Borisov was full of French, who might attempt to force a passage
there. They were mostly non-combatants, but this could not of course be
ascertained with certainty. For the rest his troops were weary.
Wittgenstein was probably more blameworthy than the much abused
Admiral. His pursuit of Victor was unenergetic; despite his double
superiority of numbers, he made no attempt to press. He was in fear
that Napoleon would turn his own right flank and retreat by Lepel to
Vilna; and this was in fact one of the Emperor’s alternative plans.
He moved so cautiously that on the 25th his advance-guard did not
touch the rear-guard of Victor, who fell back unmolested towards the
high-road at Borisov. Reconnaissances made it clear that Napoleon
was not moving past the Russian right and Wittgenstein advanced to
Kostritza, only 8 miles from Borisov and about 10 east of Studianka.
Victor reached Borisov in safety; and Eugène and Davout moved on to
Studianka, where they arrived at dusk on the 27th. Victor’s move,
however, had evil effects; his troops came upon the line of march
of the unhappy fugitives from Moscow, and the awful condition of
the latter spread demoralisation in the ranks of the 9th Corps. The
2nd Corps had already come in contact with the woeful relics of the
Guard and Ney’s corps, and their morale was affected. At Kostritza
Wittgenstein learned that the French were at Studianka, but instead
of marching thither he directed part of his troops on the 27th on
Borisov, part on Staroï Borisov, some miles above the former place.
Platov was in touch with Wittgenstein, and Yermólov was on the march
to Borisov. There were thus, of Russian troops, on the Berezina the
army of Chichagov, 32,000 strong with 180 guns, that of Wittgenstein at
least 31,000, and Yermólov’s and Platov’s columns, say 12,000 men and
30 guns, in all 75,000.
As against this large and eager, if partly irregular, force Napoleon
is said by De Chambray to have had barely 31,000 men. This figure is
certainly too low. De Fezensac believes that he had 50,000 men; and on
the whole it is possible that the total number of combatants was about
47,000. It was composed as follows: Guard (less Claparède) 8500, Ney
about 5000, Davout 3000, Eugène 2000, Junot 1500 (including dismounted
cavalry), Oudinot 11,000 (including Dombrowski), Victor 13,500,
Head-quarters 2500. The last item is usually ignored by historians.
There were between 250 and 300 guns, and perhaps 5500 effective
cavalry, of whom 1500 belonged to the Guard and Head-quarters. But of
these troops nearly a third were so worn down by hardship as to be
hardly capable of making any great effort.
Eugène and Davout on reaching Studianka crossed in the night, the
bitter cold of which went far to achieve the destruction of their few
remaining troops. Even Oudinot’s troops, still in comparatively good
condition, suffered greatly in their wretched bivouacs in the woods
of Stakhov. Behind the 1st and 4th Corps the horde of non-combatants
came pouring down to the bridges. The road from Borisov to Studianka
was choked with their throngs. Every age and sex was represented in
the helpless mass; and there was to be seen human misery in its most
hideous aspects. Even more harrowing than the misery and hideous aspect
of the fugitives was their utter apathy and helplessness. The crowd
heaved itself sluggishly along the tracks in whatever direction it
chanced to take or was pushed by moving troops. Most of the wretches
who composed it seem to have lost their senses no less than their
appearance as more or less civilised human beings. The instincts
of comradeship and humanity were almost extinct, and progress was
constantly retarded by the brawling and fighting for places in the
column of the mass of degraded savages which once had been Napoleon’s
_Grande Armée_.
Snow fell heavily during the night upon the unfortunates huddled
shelterless among the woods and marshes. The non-combatants on
reaching Studianka would go no further, despite the efforts of Eblé
and Chasseloup to induce some of them to cross. Napoleon had issued
orders that the passage was to be kept up day and night, but they
probably could not be, at any rate were not, executed. The luckless
people continued to stream down towards Studianka until the bank for
miles was covered with them, and apathetically bivouacked as best they
could among their vehicles. Very few appear to have attempted to cross;
those who did probably created blockages and disorder, being amenable
to no kind of control. The pontonniers and engineers were too few and
too weary to enforce order in such a mass. More might have been done
had Napoleon personally exerted himself to supervise the passage;
unfortunately after the 27th he did nothing.
Victor’s corps on the 26th became the rear-guard, Davout and Eugène
passing in advance with the scanty relics of their troops. Victor
left Borisov for Studianka on the 27th. The Baden brigade of Dändel’s
division marched first and crossed the bridges soon after Napoleon.
Victor himself with the rest of Dändel’s troops, Gérard’s Poles and
Saxons, and the artillery made his way out of Borisov towards midday,
while Partouneaux’s division with 4 guns and Delaître’s cavalry
brigade formed the rear-guard. It was to remain at Borisov until dark.
Platov was marching upon Borisov; behind him came Wittgenstein with
Steingell’s and Berg’s troops. Yermólov was behind. Vlastov’s division
was marching upon Staroï Borisov and Fock’s reserve on the way to
rejoin.[9]
The road from Borisov to Studianka was choked with non-combatants, sick
and wounded barely capable of dragging themselves along, straggling
soldiers, disbanded skulkers, fugitives from Moscow, camp-followers,
men, women and children, huddled in a helpless mass, all streaming
mechanically to Studianka with the last of the organised fighting
men. Vlastov’s division coming into the road at Staroï Borisov about
3 a.m., cut the line of retreat and the rearward portions of the mob
fled back towards Borisov, whence Partouneaux moved out to fight his
way through. His division was now only 4000 strong. Delaître had about
500 Saxon and Berg horsemen. Two tracks led from Borisov to Studianka,
dividing a short distance west of the town. That to the left skirted
the bank, but it was full of stragglers, and Partouneaux, believing
that the right-hand one would take him directly to Studianka, struck
into it. This movement brought him right against Vlastov’s division.
After a most gallant attempt to fight their way through the French were
forced to give way. Partouneaux and Billard were taken prisoners with
the poor remains of the latter’s brigade, and the remaining three fell
back towards Borisov, to find it occupied by Wittgenstein. They passed
a fearful night in the snow, without food, fire, or shelter. Next day
almost all the wounded and weaker men were dead, and the benumbed and
starving survivors could only surrender. A single battalion, about 160
strong, which had luckily taken the left-hand track, reached Studianka.
The French loss was over 4000 men, including 500 cavalry and 4 guns.
In the evening of the 27th Yermólov entered Borisov. As soon as the
French left the town Chichagov repaired the bridge with pontoons, and
direct communication being thus established, a general attack was
concerted for next day. Wittgenstein was to complete the destruction
of Victor’s corps, while Chichagov, supported by Yermólov and Platov,
pressed Ney and Oudinot, and endeavoured to throw them back upon Zembin.
The whole country was partially wooded except on the marshy banks of
the Berezina, and in places the woods became very thick. On the western
bank, about 3 miles south of Studianka and nearly half-way between the
villages of Brilova and Bolshoï Stakhov, stood Ney and Oudinot. Their
front was about a mile long, Ney’s force being on the left, resting
on the river, Oudinot on the right, supported upon a dense wood. Guns
could not be brought into action on either side except on the road,
where 8 pieces, equally divided between the two armies and continually
replaced, fought each other all day. In reserve behind Ney and Oudinot
stood the Guard.
At 8 a.m. Chaplitz and Pahlen began an attack on the 2nd Corps with 7
regiments of Chasseurs, and soon a furious conflict raged in the woods.
At first the attack made headway, and the French and Swiss soldiers,
who had passed a wretched night, began to give ground. When the roar
of firing swelled up all the disbanded men took to flight, disordering
and carrying away the reserves, while Oudinot was disabled by a wound.
Ney, always at the point of danger, rushed to take his place, rallied
the 2nd Corps and, calling up some of his own troops in support,
checked Chaplitz’s advance and began to drive him back upon Stakhov.
Some hundreds of prisoners were taken. Sabaniev, who was moving up to
support Chaplitz, stayed Ney’s advance, but was suddenly charged in
the most gallant fashion by Doumerc’s Cuirassiers. They burst from the
woods upon Cherbatov’s division, broke through its skirmishing line,
and charged its squares with desperate courage. Some 2000 Russians were
sabred and captured. The Cuirassiers were of course nearly destroyed,
but their splendid behaviour saved the army for the moment. Chichagov
sent forward Voïnov to sustain Sabaniev, but though nearly twice as
numerous the Russians could make no headway. The French losses were
fearful. General Zayonczek, who had defended Praga against Suvorov
in 1794, had his leg shattered; Legrand, Rapp, Amey, Dombrowski, and
Kniaziewicz were also wounded. Half the survivors of the 2nd Corps were
killed or disabled; but at night their shattered ranks still held their
own, and if courage and devotion could have saved the _Grande Armée_,
that end would have been achieved.
Meanwhile on the left bank Victor’s corps, with equal heroism but
less success, had been contending with Wittgenstein. Most of Victor’s
artillery and the Baden brigade were already across, but Napoleon now
sent back the latter, adding to them apparently the Baden battalion at
Head-quarters. The bridges were so blocked that the artillery could not
return. Victor took up a position nearly perpendicular to the river,
just south of Studianka, on some rising ground partially wooded. On the
right, close to the river, there was a thick clump of wood. This was
defended by the Badeners. Next on the left stood the Berg brigade when
it arrived in line, then Gérard’s 3 Polish regiments, with Löw’s Saxon
brigade beyond them. On the extreme left stood General Fournier with
his two remaining cavalry regiments (Baden and Hesse). Victor had under
his hand only 15 guns, and his entire strength was not more than 8000
infantry and 500 cavalry (according to his own account only 7400). The
Berg brigade had moved forward to endeavour to rescue Partouneaux.
[Illustration: Passage of the BEREZINA
Positions at Midday
Nov. 28, 1812.]
Wittgenstein left Steingell at Borisov to disarm the prisoners; the
rest of his army was directed upon Studianka. Vlastov drove back the
Berg troops into the main line of the 9th Corps; but was then checked,
though a battery established by Diebich made terrible havoc among the
wild crowd which was surging around the entrance to the bridges. All
the non-combatants, when the balls began to fall among them, crowded
to the river marge in utter confusion and there remained, huddled in
a mass more than 200 yards deep and extending for three-quarters of a
mile. The panic was fearful, and the horrors that took place in the
crowd will never be known. Men fought their way ahead by any and every
means, and drove their vehicles remorselessly through the press. Men,
women, and children were murdered, trodden down, and forced helplessly
into the river, while all the while the Russian cannon-balls were
falling with the snow. Many of those who reached the bridges were
thrust off them and drowned or crushed beneath the wheels of vehicles.
Many committed suicide to avoid a worse fate: there is at least one
well-authenticated case of a mother who, herself mortally wounded,
killed her child before she died. Yet carriages of Napoleon’s staff
and of the Generals of the Guard were laden with helpless women and
children whom their protectors made every effort to save. Marshal
Bessières and General Laborde in particular earned by their humanity
laurels fairer than any which they had gained upon the field of battle.
[Illustration: CROSSING THE BEREZINA
The Baden Brigade crossing the upper bridge during the night of the
28-29th of November, 1812
From the painting by J.A. Nikutowski at Carlsruhe]
General Berg’s first division quickly supported Vlastov. The Badeners
on the right were driven back; but Napoleon at once took the
Russians in flank by establishing a battery on the other side of the
river. The Badeners reoccupied their position and held it all day
against incessant assaults--at grievous cost to themselves. Further
to the left Victor’s Polish troops executed a fierce counter-attack,
and were on the point of piercing the Russian centre when Fock arrived
with his division and restored the conflict. Victor’s men were now
hopelessly outnumbered, but they fought on with magnificent tenacity
until nightfall. An attempt to turn the left was checked by a gallant
charge of Fournier’s troopers and repulsed by the Saxons and a Polish
regiment. Berg’s second division, owing to some misunderstanding, did
not arrive until the action was over. Victor’s left was thrown back,
but he still covered the bridges.
At 9 p.m. Victor received orders to cross, and began to withdraw. All
round the bridges huddled the living mass of human beings and animals,
heaving sluggishly with convulsive movements to escape, but practically
inert. The eastern outlets were blocked by a hideous heap of broken
vehicles and dead or dying human beings and horses piled one upon
another in the trampled and blood-stained snow, through which it was
impossible to make way. Eblé and his engineers literally had to make
a cutting through the horrible heap and pile up the corpses on each
side to keep back the unhappy mob. Through this ghastly passage, and
along others like it made for them by the pioneers, the weary remains
of the German and Polish regiments defiled, but even so they often had
to fight their way. It was not until 1 a.m. on the 29th that they were
at last across. Victor and Eblé vainly endeavoured to persuade some
of the mob to follow, but most of them were torpid with misery and
hopelessness and would not move. At dawn on the 29th a small detachment
of the 9th Corps which had remained to the last was withdrawn. Eblé’s
orders were to fire the bridges at 8 a.m., but he waited until 8.30,
hoping to save some more lives. A few of the non-combatants followed
Victor’s rear-guard, but the passages were soon blocked. At 8.30 Eblé
fired the bridges, and there was a last scene of horror. Many of the
unhappy wretches, at last alive to the situation, strove to dash
through the flames, others endeavoured to cross on the thin ice between
the bridges, many threw themselves into the icy stream to wade or swim.
It is useless as well as painful to dwell longer upon the tragedy, the
details of which may be gathered from countless works. Perhaps no event
in history has ever so completely united in itself every element of
misery.
The loss of life at the passage of the Berezina will never be exactly
known. The _Grand Armée_ lost 1200 officers killed and wounded, which
may perhaps indicate a total of all ranks of 12,000 to 15,000. The 2nd
and 9th Corps lost half their effective strength. Including prisoners
and deaths from cold and misery during the three days the army was
probably diminished by from 20,000 to 25,000 men. Enormous quantities
of baggage were lost, but few guns--the Russians claimed 23. The loss
of life among the non-combatants must have been enormous; almost all
who were captured died of hunger or cold; their captors had little to
spare them, and if the Russian regular soldiers often behaved with
kindliness, the wilder Cossacks stripped their captives of everything.
Perhaps the most awful incident was the fate of 500 women who were
huddled in a barn at Borisov, without food for several days, and almost
without fires. Only some 20 survived.
There is reason to believe that the Russian armies lost at the Berezina
not less than 10,000 killed, wounded, and prisoners. Langeron says that
Chichagov alone lost 7000. Of the 1500 prisoners many died of want
before the survivors were retaken by the Russians.
It cannot be said that Napoleon showed to any advantage at the
Berezina. The selection of the point of passage was due to the skill
and energy of Oudinot; the credit for the splendid resistance on the
28th is to be attributed to Ney and Victor; while the true heroes of
the episode were General Eblé and his pontonniers. Eblé died of his
hardships a month later, and of his devoted 400 not 40 ever saw their
homes again.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 8: Langeron.]
[Footnote 9: Iachvil’s advance-guard was apparently distributed.]