THE FRENCH RETREAT. MALOYAROSLAVETZ TO ORSHA
On October 26th the French retreat by the Moscow-Smolensk road
definitely commenced. Napoleon with the Guard and 4th Corps moved
back to Borovsk. Ney was directed by Vereia on Mozhaïsk, while Davout
with the 1st Corps and the relics of the 1st and 3rd Cavalry Corps
remained near Maloyaroslavetz until the evening. And, while Napoleon
was retracing his steps, Kutuzov, also, was retreating upon Kaluga.
He apparently feared that the French, having the road open, would
move westward to Medyn and thence south-eastward upon Kaluga. This
hypothesis is a direct reflection upon his action in abandoning
his position outside Maloyaroslavetz. As matters stood, Kutuzov’s
inference was not unreasonable; Poniatowski’s corps was actually on
the march from Vereia to Medyn, and appeared to be the advance-guard
of a turning movement. Miloradovich remained in observation on the
original Russian position, and Platov continued to hover about
Davout’s corps. The _Corps de Bataille_ retrograded to Gonsherevo,
about 12 miles from Kaluga. Paskievich’s division was sent to bar the
Medyn-Kaluga road at Adamovskoë, some miles to the westward. There he
was joined by Ilovaïski IX and his Cossack detachment. Miloradovich
was about to fall back on the Russian main body when it was discovered
that Maloyaroslavetz was evacuated. Kutuzov was informed, and the
advance-guard reoccupied the line of the Luzha.
Kutuzov appeared to have inferred that Napoleon’s intention was to
retreat upon Smolensk--as, in fact, it was. He accordingly directed
his main body upon Adamovskoë, evidently with the purpose of following
on the flank of the French retreat, while Miloradovich was ordered to
Medyn. The latter, however, disquieted by reports that the French army
was moving from Borovsk by cross-roads upon Medyn, hesitated, delayed,
and finally also moved to Adamovskoë. Kutuzov remained at the latter
place during the 29th, endeavouring to envisage the situation, and
finally appears to have decided that the _Grande Armée_ was retreating
on Vitebsk. The conclusion was reasonable enough. The march of the
French along the Borovsk-Mozhaïsk road might certainly indicate an
intention to cross the Smolensk road at Mozhaïsk and take a route
to the northward for Vitebsk--as Jomini considers that they should
have done. Consequently upon the 30th Kutuzov marched northwards upon
Mozhaïsk. Platov with his Cossacks and Paskievich’s division was to
follow the French rear-guard. The advance-guard would move parallel
with the French left flank, while the _Corps de Bataille_ kept to the
left of the advance-guard, generally at about a day’s march distance.
On the 30th the main army had reached Kremenskoë, but by that day the
French rear-guard had arrived at Mozhaïsk and all the corps were moving
along the highway to Smolensk. Kutuzov and Miloradovich therefore
turned to the westward, while Platov and Paskievich harassed Davout.
The result, therefore, was that the French army had at the outset
gained a start upon their pursuers. Bennigsen says that he advised
that the march should be directed from Adamovskoë on Yukhnov, thence
by a broad road to Slavkovo. It seems clear that this direction would
have been an excellent one. But Kutuzov knew that Napoleon was free to
use the Medyn road, and indeed expected him to do so. He had, however,
fallen back by Vereia, a direction which rather indicated an intention
of retreating upon Vitebsk. If he had hoped by taking this route to
deceive the Russians as to his line of march he had certainly succeeded.
From Mozhaïsk to Viasma the Moscow-Smolensk road proceeds generally
in a shallow arc of a circle, often describing a very sinuous course.
Miloradovich marched steadily to the south of it, gradually closing in,
and moving much faster than the already dwindling and straggling French
army with its immense trains. Still farther to the south and far to the
rear the Russian _Corps de Bataille_ had turned in the right direction
and was also marching for Viasma. The roads by which it was forced to
proceed were wretched, but none the less the troops marched at a very
creditable pace, covering some 74 miles in 4 days.
Meanwhile the Napoleonic host was making its way into and along the
Moscow-Smolensk high-road. Junot’s corps being actually on it when
the retreat from Maloyaroslavetz began of course led the way; behind
it came in succession the Guard, the 2nd and 4th Cavalry Corps, and
the 3rd, 4th, and 1st _Corps d’Armée_, while Poniatowski covered
the left flank. At Vereia, on the 27th, Mortier rejoined, bringing
with him his prisoner, Winzingerode. Napoleon treated the general
with gross insolence and brutality, overwhelming him with abuse, and
actually condemned him to death as a traitor because he was a German
and therefore a subject of one of his vassals! It is difficult to say
whether he was or was not in earnest. When he was enraged his manners
were brutal beyond words; and at this time he had every cause for being
exasperated. In any case, he gave way to the remonstrances of Berthier
and Murat. His conduct was otherwise inexcusable. Winzingerode had
entered the service of Russia previous to the formation of the Rhine
Confederacy. After being kept in suspense for some days Winzingerode
was sent in custody to France; but he was rescued in Lithuania by
Cossacks, as we shall have occasion to mention.
On the 28th Napoleon, at Mozhaïsk, received a report from Davout that
he had as yet seen no enemies but Cossacks. He thereupon inferred that
the main Russian army was marching to cut his line of retreat. Its
natural objective would in that case be Viasma, and the Emperor decided
to push for that place with all speed with the Guard.
[Illustration:
ARMED RUSSIAN PEASANTS IN AMBUSH IN THE WOODS WAITING TO CUT OFF FRENCH
STRAGGLERS
From the picture by Verestchagin]
On the evening of the 28th Davout was near Vereia. He reported that
the Russians were already showing infantry--these were of course
Paskievich’s division. He begged the Emperor to put a stop to the
wholesale burning of villages by the corps ahead of him. Demoralisation
was spreading fast, and the men were abandoning the ranks in crowds.
The usual straggling array of march of the Napoleonic hosts was a bad
preparation for a retreat in face of an enemy. The field of Borodino
was crossed by the Guard at daybreak on the 29th. It still presented
a fearful spectacle. Junot’s men had been unable to bury many even of
the French dead; and the ground was strewn with rotting corpses mingled
with the wreckage of the terrible struggle. The hospitals at Kolotskoï
and elsewhere were mere charnel-houses in which the dead lay heaped
with the living, amid pestilence, filth, and destitution. About 1500
unhappy creatures still remained, Junot having been unable to remove
them. Napoleon issued an order that every private carriage or other
non-military vehicle was to carry one or two. Its effect was simply to
hasten the end of the unfortunate invalids, who were so much additional
encumbrance to men already beginning to feel the pinch of want. They
were abandoned by the drivers at the earliest opportunity: some
apparently were murdered outright; not one, probably, lived to reach
Smolensk. Food was becoming scarce. As far as Mozhaïsk the country was
not entirely devastated, and the leading troops had been able to feed
their horses; but there was nothing for the rear-guard, whose plight
was rendered all the worse by the reckless destruction of shelter by
the corps ahead of them. After Mozhaïsk the wasted countryside afforded
little or no forage; the horses, already exhausted and over-worked,
were reduced to such substitutes for fodder as thatch and autumn
leaves, and died by hundreds every day. The destruction of the means of
transport meant the loss of much of the already too scanty supply of
food. When it was not lost outright it was pillaged by the stragglers
and simply served to keep alive these useless beings, while better
and braver men died of starvation. By November 3rd such supplies as
had been brought were almost entirely exhausted; the only resource of
the starving horde was the flesh of the horses which were continually
breaking down. The officers, of course, and the head-quarters, were
better provided; and some of the men had still remains of their
plunder, but these were the exceptions.
The weather was still fine, but it was steadily growing colder, and
the half-famished men, ill-clothed, ill-shod, weary with marching,
obtained little rest in their chilly bivouacs, and became day by day
less able to endure their trials. Those who left the line of march were
commonly slaughtered or captured. Capture was often the same thing as
lingering death. The peasants, naturally half barbarous, and maddened
by the excesses of the invaders, showed little mercy. Sir Robert Wilson
tells from his own knowledge how they burned and buried alive their
prisoners. Sometimes they were massacred by the women. Even when their
lives were spared they were often wholly or partially stripped, and the
effect upon frames enfeebled by privation was generally fatal. It is
useless to dwell in detail upon the hideous barbarities perpetrated,
still less is it profitable to reprobate them. It must be said that
if there be but too much testimony to the barbarity of the infuriated
Russians, there is also plenty of evidence as to their frequent
kindliness and humanity. At their worst be it remembered that they
were but retaliating for their own wrongs.
The mass of disbanded troops, which every day grew at the expense
of those who remained faithful, consisted in the first place of men
already weakened, who therefore fell out early and of course died. Then
there were many who had not the spirit to bear up under their misery
and wandered along in the crowd until they also fell and died. Lastly,
there were large numbers who were simply deserters--often of the worst
kind--men who left the ranks before they were disabled and subsisted
by murder and robbery. They did more than anything to destroy the
army. Some of the leaders of the faithful troops were aware of it. De
Fezensac tells how he ordered that no mercy or consideration was to be
shown them.
On the other hand, there were very many gallant soldiers of every rank
who kept their ranks and did their duty to the bitter end. Russian
eye-witnesses were full of admiration at the martial bearing of the
scanty and ever dwindling battalions which, with eagles in their
midst, moved doggedly on through the miserable horde of skulkers. The
officers, with few exceptions, remained firm to their duty. Their
intellectual and educational level was upon the whole naturally higher
than that of their men, and general good conduct among them was to
be expected. They were, too, generally better supplied with food and
clothing, and exercised more judgment in providing themselves.
The extent to which demoralisation affected the strategic units of
the army is difficult to decide; and the task is a somewhat invidious
one. The 3rd Corps certainly appears to have kept the best order and
discipline. It had taken a very small part in the demoralising sack
of Moscow; but a great deal of its persistent good conduct must be
attributed to the personal influence of its chief. The 1st Corps, on
the other hand, seems to have crumbled early. Davout was not a very
sympathetic personage, and perhaps the care which he had always taken
of his men, and his firm discipline, really unfitted them to bear the
strain of being in a condition of inferiority to the enemy. At any rate
the early demoralisation of the 1st Corps is an established fact. The
4th Corps also rapidly disbanded, as did also, apparently, the 5th and
8th. Of the cavalry we hear little. The Guard took the lion’s share of
whatever food and shelter was to be had; nevertheless its conduct was
not relatively better than that of the 3rd Corps--perhaps not so good,
since it never experienced the same trials.
[Illustration: Plan of the approximate positions of the French and
Russian Main Armies on October 31st, to indicate the danger incurred by
Napoleon’s extended order of march]
Napoleon, with the Guard, reached Viasma on October 31st. The cold on
this day was greater than it had hitherto been; and the Emperor donned
a Polish dress of green, heavily furred, and a fur cap. At Viasma was
General Evers’ column of drafts. There was also in the place a small
magazine of bread, biscuit, flour, and rice. It was pillaged by the
leading troops, and so great was the demoralisation that much of the
town was destroyed, though thousands tramping painfully behind were
thus deprived of shelter. On this day the Guard, the 2nd and 4th
Cavalry Corps, and Junot’s Corps were about Viasma; Ney one march short
of it; Eugène and Poniatowski about Gzhatsk, and Davout at Gridnevo.
The line was nearly 70 miles long from front to rear. Miloradovich was
near at hand with his cavalry, but his infantry could not arrive before
the 3rd. Kutuzov also was marching for Viasma, but was still 60 miles
distant.
Davout’s slow withdrawal was doubtless dictated by a desire to save as
much as possible of the artillery and trains; but in the circumstances
it was impossible to do much, and it would have been better to abandon
at once everything that fell behind. Lack of shelter, inadequate food,
and the steady harassing of Platov was rapidly breaking up the 1st
Corps. It had already abandoned 20 guns and much of its trains; the
roads were dotted with men and horses dead of fatigue.
Napoleon remained for 36 hours at Viasma, principally occupied with
desk-work. He informed the generals in the rear of his retrograde
march, representing it as a purely voluntary movement made to come
into touch with his wings. From Baraguay d’Hilliers he learned that
he had advanced to Selnia, and despatched orders for him to return
to Smolensk. From Victor he became aware that the 9th Corps had been
forced to support St. Cyr.
General Ilovaïski IV, temporarily commanding Winzingerode’s detachment,
had reoccupied Moscow on October 23rd. He found there some 1500 sick
and wounded whom Mortier had been unable to evacuate, and 42 mounted
guns, of which 24 were French.
Ney’s corps reached Viasma on November 1st. Miloradovich continued to
move parallel to the road, hastening the march of his infantry and
anxious to strike a blow. At 11 a.m. on the 2nd Napoleon left for
Semlevo. Davout in the evening arrived at a point about 9 miles from
Viasma and a little more than 1 east of the village of Federovskoië.
Eugène and Poniatowski were between Viasma and Federovskoië. Ney was
to take over rear-guard duty as soon as Davout should pass Viasma.
Napoleon was angry with the slowness of the latter; but the orders
which he issued to hasten the march of the trains could not be executed
owing to the deplorable state of the horses. The orders to prevent
straggling were equally impossible of execution. None the less,
Davout had certainly moved very slowly, and there was some excuse
for the Emperor’s irritated remark that “the Prince of Eckmuhl keeps
the Viceroy and Poniatowski waiting for every band of Cossacks that
he sees.” In justice to Davout it must be said that the young and
inexperienced Eugène appears often to have delayed him by his own lack
of speed.
At 8 a.m. on the 3rd Miloradovich with Korff’s and Vassilchikov’s
divisions reached Maximovo, a village some 2 miles from Federovskoië,
and about 1 mile south of the high-road. Davout was passing through
Federovskoië, his leading division--Gérard’s--being nearly abreast of
Maximovo. The Hussars of Akhtyrka, supported by a brigade of dragoons,
boldly charged the head of Gérard’s column, while the Russian horse
artillery opened a brisk cannonade on his flank. The 2nd Corps could
not come into action before ten; while Kutuzov was only just leaving
Dubna, nearly 30 miles from Viasma.
Gérard’s division, attacked without warning, was checked in its march
upon Viasma. Platov was close on Davout’s rear, and as soon as he heard
the sound of Miloradovich’s cannonade he pressed home his advance,
Paskievich marching straight upon Fedorovskoië, while Platov turned it
on the left. Davout saw that there was not a moment to lose in clearing
the way before the arrival of Miloradovich’s infantry, and hurried his
divisions up at the double to support Gérard. Eugène turned back to his
colleague’s support, while Poniatowski took up a position in advance
of Viasma to support Eugène. Ney posted his corps to the right of the
town, behind the Viasma river; he threw a bridge across it in order to
facilitate the retirement of his colleagues’ trains. The river makes an
acute angle a little south of the town, so that Ney had it both before
and behind him; he threw a second bridge over it to assure his own
retreat.
Miloradovich had available for the conflict the 2nd and 4th Army
Corps, Paskievich’s division of the 7th and Platov’s Flying Corps,
perhaps 30,000 or 32,000 combatants in all, with some 120 guns. The
estimates of the French force vary. Davout may have had 20,000 infantry
and artillery, Eugène perhaps 15,000, Ney probably 8000, Poniatowski
about 3500. The remains of the corps cavalry and of the 1st and 3rd
Reserve Corps probably could not muster 4000 mounted men. The artillery
could still count over 300 guns, but the worn-out state of their
teams rendered them incapable of manoeuvring. The troops, with the
exception of those of Ney, were demoralised.
[Illustration: BATTLE OF VIASMA
Positions about 10 a.m.]
Davout’s troops, ranged in dense battalion columns, attacked the
Russian cavalry on the road and broke through, scattering the hostile
squadrons, some of which had to retreat towards the north to join
Platov. This appears to have occurred at about 10 a.m. Paskievich
meanwhile had carried Federovskoië, and Platov was harassing the French
on the right; while Prince Eugen’s division of the 2nd Corps formed
across the road just as the Russian horsemen gave way and poured a
heavy fire into the head of Davout’s column. The Marshal’s position
was extremely critical. The Viceroy, however, was now close at hand
with Broussier’s and Guilleminot’s divisions and the 5th Corps. He
cannonaded the flank and rear of the 4th Division and attacked it with
a cloud of skirmishers. Its commander believed that he could hold his
own, but Miloradovich was of a different opinion, and, seeing the force
which was coming from Viasma, he was probably correct. Eugen drew
back into line with the rest of the Russian infantry on the south of
the road, and Davout’s troops were able to defile past. But they had
suffered considerably, and the disorder among them was increased by the
cannonade beneath which they had to march. The trains streamed away to
the north of the road to reach Viasma, while the 1st Corps inclined to
the south to come into line with the 4th and 5th Corps. Eugène formed
across the road with Poniatowski in support; but as Platov spread
to the north he threw back his right wing. Davout’s troops were on
Eugène’s right, nearly parallel with the line of the road. To support
and steady them Ney advanced Razout’s division, while Ledru’s remained
to check Uvarov, who was now coming up with Kutuzov’s advance-guard.
Uvarov, however, who had only the bulk of Golitzin’s Cuirassiers under
his command, could only confine himself to a desultory cannonade. The
head of Kutuzov’s column reached Bykovo, 5 miles from Viasma, in the
afternoon, but it had marched 22 miles already and could hardly engage
that day.
Miloradovich, after Davout had passed, deployed his whole force across
the road and marched forward, Eugen’s, Paskievich’s and Choglokov’s
divisions in first line, the remaining two in reserve, Platov pushing
forward on the right, Korff and Vassilchikov in reserve and on the
left. The French generals, fearing that at any moment Kutuzov might
debouch in their rear, held a conference on the road, and decided
to retreat. The final withdrawal commenced at about 2 p.m. Eugène
and Poniatowski succeeded in passing through the town in fair order;
but Davout’s shaken troops fell back in confusion, hotly pressed by
Paskievich and Choglokov. Ney covered the retreat of his colleague to
the utmost of his power, and retired through Viasma, burning such of it
as remained intact. The French bivouacked in the woods on the west of
the town. The night proved bitterly cold.
The French losses are usually stated at 4000 killed and wounded. Those
of the Russians may have amounted to 2500. Miloradovich captured 3 guns
and about 2000 prisoners, besides some thousands of the disbanded mob.
Among the prisoners was General Pelletier, commanding the artillery
of the 5th Corps. The French writers attribute the defeat mainly to
Davout’s error in inclining to his right as he fell back instead of his
left, but it is doubtful whether this was more than a subsidiary cause.
On the 4th Kutuzov remained inactive at Bykovo. His troops may have
needed rest, but it is extraordinary that he made no attempt to crush
or at least to harass the weary, half-starved and beaten French army
behind the Viasma. Perhaps he was imposed upon by Ney’s bold show in
the rear, and the good order of the undemoralised 3rd Corps. It is
perhaps difficult to judge him, since we can scarcely appreciate the
vast influence exercised by the prestige of the Napoleonic army upon
the minds of its opponents everywhere save in Britain. But to say the
least, he could and should have done much more.
Ney, early on the 4th, took up a strong position on the edge of the
woods. Beurmann was detached to the right to observe Uvarov, whom he
held in check during the day. Meanwhile the 1st, 4th and 5th Corps
defiled on the road to Dorogobuzh. All were in the greatest disorder.
The men were worn out with fatigue and appeared hopelessly discouraged,
only the Royal Guard of Italy still marched in fair order. The number
of stragglers, of whom the majority had thrown away their arms, was
enormous. Ney was much impressed by the disorder of the 1st Corps, and
his despatch upon the battle contained some bitter remarks upon it, as
well as the haphazard conduct of the engagement.
The substitution of the 3rd Corps for the 1st rear-guard duty was
another proof that Napoleon did not really understand the critical
state of affairs. Ney was an ideal rear-guard leader, and the 3rd Corps
was an intact and undiscouraged force, but it consisted of only two
divisions (the Württemberg troops having been amalgamated with the
other two) as against the five of the 1st.
At daybreak on the 5th the 3rd Corps withdrew in good order, but
followed and impeded by at least 4000 disbanded men of the other corps.
De Fezensac, in bivouac that night, ordered all able-bodied skulkers
to be driven away by force from the fires. Near Semlevo there was an
action with the leading troops of Miloradovich, but the 3rd Corps
was not molested on the 6th. Kutuzov, had he pushed forward on the
4th, would certainly have destroyed Ney and probably Eugène also. The
Russians were so strong in cavalry that they could always retard the
French retreat by employing it vigorously to harass the moving columns.
However this may be, Kutuzov on the 5th bent south-westward to Ielnia,
while Miloradovich and Platov continued to follow and harass the
French rear-guard. Many stragglers were slain or taken by the Cossacks
and waggons were abandoned in numbers; but no impression was made upon
Ney’s corps, which continued its march to Dorogobuzh and there took up
a position.
Napoleon had intended to receive battle east of Dorogobuzh. His plan
appears in his correspondence, and it can only be characterised as
utterly impracticable. It assumed that the whole Russian Army was
following on the main road, and also counted upon being able to
ambuscade their advance-guard. Even had the army been less reduced and
demoralised this would have been impossible, the Russians being so
strong in cavalry. The plan was not executed; by the time that he had
drawn it up Napoleon had probably read Ney’s despatch of the 4th, in
which the marshal stated his conviction that only a part of the Russian
army was at Viasma. Next day Ney reported that he had learned that
Russian columns were passing him on the right; and Napoleon retreated
with the Guard upon Mikalevka.
On the 6th and 7th the weather, which had hitherto been by day
comparatively mild, changed for the worse, with violent gales and heavy
snowstorms. After this the destruction of the army proceeded apace.
The horses were the first to suffer; it was impossible to obtain any
forage with the ground covered deep with snow. No provision had been
made for rough-shoeing the horses, except by the Polish cavalry; and
on the slippery surface of the trodden snow they fell in hundreds,
to be preyed upon by the starving troops. Vehicles of every kind
had to be abandoned; and each was instantly plundered by a group of
wolfish stragglers, often to the accompaniment of murder. The number
of disbanded men rapidly increased, and their lawlessness and savagery
grew even more quickly. Had it been possible to maintain better
discipline the state of the army might have been less intolerable.
Terrible as the conditions were, they could have been somewhat
ameliorated had there been a better sense of comradeship among the
troops, which might have prevented so many of them from disbanding and
degenerating into veritable wild beasts.
But in truth the misery was so great that the finest loyalty and
steadiness could not greatly have alleviated it. Had there been
a sufficiency of even the coarsest food, the troops might have
withstood the cold. But almost the only resource remaining was the
unwholesome flesh of the worn-down horses. Even the officers were often
little better off as regards meat, though they could still procure
small quantities of biscuit or flour. The troops as a whole were
insufficiently clad and, above all, ill-shod; those who succeeded in
obtaining a little food were often disabled by frost-bite or injuries
to their ill-protected feet. In the hope of guarding against the deadly
cold the men overloaded themselves with clothing of every kind and
quality, often filthy rags torn from the dead and dying. In their fear
of taking a fatal chill they never removed them even for necessary
purposes, and dared not wash. In their ravening hunger they ate like
wild beasts, tearing the raw or half-cooked horse-flesh with their
teeth, and covering themselves and their wretched garments with blood
and offal. Their appearance soon became indescribably hideous, and the
result of their panic-born neglect was, of course, loathsome disease.
Selfishness increased with misery; men thrust their weaker comrades
from the bivouac fires, and fought for the wretched carrion on which
they strove to maintain their existence; while those who fell were
robbed and stripped by passers-by.
[Illustration:
THE RETREAT OF THE FRENCH FROM MOSCOW
From the painting by Adam]
Amid all this misery and lack of self-respect there was much that
redounds to the credit of human nature. Many soldiers added to their
hardships by endeavouring to assist the women and children who followed
the army. Officers who possessed private carriages gave them up to
these unhappy fugitives; those attached to the head-quarters, which
was better provided than the rest of the army, succeeded in saving
many. Unhappily the most necessary requisite was food, and this the
chivalrous protectors could not often give their charges. The hardy
female followers could protect and provide for themselves to some
extent, but too many of the officers’ wives or connections were utterly
helpless, and their fate was a piteous one.
One of the most awful incidents of the retreat was the fate of the
Russian prisoners, of whom some 2000--stragglers, convalescents,
and civilians--were dragged with the army, under a guard made up of
fragments and detachments of every nation. From the first the captives
were treated with gross cruelty and neglect. The weakly ones who fell
behind were done to death without mercy. Every night the survivors were
huddled together, fireless, on the bare ground, without food save a
little raw horse-flesh. Before long even this was not forthcoming, and
the miserable prisoners, driven along and herded together like wild
beasts by men who were losing the traces of humanity, perished amid
horrible misery. Cannibalism is said to have raged among them. There
is no darker stain on the escutcheon of Napoleon (who must be held
ultimately responsible) than this treatment of men who were at any rate
open enemies, and some of whom were not even combatants.
Day by day the number of men in the ranks dwindled. Every bivouac was
the graveyard of hundreds of men and thousands of horses; the line of
march resembled a long battlefield. The roads were strewn with dead
or dying men and horses, abandoned guns and vehicles, and wreckage of
every kind. Amid this streamed westward in wild confusion the endless
procession of disbanded men and male and female camp-followers,
accompanied by vehicles of all kinds, through which the troops still
with the colours could scarcely force their way. Many men were already
so weak that they could hardly stumble along. Some became idiotic
with privation and the spectacle of the misery about them. The plight
of the troops in the ranks was no better; their devotion to duty only
prolonged their sufferings. Ill-clad, starving, stricken with cold
and disease, often half-blind from the effects of the glaring snow by
day and the smoke of the fires at night, it is wonderful that they
ever managed, as they did, to make some kind of fight. Their duties,
when they had strength to carry them out, were confined to beating off
the hovering Cossacks, and to destroying guns and waggons that would
otherwise have been abandoned.
From Dorogobuzh Eugène’s corps was diverted towards Dukhovchina with
the intention of directing it thence upon Vitebsk to relieve the
pressure upon Victor by Wittgenstein. The result was its practical
destruction.
On November 7th Eugen of Württemberg attacked Razout’s division
before Dorogobuzh and after some obstinate fighting, partly owing to
the indecision of its short-sighted commander, forced it to retreat
through the town with a loss of several hundred men and 4 guns. Ney,
who had hoped to delay Miloradovich for a day, was obliged to fall
back towards Smolensk. Dorogobuzh was choked with disbanded men, who
were ruthlessly murdered or stripped by the exasperated inhabitants. A
watchmaker boasted of having killed 11 Frenchmen with a knife which he
had concealed for the purpose! Miloradovich, however, was then obliged
to draw off his infantry towards the south for the sake of food and
shelter against the cold. He left the pursuit of Ney to Major-General
Yurkovski with a brigade of dragoons and some Cossacks, while Platov
followed Eugène towards Dukhovchina.
At Mikalevka Napoleon learned of Malet’s audacious conspiracy in Paris,
and the tidings doubtless did not tend to relieve his mind. On the 8th
Junot’s corps arrived at Smolensk; but the day before that ruined town
had been invaded by crowds of disbanded troops. Junot was not allowed
to pass his corps into it, and cantoned it in villages on the Mstislavl
road. Napoleon himself arrived on the 9th, only to be met by bad news
from every side.
Victor was proving unable to hold back Wittgenstein. Baraguay
d’Hilliers’ division, as has been related, had pushed out to Ielnia,
and was retiring upon Smolensk, when on this day his rear-guard
brigade, 2000 strong, under General Augereau, was surrounded in the
village of Liakhova by Orlov-Denisov, with his own flying detachment
and those of Davidov, Seslavin, and Figner. Augereau was without
artillery, and not being supported by Baraguay d’Hilliers, who showed
great irresolution, was forced to surrender. Baraguay d’Hilliers
retreated hastily to Smolensk with the rest of his division, and was
very properly ordered home for trial. Besides Augereau’s brigade
several depôts or posts of troops were captured by the Russian advanced
detachments. Kutuzov reached Chelkanovo on the Smolensk-Mstislavl road,
about 25 miles from Smolensk, on the 12th. He had not marched very
rapidly--some 120 miles in 9 days--but it is true that both roads and
weather were terrible. The Russians were well clothed and fairly well
fed; but many of the Russian troops were young, and the snowy bivouacs
had disastrous effects upon their unformed constitutions.
On this same disastrous day, the 9th, Eugène’s corps, after 3 days’
struggling through the snow, reached the small river Vop, only 30
miles from Dorogobuzh. The Viceroy had already lost 1200 of his
remaining horses and much of his artillery. He had sent on a detachment
to bridge the stream, but materials were lacking, and the wretched
soldiers were forced to wade. The Royal Guard led the way, with Eugène
in their midst, with ice and water up to their waists, formed on the
opposite bank and drove away Platov’s vanguard, which was already
across. Platov himself was tormenting the rear-guard with his light
artillery, and threatening the unhappy column in flank and rear. When
Eugène had crossed an effort was made to bring over the artillery
and baggage. The steep banks of the stream had been hurriedly made
practicable for vehicles, but the inclines were quickly covered with
ice; the ford was soon choked by guns and waggons sticking fast in
the mud, and eventually all but the small proportion which crossed
first had to be abandoned. There were terrible scenes on the bank
when this became known. A turmoil of fighting, pillage and murder
reigned. Many worn-out soldiers, struggling through the icy water,
were overcome by the cold and drowned: many others died in the night.
Broussier’s division covered the rear against Platov all night, and
only crossed on the morning of the 10th, leaving behind them many sick
and wounded, a vast quantity of baggage and some 60 guns. Hundreds of
men, overcome by cold, threw away their arms. The bulk of the corps
streamed along the road to Dukhovchina completely disorganised; only
the Royal Guard and Broussier’s division still moved with some show
of order. Dukhovchina was already occupied by Cossacks--the leading
regiments of Winzingerode’s old detachment, now under Major-General
Golénischev-Kutuzov. They, however, of course had to retire before the
advance of the Royal Guard, and Eugène occupied the town. It had not
yet been plundered, and the exhausted remnants of the 4th Corps were
able to obtain food and a little rest. On the 12th Eugène set fire to
Dukhovchina and retreated on Smolensk, where he arrived on the 13th,
surrounded and harassed all the way by the indefatigable Cossacks. He
had with the colours only 6000 or 7000 armed men, and 20 guns at most
out of over 100.
Davout’s and Poniatowski’s[7] troops made their way from Viasma to
Smolensk with little opposition from the Russians, but disintegrating
day by day under the influence of cold, fatigue and hunger. The Poles
seem to have completely broken up, and only about 800 privates reached
Smolensk. On the other hand, they saved a large proportion of their
artillery, owing to their sensible precautions in rough-shoeing their
horses.
Ney reached the Dnieper at Solovievo on the 19th. The approach to
the bridge was choked for more than half a mile with abandoned guns
and waggons; and before passing Ney ordered his men to fire them.
In doing so they came upon some remnants of food supplies and some
spirits. In the woods on both sides of the road were thousands of
stragglers, largely wounded, whom the omnipresent Cossacks massacred
and plundered under the very eyes of their comrades. In the evening the
3rd Corps passed the river and destroyed the bridge. It defended the
passage against Yurkovski’s brigade, the Cossacks, and some supporting
infantry, until the 12th, and then retreated on Smolensk, in weather
so awful that even the Russian Löwenstern speaks of it as something
exceptional. It was impossible to halt for fear of freezing, while the
icebound road was fatal to hundreds of exhausted men. A terrible night
in bivouac put the capstone on the sufferings of the devoted 3rd Corps.
On the 4th it entered Smolensk--some 4000 men left of more than 11,000
who had marched from Moscow.
It is now necessary to turn aside to follow the fortunes of Napoleon’s
wings. On October 29th Victor joined Merle at Chasniki, at the junction
of the little river Lukomlia with the Ula, about 17 miles south-west
of Bechenkowiczi. Dändels had already joined Legrand. Wittgenstein
and Steingell united at Lepel on the same day and reached the Ula on
the 30th. They were, however, owing to the detachment of Vlastov’s
division, not more than 33,000 strong, while the 2nd and 9th Corps,
even in the absence of Corbineau, mustered 36,000 infantry and 4000
cavalry. Victor therefore decided to attack, and sent to call in
Dändels and Legrand. Owing to misunderstandings, however, neither
Legrand nor the cavalry of the 9th Corps arrived, and Victor hesitated
to attack. Wittgenstein drove Victor’s advance troops over the
Lukomlia, and brought a mass of artillery into action, which gained
the advantage over the French guns. After a long cannonade the action
died away, and before dawn on November 1st Victor retreated upon
Sienno, about 25 miles east of Chasniki. He had suffered no reverse,
and, indeed, had hardly engaged his troops. He may have thought, as
De Chambray says, that it would be better to temporise until he was
reinforced by Napoleon. Wittgenstein did not pursue, but moved Harpe’s
division towards Bechenkowiczi to observe Victor’s movements. The
latter, after remaining for two days at Sienno, turned south-westward
to Chereia, about 20 miles north of the Smolensk-Minsk road at Bobr.
Whether this move was due to his fear for the highway cannot be
determined, but the result was disastrous. On November 7th Harpe
attacked Vitebsk, which was now uncovered. The small garrison, under
General Pouget, was either killed or captured.
On October 29th, Chichagov started from Brest-Litovsk for Minsk. To
hold back Schwarzenberg he left with Sacken the divisions of Bulatov,
Lieven, and Essen III, a total of about 27,000 combatants, with 96
guns. Under his own command were the 2 corps of Voïnov and Sabaniev,
forming together the _Corps de Bataille_ under Langeron, and two
advance-guards commanded by Lambert and Chaplitz--33,000 men with 180
guns. Chichagov sent orders to Ertel to advance from Mozyr to meet
him. General Musin Pushkin was left with 4000 or 5000 men to guard
the Volhynian frontier. The Admiral left Pruzhani on the 30th and
reached Slonim on November 3rd. He might have moved more rapidly, but
he explained to the Tzar that he hoped to draw Schwarzenberg upon him
and be able to strike hard at him before marching upon Minsk. He waited
about Slonim until November 8th in this expectation, then, feeling that
further delay would be dangerous, started for Minsk. He had, in fact,
waited too long already.
Schwarzenberg, having left Kosinski’s Poles to cover Warsaw and one of
Durutte’s regiments to garrison that capital, concentrated the rest
of his army at Bieloslok, and marched for Volkovisk, which he reached
on November 8th, Chichagov being nearly 60 miles in advance with his
way clear before him. On the 14th Schwarzenberg was at Slonim with his
Austrians, while Reynier and Durutte were at Volkovisk. Sacken broke
up from Brest-Litovsk on November 1st. He left Colonel Witte with 3
battalions and 2 newly joined Cossack regiments to cover his base, and
marched for Volkovisk. Between him and his objective lay the extensive
forest of Bielovezhi, which he had to skirt, but on November 12th he
was nearing Volkovisk, throwing forward his right in order to interpose
between Schwarzenberg and Reynier. The latter, fearing to be assailed
in flank, fell back upon Volkovisk.
Volkovisk lies upon the right bank of the river Rossi, which flows
northward to the Niemen. Hard by the town a rivulet entered the Rossi.
Both were now frozen. North of the town are some low heights, and on
these the bulk of Reynier’s army was posted; but his head-quarters were
in Volkovisk itself.
Sacken decided that his best course was to vigorously attack Reynier,
so as, at least, to bring back Schwarzenberg to his assistance. It was
a bold but perilous resolve, since Sacken was not greatly superior even
to Reynier in numbers, and might be taken in rear by the Austrians.
In the night of the 14th-15th his advance-guard surprised Volkovisk,
driving out its garrison and nearly capturing Reynier. The advance of
the Russian column, however, was then checked by Durutte.
On the 15th Reynier took up a position behind the town, his right,
consisting of Saxons, resting on the wooded bank of the Rossi, Durutte
in the centre, and more Saxons on the left. Sacken was drawn up south
of the town, with Bulatov on the right, Essen in the centre, and Lieven
on the left.
Early on the 15th Durutte retook Volkovisk. Sacken did not attempt
to recover it. The day passed in desultory cannonading, except on
Reynier’s left, where the Russian cavalry of Bulatov’s corps, under
Melissino, endeavoured to take advantage of a movement of Saxon
infantry to charge, but was handsomely repulsed by their horsemen.
Schwarzenberg, informed of Sacken’s advance, left Frimont with about
7000 men at Slonim, and returned towards Volkovisk with the remaining
18,000. On the 15th his advance-guard was already well on the way; but
Sacken, misled by the false reports of some prisoners, decided to press
home his attack upon Reynier. On the 16th he recaptured Volkovisk, and
about midday developed a heavy attack upon Reynier’s left, when guns
were heard on the road to Slonim nearly in rear of Sacken’s centre,
and fugitives from the guards of baggage which had been sent there
announced that Schwarzenberg was at hand. Sacken at once began to
withdraw towards the left, first Lieven, then Essen, finally Bulatov.
It was dark before even Essen began his march, and the army retreated
safely to Svislozh on the Brest-Litovsk road.
He was hotly pursued by Schwarzenberg and Reynier, the latter following
him on the main road, while Schwarzenberg threatened to turn his
right, and interpose between him and the Bielovezhi Forest. During the
next ten days there was constant rear-guard fighting, though never
of a very severe description, as Sacken made his way back towards
Brest-Litovsk. On the 25th he took up a position to cover that place,
but his opponents were manifestly too strong for him, and on the 26th
it was reoccupied by Reynier. The net result of Sacken’s operations
was that he had drawn Schwarzenberg far away from the decisive point
on the Berezina. On the 25th the Austrian general received a letter
from Maret at Vilna, bidding him turn back to support Napoleon. This
he at once did, but whatever he might or might not wish it was now
far too late. On the 27th, when he set out to remeasure his steps,
Napoleon was already crossing the Berezina, threatened by Chichagov and
Wittgenstein. Sacken’s losses during his brief campaign had been heavy,
though certainly they had not approached the figure of 10,000, at which
the French estimated them. He had lost also a considerable part of his
trains. The losses of his opponents were perhaps about 3000 killed,
wounded, and prisoners. The importance of the strategic success of the
Russians is not, however, to be expressed in terms of losses.
The remains of the central Napoleonic army were collected at Smolensk
by November 13th. The leading troops had thus some five days’ rest from
marching, but little alleviation of their misery. There had been some
1500 beef-cattle in the villages round the town, but most of these were
swept up by the Cossacks who preceded the march of the main Russian
army. In Smolensk itself there were considerable stores of flour,
grain, and brandy--probably enough to supply the remains of the army
for several days. There was also a certain quantity of biscuit, rice,
and dried vegetables. The Guard as usual was unduly favoured. Napoleon
ordered that it should have 15 days’ supplies issued to it, while the
other unhappy corps were only to have six. Judging, however, from
narratives of members of the Guard, it never received anything like the
amount ordered. The men, hungry and improvident, seem to have largely
gorged themselves on their rations; a good many sold them at exorbitant
prices to others; in this way the survivors of Preising’s Bavarian
horsemen were able to obtain a little food. Portable mills, which had
by this time begun to arrive, were also issued. Even in their misery
the soldiers made bitter jests at this provision for grinding flour
which was not to be had. Shelter there was little. Eyewitnesses give
grim accounts of the wretchedness within the walls. As corps after
corps reached the town in their misery the hospitals were choked with
sick and wounded, who were literally heaped into these dens of horror
without provision of any kind. The cold was worse than it yet had
been, and the men were frost-bitten by hundreds. It was fortunate for
Napoleon that a thaw set in on the 14th. While in the town the troops
had at any rate food enough for immediate needs, the troops of Junot
and Zayonczek in the villages outside were left unprovided for, with
the result that they pillaged such convoys as passed near them, and ate
hundreds of serviceable horses.
The army received indeed considerable reinforcements at Smolensk.
Baraguay d’Hilliers’ column was distributed among the corps as they
arrived. The Vistula Legion was joined by its 3rd battalions, Ney’s
corps by the 129th Regiment and that of Illyria. It is difficult to
state the strength of the army on the 14th, but it may be perhaps
estimated at nearly 60,000 men. The Guard still retained about 2500
badly mounted horsemen; all the other cavalry divisions did not
muster more than 3000 mounted men between them. The remnant of the
Cavalry Reserve--some 2000 sabres--was collected under the command of
Latour-Maubourg. Much of the artillery, which had been so far dragged
along, could no longer proceed, and 140 pieces were abandoned in
Smolensk.
[Illustration:
RUSSIAN GRENADIERS PURSUING THE FRENCH ARMY
From the picture by Verestchagin]
On the 13th the remains of Eugène’s corps poured in wild confusion
into the town. An issue of rations was commenced, but the starving
men broke from control and pillaged the magazines. Order was restored
by desperate exertions, but there had been much damage and waste of
precious food. Next day the 1st Corps flooded into Smolensk in a
state as pitiable as that of the 4th, and the disorder of this
erstwhile best disciplined of the army corps could not be restrained.
The storehouses were broken open amid frenzied scenes of disorder and
violence; the miserable wretches murdered one another at the doors and
in the streets. The provisions were pillaged, a great part of them
being of course destroyed in the confusion. Nothing was left for Ney’s
brave men, who were sacrificing themselves to save the rest of the
army, except such remnants as they could obtain by searching for them.
Kutuzov meanwhile was advancing with a slowness and caution which
exasperated the more eager of his subordinates and caused some of them
to mutter angrily about treachery. On the 14th he marched 13 miles
from Chelkanovo to Jurovo, and halted for a day. It may well be, as
Clausewitz reasonably remarks, that his firmness was shaken by the
deteriorating condition of his own army, which was suffering severely
from the cold, and perishing in bivouac at an alarming rate, though,
of course, less rapidly than the _Grande Armée_, since the soldiers
were fairly well fed. This, however, would probably have impelled a
younger and more energetic man to deal a deadly blow at his opponents
before his own force melted away. Kutuzov, however, was undoubtedly too
old and infirm for the present crisis. Moreover, it is clear that the
Russian scouts greatly overrated the French numbers largely because the
stragglers were frequently mistaken for fighting men. A good many of
them still possessed weapons. Miloradovich left Choglokov’s division to
watch Ney before Smolensk, and himself with the bulk of his force moved
round the town to join his commander-in-chief, while Platov moved past
it on the north. On the 16th Kutuzov moved on to Chilova, 4-1/2 miles
south-east of Krasnoï, and there halted.
On the 13th Napoleon directed Junot, with the 8th Corps and the remnant
of the dismounted cavalry, and Zayonczek, with the 5th Corps, upon
Krasnoï. Generals Eblé and Jomini had already been sent forward with
detachments of sappers to repair bridges and facilitate the march.
But already the disbanded troops had drawn ahead of the organised
bodies and were streaming along the highway, pillaging convoys and
spreading disorder everywhere. There were small magazines of food at
Krasnoï, Liadi, Tolochin, and other places, and a larger one at Orsha.
The situation was thus in one sense less unfavourable than before.
Unfortunately, however, the Russian army at Chilova was within easy
reach of the high-road; and now Napoleon, as though his evil-genius
ever directed him in 1812 to do the wrong thing, moved the remains of
his army along its front with a day’s interval between its corps!
Claparède’s Poles, escorting the treasure and head-quarters baggage,
and the little left of the reserve artillery, followed Junot. On the
14th Napoleon left Smolensk with the Guard and Latour-Maubourg. Eugène
was to leave on the 15th, Davout on the 16th, Ney on the 17th, after
destroying the ramparts. Davout was to reinforce Ney with one of his
divisions.
On the 14th Count Ozharovski’s flying column entered Krasnoï, and
began to destroy the stores collected there, but was driven out by
Claparède’s division, and withdrew to Uvarova, on the Lossmina, 2 miles
to the south-east. Early on the 15th Miloradovich, with the 2nd and 7th
Corps and the 1st Cavalry Division, reached Riavka, a little way west
of Korythnia, just as Napoleon and the Guard were passing. He opened
with his artillery, but did not venture to attack the infantry of the
Guard, though the opportunity was surely worth seizing. He moved down
into the road when the last closed bodies had passed, and picked up
11 abandoned guns and 2000 stragglers. He then moved along the road
to Merlino, and took position across it with his front covered by a
rivulet, flowing as usual in a difficult gully. Napoleon reached
Krasnoï in safety, and the Guard camped about the little town.
Though a thaw was setting in this brought little relief to the
sufferings of the _Grande Armée_. Snow fell heavily, and the fatigue
of tramping through it was enormous, while the damp foggy weather told
almost as heavily upon the men as the bitter cold of previous days. The
horses appear to have completely broken down, when after some kind of
rest they had to resume the road. The artillery of the Guard, the best
appointed of the army, took 22 hours to cover the first 13 miles out
of Smolensk, and on reaching Krasnoï 12 of the 24 horse guns had to be
abandoned. Half of Latour-Maubourg’s cavalry remnant were dismounted
in 2 days, while divisions abandoned and destroyed their reserve parks
wholesale, being utterly unable to get them through the broken country
west of Smolensk. The ravine of the Lossmina, east of Krasnoï, was one
of the most fatal to the trains; guns, waggons and vehicles of every
kind were literally heaped together to the east of it, where the road
passed through a defile.
Eugène left Smolensk on the 15th, but it was difficult to get the
worn-down troops and their fatal incubus of non-combatants away from
the town, and the 4th Corps by evening had only reached Lubna, about 7
or 8 miles on the road to Krasnoï. On the 16th it continued its march,
harassed all the way by clouds of Cossacks. On the afternoon of the
16th it found its way barred by Miloradovich, Kutuzov on the same day
reaching Chilova. Napoleon appears at last to have awakened to the
necessity of uniting his scattered columns, and remained at Krasnoï in
order to allow the 4th, 1st and 3rd Corps to close up. Davout on this
day left Smolensk with 4 divisions, and Zayonczek arrived at Dubrovna.
The shattered relics of the _Grande Armée_ were thus scattered on a
line of 60 miles. Even if the Poles and Junot be discounted, owing to
their small numbers, the main force was spread over 30 miles of road,
while Kutuzov, with his whole army, seriously reduced but in fine heart
and fair condition, lay close to its head.
Miloradovich, at Merlino, had the 2nd Corps, under Prince Dolgoruki,
drawn up across the road, while Raievski lay parallel with it on the
south. Uvarov’s cavalry were in reserve. The relics of the 4th Corps
totalled only some 6000 combatants and a few guns, besides about 1200
armed stragglers, whom Guilleminot succeeded in collecting and forming.
These latter, however, were quickly repulsed, and driven behind the
remains of the 4th Corps, which, with Broussier’s division on the
left, Phillipon’s (formerly Delzons’) in the centre and Pino’s on the
right, steadily awaited destruction, cheering defiantly in answer
to the heavy cannonade of the Russians. Eugène, of course, rejected
with disdain Miloradovich’s proposal of surrender, and moved forward.
Paskievich’s extreme flank brigade was for a moment disordered by
Broussier’s gallant advance, but the attack was speedily repulsed, and
only darkness saved the survivors of the 4th Corps. Leaving Broussier
to cover the rear, Eugène filed the other divisions to the right and
reached Krasnoï early on the 17th. He had only about 4000 men left.
The last guns had been captured, and Broussier’s division almost
annihilated.
On the 16th, before daylight, Roguet’s division of the Young Guard had
expelled Ozharovski’s detachment from the villages which it occupied to
the south of Krasnoï. Roguet, of course, could not pursue his slight
success, as the whole Russian army was now nearing Krasnoï, but its
effect was to render Kutuzov more than ever cautious and circumspect.
The arrival of Eugène convinced Napoleon that if Davout and Ney were
to be saved he must make a stand in order to allow them to close up
upon him. The 4th Corps was incapable of taking any part in the action,
and he ordered it to defile on the road to Orsha. The infantry of the
Guard was drawn up to the south of Krasnoï, Claparède’s division in
the town, Laborde in the centre, Roguet on the left near the Lossmina
ravine. The Old Guard, the cavalry, and Latour-Maubourg’s few remaining
mounted troopers, with 30 guns were to move back towards Smolensk to
meet Davout. Napoleon’s total strength amounted to less than 18,000
men, of whom 2500 were cavalry in miserable condition; while only the
light artillery of the Young Guard could manoeuvre away from the road.
Davout had left Smolensk on the 16th, and his leading division
bivouacked for the night about 2 miles past Korythnia. There the
Marshal learnt of Eugène’s disaster. Sending off messengers to warn Ney
that he must hasten his march, he broke up at 3 a.m.
Kutuzov on his side had made up his mind to attack. Prince Golitzin,
with the 3rd Corps and the 2nd Cuirassier division, was to attack the
Guard in front. Miloradovich, strengthened by Korff’s cavalry, was
to take position about Larionovo, a little east of the Lossmina, and
let Davout go by; but was then to fall vigorously upon his rear, and
incline to the left to support Golitzin. Tormazov with the 5th, 6th and
8th Corps, and the 1st Cuirassier Division, was to move to the left
and bar Napoleon’s line of retreat. Ostermann and Vassilchikov were
some distance to the rear, but could easily come up during the day.
Exclusive of Platov, who was north of the Dnieper, and the various
flying columns, Kutuzov probably disposed of nearly 70,000 regulars,
with about 450 well-horsed cannon.
As regards his plan of action, one does not see why Miloradovich should
not had attacked Davout directly, Golitzin was too weak to hold the
Guard in check, while Tormazov’s column was too strong for its purpose.
None the less, had the over-elaborate design been vigorously executed,
Napoleon’s small available force of some 28,000 men might easily have
been destroyed.
Early on the 17th Golitzin moved upon Krasnoï, but was checked by
Roguet, who momentarily captured the village of Uvarova, driving
Ozharovski’s detachment across the Lossmina. Golitzin therefore decided
to await Miloradovich’s co-operation before pressing his advance; while
Kutuzov, hearing that the whole Imperial Guard, whose strength and
fighting power he enormously overestimated, was at Krasnoï, kept back
Tormazov.
Davout’s leading division (Gérard’s) reached the Lossmina between 8 and
9 a.m., and came into line with Roguet; the remaining three followed.
The confusion in the rear was frightful; the trains of the 1st Corps
streamed away to the north of the road with the Russian cavalry and
Cossacks ranging among them. The panic-stricken drivers cut the traces
and fled with the horses, and much of the remaining baggage of the
1st Corps was taken, the spoil including Davout’s private carriages,
containing, amongst other things, his Marshal’s bâton and a valuable
collection of maps. Of organised resistance there was little except
from small bodies of brave men, who formed here and there to face the
cavalry, and for the most part met their death in the performance of
their duty. The effect of Napoleon’s diversion was that the 1st Corps
succeeded in crossing the Lossmina, but its loss was very severe, for
it had to defile in square or close column to withstand the charges of
the Russian cavalry, exposed all the time to a heavy cannonade.
[Illustration: Positions about 10 a.m. on the 17th when Davout effected
his junction with Napoleon]
As soon as Davout and Mortier had established communication, Napoleon
began to retire upon Liadi with the Old Guard and the cavalry, except
the Dutch Grenadiers and Lancers, whom he left to support Mortier.
Miloradovich and Golitzin were now in touch, and began to press
vigorously. A murderous cannonade was directed upon the thin French
line south of Krasnoï, and under cover of it the Russian infantry
advanced. The Dutch Grenadiers, shattered by artillery fire, fell
out of the line, and the young “Flanqueurs-Chasseurs,” who were
ordered by Roguet to take their place, could not bear up against the
iron hail. To support them Roguet sent the 1st Voltigeurs and the
Fusilier-Grenadiers. The Flanqueurs were extricated, but the Voltigeurs
were charged by Duka’s Cuirassiers and destroyed, only forty wounded
men escaping. Nevertheless, it was already too late for the Russians
to gain any decisive success. Tormazov did not receive his orders to
advance until about midday, and the tracks were so bad and narrow that
he could not reach the high-road in time to bar Napoleon’s march. Some
light cavalry were easily dislodged and the Head-quarters and Old
Guard reached Liadi in safety. Mortier and Davout followed but, hotly
pressed by Miloradovich and Golitzin, lost heavily. The Dutch Guards
were nearly destroyed; several of the regiments of the Young Guard were
cut up. Nevertheless, Mortier’s troops and three of Davout’s divisions
succeeded in getting away to Liadi, but Friederichs’ division, fiercely
pressed in the rear, was assailed on the west of the town by Tormazov’s
vanguard, under General Rosen, and nearly destroyed. The 33rd Léger was
all but exterminated, only 25 men remaining unwounded.
Ney had defended Smolensk until the morning of the 17th. On the 15th
the 4th Regiment gallantly repulsed an attempt of Choglokov’s Division
to press the evacuation of the northern suburb. Early on the 17th
the force left for Krasnoï. Nothing was known of what was occurring
ahead, and Davout has been severely blamed for neglecting to inform
Ney. It is probable that his messengers were intercepted. Ney had,
including Ricard’s division of the 1st Corps, perhaps nearly 9000 men,
but with hardly any cavalry, and only 18 wretchedly horsed guns. He
was also encumbered by a horde of 7000 non-combatants. Five thousand
sick and wounded were left to perish in Smolensk, many being killed
by the explosion of the mines which, in obedience to orders, Ney had
laid beneath the ramparts. The first day’s march was unmolested, but
on the 18th Ricard’s division, which was in advance, blundered in the
fog against Miloradovich, who was in position behind the Lossmina.
Surprised and outnumbered by six to one the division lost heavily, and
was driven back in disorder along the road to Smolensk. This, however,
might have helped Ney, for Miloradovich believed that Ricard’s force
was really the whole 3rd Corps, and was therefore taken by surprise
when Ney, after rallying the remnants of the 2nd Division, came up
towards 3.0 p.m. The Russians, on the advice of Paskievich, formed
line as they stood, a battery of 24 guns being placed across the road.
Ney’s force, which looked very formidable through the fog, was much
overestimated, and the promptitude with which the marshal cleared away
some cavalry from a bivouac on his left impressed the Russians. He,
on his side, hoped that he had to deal only with a detachment, though
Miloradovich sent an officer to summon him to surrender, and informed
him that he had the whole Russian army in his front. Ney detained the
officer, shots having been fired during the parley, and ordered the
attack. Razout’s division went forward with splendid heroism, entered
the ravine, breasted its further bank under a furious fire, and almost
reached the Russian front when it was crushed by the cannonade and
musketry and driven back in wild disorder by a counter-attack of
Paskievich’s division. The Uhlans of the Guard charged the relics of
the 18th Regiment and captured its eagle. General Razout was wounded,
General Lanchantin captured; and only a mere remnant of the gallant
force succeeded in withdrawing under cover of Ledru’s division,
which sacrificed itself nobly to cover the retreat. At 4.0 p.m. Ney
retreated, and so impressed had Miloradovich been by the magnificent
audacity of the attack that he made no effective pursuit.
Ney retrograded a short distance on the road to Smolensk, and then
turned to the north. He resolved to cross the Dnieper on the ice and
make his way to Orsha by the right bank. He had the ice on a streamlet
broken to ascertain its direction, and followed its course until the
Dnieper was reached. He made a show of bivouacking at a village, but
left his fires burning, and, guided by a captured peasant, found
a place where the ice on the great river would bear. A thaw was,
however, setting in, and though the fighting men mostly succeeded in
crossing, the ice broke under the first vehicles. Guns, trains, and
wounded were left to their fate on the farther bank; there remained
with Ney about 3000 exhausted and starving foot-soldiers. The only
favourable circumstance was that the cold had ceased. But on the 19th
Platov was upon them with his Cossacks, and all the way to Orsha they
marched in the midst of his squadrons, repeatedly cannonaded by his
sledge-artillery. The details of the daring march are vividly related
by De Fezensac, but in a work such as this there is little space for
them. Ney kept the weary handful of troops together by the sheer
magnetic force of his personality. On nearing Orsha the road was found
to be barred by fires, but the Marshal ordered the charge, and they
were found unguarded, having been lighted in order to terrorise him
into halting. At midnight on the 21st the force reached the Vitebsk
road about 8 miles from Orsha, where a column which Eugène had led
forth to succour it was encountered. So the heroic episode ended. Of
the 3rd Corps and Ricard’s division there survived not 1500 armed men.
While Ney was making his way to Orsha by the north bank of the Dnieper,
Napoleon had arrived there on the 19th. Krasnoï, ill-planned and
ill-fought as it was, was Kutuzov’s last--or only--serious effort. He
remained in the neighbourhood of the battle-field until the 19th, made
two marches, halted for a day, and then made two easy marches to Kopys
on the Dnieper, south of Orsha. His army was certainly greatly weakened
and fatigued; but he might have achieved much by a persistent and
resolute advance. The result of his practical inaction was that the
small remains of Napoleon’s fighting force were able to make their way
to Orsha unmolested by the enemy.
In spite of mismanagement and timidity the fighting round Krasnoï was
fearfully disastrous. The Napoleonic army had lost probably 10,000
men in action. The Russians claimed 26,170 prisoners, but at least
half of these were the disbanded fugitives; over 100 guns were taken
on the field, and 112 more had been abandoned. Baggage had been taken
literally in heaps. As against this the Russians only admitted a loss
of 2000 men; and it is possible that this is not a gross misstatement.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 7: Poniatowski had met with an accident, and General
Zayonczek commanded the 5th Corps.]