Conversation with the King of Dahomey continued--Visit Coomassie,
another Palace of the King--Great Number of Human Skulls--Skulls of
Kings taken in Battle--Death-drums--Peculiarity of Skulls--Craniums
of the Fellattahs--Skulls of Rival Kings--Criminal Case heard by
the King, and his Award--Death of my Servant Maurice--Regret of
the King--Christian Burial of my Servant--The King’s Kindness to
me--My increasing Illness and Depression of Spirits--Method of
Procuring Food in the Bush by the Dahoman Soldiers--My Alarm at
the Dangerous State of my Wound--Make Preparations to amputate
my Limb--My Recovery--My last Conversation with the King--The
King’s Presents to the Queen of England--Present from him to her
Majesty of a Native Girl--Escorted out of Abomey, and Departure for
Whydah--Absurd Custom--Canamina--Ahgrimah--My Pigeons from the Kong
Mountains--Non-Arrival of some of my Carriers--Punishment awarded them
for their Roguery on their Arrival.
August 26th.--The King again sent for me to visit him at the palace.
He met me in his usual familiar manner, with a hearty shake of the
hand, and a familiar slap on my back with his open hand. A table had
been already spread with the necessary viands. He proposed the Queen
of England’s health; after which he wished me to proceed to a large
palace, about a mile distant, called Coomassie, (after the capital
of Ashantee), there to take the plan and dimensions of a number
of different sized war tents. These displayed ingenuity and taste,
superior to many European nations. The King ordered a number similar
to them to be made in England, and sent to him as soon as possible.
This palace was built and named about the time when the present King
threw off his allegiance to the kingdom of Ashantee, the King of which
formerly boasted that he could hold Dahomey in vassalage.
After the building of this palace, the King of Dahomey declared himself
capable of holding Ashantee in vassalage. The palace is considered
memorable on this account. In this as well in several other palaces we
visited on this day, we were entertained with every variety of luxuries
used at the King’s table. Upon my return to his Majesty, I found a
number of people busily employed in carrying out of the stores a number
of human skulls, taken in various countries during the wars. Previous
to my journey into the mountains, I had made a request to the King for
leave to inspect a few skulls of natives of the different countries
he had conquered, with the view of comparing them, and also to make
drawings of some of them.
When between two and three thousand skulls had been carried out and
placed in the parade-ground in front of the palace, I begged the King
not to send for any more. His state chair was placed in the centre of a
circle, formed by arranging the large calabashes or gourds containing
the skulls, in that form. The heads of the kings were placed in large
brass pans, about two feet in diameter. The heads of caboceers and
head-men were in calabashes about the same size as the former; and
to my great astonishment, when curiosity prompted me to make inquiry
respecting any one of these skulls, a long detail was immediately given
me of all the circumstances connected with the parties when alive.
Though these people do not write, with the exception of the Mohammedan
portion of them, yet they possess very retentive memories. The
death-drums were also brought out on this occasion. They were four in
number, and of different sizes, but much larger than the large drums
in use in the British army. The largest measured nine feet four inches
in length, and the whole were ornamented with human skulls, several of
which I observed were deficient of any suture across the upper part.
This appeared in the proportion of one in twelve, and the skulls
without any longitudinal division were as one in twenty-seven. I found
the skulls of the Mahees generally to recede from the nasal bone or
lower part of the forehead to the top in a greater angle than those of
any other country.
The Fellattahs are very different in their cranium and general
development from the others, having high, square foreheads, and a quick
and bright eye. They are slighter in person than either the Dahomans
or Mahees; but are generally well formed, sinewy in their limbs, and
capable of enduring great fatigue. The Dahomans are a very fine and
generally tall race of people, both male and female, and the most
honest of any people I ever met with.
It is worthy of remark, that unlike any other uncivilized people I have
seen, during my stay at Abomey I was never asked by any individual for
an article of even the most trifling value, nor ever lost anything,
except what was stolen by my people from the coast. The Dahoman
laws are certainly severe, but they have the desired effect. In the
collection of skulls, I found a number of them ornamented with brass,
and rivetted together with iron. These were the heads of rival kings,
who were killed by the King’s women, or wives. Amongst these was the
richly ornamented skull of the King of Nahpoo, in the Annagoo country;
his name was Adaffo. His town was taken, and he himself made prisoner,
by the female regiments, commanded by the female commander, Apadomey.
Many of the skulls still retained the hair. It appears that this
part of the human body has always been a favourite ornament on the
palace-walls of Abomey, and even in the walls, entrance of gateways,
and doorways; though the present King has not placed them on the walls
of the new palace called Coomassie.
A guard is mounted every morning at each of the palaces, and there
is a resident governor. After taking several drawings of the skulls
of several kings killed in war, his Majesty invited me to be present
at the trial of a prisoner who had been brought from a town in the
Mahee country, where he had already been tried, upon an accusation of
adultery with one of the caboceers’ wives, and the sentence of death
had been passed upon him. The man, however, being conscious of his
innocence, appealed to the Court of Abomey, where all the witnesses
were again examined and cross-questioned by the King himself. It was
now distinctly proved that the whole was a false accusation, and the
poor fellow was immediately liberated; but the caboceer, who had been
his accuser, and fourteen of his false witnesses, were seized and
imprisoned for trial on a future day, when doubtless the whole of them
would suffer death.
The King, with great satisfaction, pointed out to me the beneficial
effects of this new law which he had made, observing that formerly, in
the Mahee country, when a caboceer felt animosity against a person in
his power, he could at any time get up an accusation against him, and
also ensure such evidence as would suit his purpose; but that now the
accused had the power of appealing to the court of Abomey, which had
been the means of effectually checking such practices, as he invariably
put the accusers to death when he found the accused to be innocent.
As I felt very unwell and feverish, I begged the King to allow me to
return to my quarters, which he readily acceded to, and with his usual
kindness inquired if he could do any thing for me. He walked with me
nearly to my dwelling, during which a continual fire of musketry was
kept up until I entered my own gates.
I found my servant, Maurice, still weaker, and could not prevail on
him to partake of any nourishment. It was now evident that his earthly
career was near its termination. I asked him if he would like me to
read prayers to him; and intimated to him the near approach of his
dissolution. He consented to my reading prayers; but said, he thought
he should recover. I asked him to give me his father’s address, so that
in the event of his death I might write to him; but, for what reason
I am at a loss to imagine, he refused to give it me, but confessed
that he had been using a false name; and that his father’s name was
not Maurice. He expressed a wish to be carried to Whydah, which was
speedily arranged to be done on the following morning. My fever
increasing, I was now compelled to go to bed.
Early on the 27th August the carriers reported themselves ready
to proceed with Maurice to Whydah. By this time, my fever had
so increased, that from giddiness I was unable to stand without
assistance; and poor Maurice, being brought in upon the hammock,
proved to be in a dying state; and in a few minutes afterwards expired
without a struggle. A messenger was immediately sent to the King to
inform him of the melancholy fact, who expressed extreme regret at it,
remarking that he feared the occurrence might prevent other Englishmen
from visiting him; but I told him that it was the will of God, and that
no person was to blame; on the contrary, that every thing had been
done which our means afforded. The King then ordered four men to dig
a grave for Maurice, and sent me a flask of rum to give the carriers
and grave-diggers. He also sent two fine cloths to wrap the body in.
He would not allow it to be interred in the sepulchre appointed for
strangers, but it was buried in the court-yard in front of Mayho’s
house, with every mark of respect.
Great attention was paid by all the spectators during the
burial-service, which I read. I was now left without a white man, and,
for a moment, I felt the loneliness of my situation. This melancholy
feeling was augmented by my severe indisposition. My wounded leg began
to swell and to become discoloured. In the afternoon, the King sent
for me to come and see him, if possible. I felt myself unable to walk,
but was carried in a hammock to the palace. The King seemed in great
trouble at my illness. He told me that he had sent for me to show me
an elephant which had been killed by one of Mayho’s soldiers. He wished
to know if I could preserve a part of it to take with me to Whydah,
for which place I intended to proceed in a few days. I told him that I
was afraid I could not preserve it, so as to be able to carry it with
me; he promised to send me a dish of the flesh for my dinner on the
following day.
He begged me to join in drinking the health of the Queen of England
and the whole of the Royal Family, in cherry brandy, which he strongly
recommended as beneficial in all cases of fever. This I did: he then
informed me that he had a regiment of female soldiers (his wives), as
well as a regiment of males, on the parade in front of the palace,
waiting to show me how they procured their food when in the bush.
At that moment, I felt myself a much fitter subject for my mat or
bed; but, as this parade was got up entirely for my gratification, I
determined to remain as long as possible. Accordingly, I accompanied
the King to the parade-ground, where we found the male and female
soldiers formed in line, with front and rear ranks, the latter on the
right. At seventy yards’ distance from their front was a high swish,
or clay wall, parallel with the line of soldiers. Close to this were
fastened, by pegs driven into the ground, a number of sheep, goats,
ducks, guinea-fowls, and the common fowl. The whole were placed in that
position for the purpose of illustrating the method by which the army
procured its food when on march in the bush, which abounds with game.
Each of the soldiers was armed either with a long Danish or English
musket, charged with iron bullets.
The females commenced firing from the right, advancing one pace to the
front in succession, as they came to the present. I was certainly much
surprised to see the certainty of their deadly aim. Although at seventy
yards distance, very few missed their object; and I did not observe
one who fired wide of a man’s body. The female commanders presented me
with eight large Muscovy ducks and some Guinea-fowls. The male soldiers
fired with even more precision than the females, but I believe that the
whole of them were picked shots; but even if that were the case, the
feat was astonishing, and would have done credit to our best riflemen.
I became so much exhausted and sick at the stomach at last, that I was
obliged to be immediately carried home. My leg, also, was now very much
swollen, and darker in colour, and became very painful, with every
symptom of gangrene or mortification. I confess I felt considerable
alarm at observing these symptoms so rapidly increasing. By this
time, however, I had become inured to hardships and suffering, and
had learned to set little value upon my life, and could very readily
have reconciled myself to share the same grave with poor Maurice. My
principal anxiety was respecting my Journal, a great part of which
was only in notes; consequently the probability was that my kind and
generous patrons would never get possession of it, though this was the
only tribute of gratitude I should ever have it in my power to return
them. I, therefore, made up my Journal and papers in the form of a
parcel, addressed to the Geographical Society, with strict injunctions
to my servants to forward them to Mr. Hutton of Cape Coast.
My people were very much alarmed at my condition, as were also Mayho
and the King’s messengers, who visited me every two hours. My leg was
still rapidly getting worse, the blackness progressing upwards. I now
began to measure my time, calculating upon my death before morning. I
had seen several amputations performed, and came to the determination
to attempt to amputate my own leg, should it appear absolutely
necessary. In the meantime, I ordered poultices to be prepared from
Indian corn meal, and yeast from the peto. This was immediately
applied. I then had all my amputating instruments placed in readiness,
with the necessary quantity of bandages; and I instructed my people
what they were to do in the event of my fainting while endeavouring
to perform the operation. They did not seem altogether to relish my
instructions, but promised to do their best in obedience to my orders.
It may be considered that madness alone could have suggested such an
attempt; but it must also be observed, that necessity under certain
circumstances urges the performance of many things bordering on
impossibilities; and in despair we are always ready to grasp even at a
shadow of hope.
However, thank God! I had not occasion to make the attempt. The
poultices had the desired effect, for in the morning the swelling
was considerably reduced, and the colour turned from black to a pink
or light purple colour, except round the wound, which sloughed, and
the flesh dropped from the bone, causing much pain. Mayho visited me
early, and seemed much pleased when I informed him of my improvement.
My spirits also were much revived, and having some remnants of cotton
print left, I made a frock for Mayho’s youngest boy, with which he
seemed very much pleased. I also made Mayho a waistcoat of the same
material.
On the 28th I was able to visit the King, to whom I intimated a wish
to depart on the following day for Whydah. He said that he felt very
reluctant to part with me, and wished very much that I would remain in
his capital; at the same time admitting the necessity of my hurrying
home to deliver his message to the Queen of England, and expressing
his great disappointment that Mr. Freeman had not visited him a second
time. He again spoke very highly of him, and expressed a great wish to
have an English missionary and school for mechanics in his capital. He
begged me to point out the necessity of this upon my return to England.
The King now ordered Mayho to get carriers ready for my departure for
the coast. The bullocks and goats, which had been presented to me, had
been forwarded already, leaving only the bipeds which were to accompany
me when I should leave. His Majesty sent me a present of three pieces
of royal cloth, as well as two pieces for the Queen of England, as
specimens of their manufacture. He also sent a very handsome young girl
as a present for Her Majesty. This child was about seven years old, and
was the daughter of a Mahee king, killed in the late war. He also sent
me eighteen heads of cowries, valued at the same number of dollars, to
defray my expenses to Whydah, and two kegs of rum to treat my people
with, with his best wishes for my welfare, and hoping I should soon
return to visit his kingdom.
During the whole of my stay in Abomey I had received the most unbounded
kindness from the King, as well as from his principal officers, and,
as I have before stated, I had never been solicited for any thing by
way of dash or present. But I had in my possession a walking-stick,
which contained a spring dagger; this the King seemed to admire much,
I therefore asked him to accept it as a present, for which he heartily
thanked me, saying that he should be very glad to do so when I returned
from the Kong Mountains, remarking that in all probability I should
meet with some very bad people while in the Mahee country. After my
return I offered him the stick, which he again refused, saying that
he would wait till I had safely arrived at Griwhee (Whydah). He would
send a messenger with me thither for the purpose of carrying it back to
Abomey. He also ordered three caboceers to accompany me on my journey
to the coast.
All was now arranged for my departure on the following morning. I was
still very weak, and quite lame from the large wound in my leg, which
was on the lower part of the calf, four inches in length and about
one and a half in breadth; but my little horse had now recovered from
his long journey, and was in high condition for another. I therefore
resolved to pursue my journey, as I had intended.
August 29th.--At daybreak a messenger came before I arose from my mat,
to inquire after the state of my health, with orders to ascertain
whether I considered myself quite capable of undertaking my journey,
to which I replied in the affirmative. In a short time afterwards
breakfast was sent as usual, and a number of my carriers arrived.
It is always considered consistent with court etiquette here, as I have
previously stated, that a stranger visiting his Majesty should arrive
and depart from the capital as nearly as possible when the sun is at
its meridian, consequently various excuses were made to detain me till
that period, when I was escorted out of the town by my excellent old
friend Mayho, and many more of the principal men, with a band of music,
till we crossed the bridge over the moat outside the town walls. Here I
was given up to the charge of the three caboceers before mentioned.
About two hundred yards from the gates is a fetish-house, in passing
which all persons are compelled to dismount, if carried, and walk past
a certain distance; but the King had very kindly forwarded an order to
the fetish-man, to allow me to ride, on account of my lameness, at
which every man seemed much amazed, saying that no man ever rode over
the same ground before.
I was very much surprised to see one of my fowls tied by the feet lying
at the door of the fetish-house, which of course led to some inquiries.
I was informed that while the man carrying my fowls was passing the
place, this cock had crowed, and consequently he had become the
property of the head fetishman. The man who carried the basket had not
proceeded farther, but waited till I arrived, to explain the matter. I
made some objections to submit to such a ridiculous custom, whereupon a
messenger was immediately sent to the King, who sent an order to give
up the cock, and also intimated that it was not his wish to compel an
Englishman to observe black man’s laws, remarking that Englishmen can
do no wrong.
When we arrived at Canamina we overtook two of my carriers, who, though
big, strong-looking men, were quite exhausted, and unable to proceed.
Had I been furnished with female carriers, I should have found no
difficulty. However, I hired an assistant carrier, before I could get
the men to proceed. After a tiresome ride, we arrived at Ahgrimah. When
dismounting I was quite exhausted, and my leg and foot swollen so much,
that my cloth boot had burst, and I suffered very much for upwards
of two hours from pain in my wound. Here I was much amused with the
pigeons which I had brought from the Kong Mountains. Though I had three
different specimens, all rare, they had now become so much reconciled
to each other as to be all of one family, as it were.
Whenever we halted for the night, and they were released from the gourd
in which they were carried, they never attempted to leave me, but kept
walking to and fro, near the spot where I lay, till they were fed; and
when darkness came on, they huddled themselves close to my person. I
was very much annoyed here on account of several of my carriers not
arriving, particularly as my camp-kettle had not come. I managed,
however, to get a meal from the natives.
Aug. 30th.--As soon as I awoke I inquired after my luggage, and found
that two of my principal boxes had not arrived. Whereupon I despatched
a trusty messenger, sent by Mayho to accompany me to Whydah to carry
back my coat, which I had promised that excellent old man, being the
only thing I now possessed worth his acceptance. He hastened back
to Abomey, to report the delay to his master, who had furnished the
carriers. Mayho immediately sent fresh men with orders to punish the
villains who had hung back, as, he said, he had himself examined each
of their loads, and found them all considerably under the regulated
weight for carriers.
At last the men arrived, accompanied by my messenger and fresh
carriers, late in the afternoon. Immediately on their arrival, the
offenders were brought before the caboceers for judgment; and, after a
short palaver, they were sentenced to be beaten with a stick as many
times as I should deem sufficient. Two men were sent into the bush
for some rods, who soon returned with five, about one yard in length
and about the thickness of a man’s middle finger. The offenders were
then ordered to kneel down before me to receive their punishment;
but although they had been the cause of much uneasiness to me, I
could not consent to such a severe mode of punishment, particularly
as all my Dahoman people had hitherto conducted themselves well; I
therefore ordered them both to be released, for they had already been
pinioned. The poor fellows were very grateful for this act of kindness:
the caboceers also were much gratified, and my day’s detention was
beneficial in resting my lame leg.