My continued Illness--The Koffo--The Langhbo--Bivouac--Keep
Sentinel--Shea-butter Trees--Springs impregnated with
Iron--Gijah--Poverty of the Caboceer--Hospitality of Atihoh, the
Merchant--Doko--Met by the Avoga of Whydah--Etiquette with regard to
the Time of entering a Town--Enter Abomey--My Servant Maurice takes
to his Bed--Sudden Change in the Temperature--Visit to the King--His
gratification at my safe Return--My Conversation with his Majesty--His
Views with regard to the Slave Trade--His desire to cede Whydah to the
English Government--Dictates a Letter to me to that effect--His Costly
Tobes--Singular Piece of Patch-Work.
August 21st.--Early in the morning I got up to prepare for the march,
but although the attack of ague had been lighter than on the previous
night, I still felt extremely weak and in low spirits. To remedy this,
I again resorted to another dose of sedative of opium, which in a
short time operated effectually. The caboceers and a great part of
the population accompanied me some distance out of the town, during
which the Jallakoo soldiers kept up a constant but irregular fire of
musketry. The old man then shook hands, expressing every good wish for
my future success, hoping that I should soon return to his country
again, that he might see me once more before he should die. This solemn
expression made for a time a deep impression on my mind. Though in a
comparatively savage state this venerable patriarch was conscious that
the hand of death would soon be upon him.
Our bearing was now SS.W. and the plain thickly wooded with shea-butter
and other trees. The road was extremely bad, with rocks resembling
petrified wood of very fine grain with iron-stone rock. The grass was
eight feet long and resembled reeds. At ten miles and a half we crossed
the river Koffo, running NN.E. and at seventeen and a half we crossed
the river Langhbo, running eastward. Being much fatigued, and still
suffering from fever, and no town or village near, we resolved to
encamp on the plain, near this river, where we were sure of obtaining
water. The grass being extremely long, we were obliged to cut it down,
wherever a party of ten or a dozen men selected a place to lie down.
Watch fires were also kindled around the camp, and fortunately, from
the ample means afforded at Jallakoo, we were pretty well stocked with
provisions for one night at least.
This place not being far distant from the Annagoo country, which
people in former times had frequently sent kidnapping parties
stealthily into the outskirts of the Dahoman kingdom, it was considered
necessary to keep sentinels and outposts during the night. Every man
also examined his piece to ascertain if the priming were good. I also
examined the caps of my own piece, but this seemed the reverse of
satisfactory.
The caboceer asked me if I was afraid to trust myself with him,
assuring me that my guard, he knew, would perish to a man before they
would allow me to be molested. I admitted his assertion, but reminded
him that it was always prudent to be, as far as possible, prepared
for the worst. Still he assured me that his men were quite sufficient
for our protection. My cook immediately commenced preparing my supper
of boiled fowls and rice, with a few shalots, which made an agreeable
soup. This, although suffering much from fever, I relished much. I then
took another dose of opium, and soon under its powerful influence fell
fast asleep.
August 22d.--Early in the morning we again prepared for the march.
Several of my men felt the effects of sleeping on the wet ground. I
also for a time felt a cold, shivering sensation, but before mounting
my horse, I took some James’s powder, and, as soon as the sun arose, I
got into a copious perspiration, which considerably relieved me. Our
bearing was now SS.E.; the plain still studded with shea butter-trees
and small shrubs; the road still bad, and worn very deep, like narrow
sheep-tracks.
After marching for twelve miles very rapidly among small rocks, and
across several deeply sunken streams, we passed a great number of shea
butter-trees, which had been lately scorched to destroy the fruit. Here
we found several excellent springs, impregnated with iron, strongly
carbonized, of which I took a copious draught, which proved very
refreshing to me. The road now began to improve, the surface changing
into clay and sand of a drab colour. The stream, for the distance
of two miles, ran along the path, which formed a channel. This gave
my poor fellows an opportunity of cooling their feet, now much cut
and bruised from the bad roads. I halted here for nearly an hour to
give them an opportunity of refreshing themselves, and filling their
calabashes with this water, which was much superior to that which we
were carrying. During the whole of this time, many of my men remained
standing in the water.
At twenty miles we arrived at the town of Gijah, which is a fine open
town of considerable size. The caboceer, though represented to be a
very good and generous character, was extremely poor, consequently,
after calling upon him, and the usual forms of reception had been
observed, we accepted the kind invitation of a wealthy merchant named
Atihoh, who entertained us in a most courteous manner, and in less than
an hour supplied us with abundance of provisions ready cooked, with a
calabash filled with the finest gwabas I ever saw, and plenty of very
good peto. During the evening the caboceer, Agballah, and his head men,
sent me ten large calabashes filled with provision. He did not visit me
till I sent for him, assigning as a reason that he was ashamed of his
poverty.
The poor old man seemed much pleased when I assured him that I was as
glad to see him, as if he had been the richest caboceer in the Dahoman
kingdom. He replied, “White man must be good man, for black man don’t
want to see poor caboceer.” I presented him with a piece of cloth and
some little articles of hardware, which appeared to give him great
satisfaction. I also gave each of his head men some trifling presents.
They were conscious of their master’s poverty, but seemed anxious to
assist him as much as possible, for they sent me, in the caboceer’s
name, twenty-three very large calabashes, filled with provision;
so that with several smaller presents from some of the principal
inhabitants, myself and people were amply supplied with every thing
necessary. During the evening we were visited by great numbers of the
inhabitants, who seemed much gratified with an opportunity of seeing a
white man.
August 23d.--Early in the morning my host paid me the usual morning
visit, bringing me a few choice dishes for my own breakfast, and
also a present of one goat, several fowls, one large African duck,
and a number of rare pigeons with feathered legs and toes, and ten
large dishes of provision for my soldiers. Soon after breakfast we
marched for Doko, accompanied for a short distance by the caboceer and
head-men, attended by about twenty of his soldiers, who kept up an
irregular firing of muskets as far as they accompanied us.
After leaving the town the distance of three miles, the road again
became very bad, and my little horse lost one of its shoes, and soon
began to show its loss. However, this day’s journey was a very short
one, and we marched at a very rapid rate, which, in short journeys,
we always found less fatiguing than marching at a slow rate, and
remaining long on foot, exposed to the sun. At twelve miles we arrived
at Doko, where we were met by the caboceer and his elder brother, the
caboceer of Whydah, who had remained at Abomey ever since I had left
that capital for the Mahee and Fellattah country. He had been sent this
stage to meet me by order of his Majesty.
The caboceer of Whydah is called the avoga, or captain, caboceer of
white men, which accounts for his being sent instead of Mayho, to meet
me. He being an excellent fellow, I felt much gratification in thus
unexpectedly meeting him. Awassoo, the caboceer of Doko, having already
been acquainted with my intended visit, had prepared dinner for myself
and party, which consisted of twenty-two large dishes of provision.
The avoga had also brought with him plenty of liquors of different
descriptions, which were very freely distributed among the people. I
was now considerable recovered from the effects of my fever, so that
I could take part in their merriment and jest. My guard were now near
home, and, although two days before, the poor fellows were worn out
with fatigue and foot-sore, they were now all life and jollity over
their peto-pots, in which they indulged very freely. Merriment was kept
up till a late hour, and this being a small town, nearly the whole of
the inhabitants came to bid us welcome.
Aug. 24th.--About sunrise we began to prepare for marching, but as our
journey was a very short one, we remained several hours longer, so that
we might arrive at Abomey about mid-day. It is a custom in Dahomey for
all strangers of note visiting that capital to enter the town when the
sun is at its meridian. This is considered to be a necessary observance
for all distinguished visitors.
Upon entering the outer gates of Abomey, we were met by Mayho, and
several distinguished members of his Majesty’s household, with an
additional band of music, which played till my arrival at my old
quarters. Upon entering, I must confess I felt great satisfaction, and
a feeling of gratitude to the Great Ruler of all things flashed over
my mind. My first inquiry was, whether my white servant, Maurice,
whom I sent back from Baffo, was still alive, not finding him in the
apartment formerly occupied by him. I was told he was still alive, and
until he heard the sound of the drums announcing my return was walking
about occasionally, and giving directions respecting his cooking; Mayho
having appointed a cook and other attendants to wait on him. But on our
entering the gates he took to his bed, and never again seemed to rally.
I visited him immediately, but found him much reduced. He told me that
every attention had been paid to him, and that the King had appointed
a native doctor to attend him, but he was now suffering from dysentery
and quite exhausted.
I used the prescribed remedies as far as my means extended, but having
no European provision, I was compelled to do the best I could with
him upon native diet. I had great difficulty in convincing him of my
forgiveness for his conduct, which I have already mentioned. He fancied
that my intention was upon my return to the coast to deliver him up to
the authorities for punishment; and I cannot help thinking that in
spite of my assurance to the contrary, the poor fellow would never
believe that I should not do so.
Aug. 25th.--The weather now suddenly became alarmingly cold for an
African climate. This was accompanied with heavy rains. During the
night the thermometer fell to 70°, and at noon on the following day
did not rise higher than 77° Fahrenheit. In the night many of my
people caught cold, as well as myself. My poor servant Maurice was
still extremely low, and without any hopes of recovery. I ordered some
warm water and soap to be brought to me, and with my sponge I washed
the whole of his person. At the same time I changed the whole of his
clothes and had them washed.
The King now sent for me to the palace, where he received me with
every mark of kindness and respect; and after shaking me heartily by
the hand, immediately proposed the health of the Queen of England and
all the royal family. In return, of course, I proposed the health of
himself. My own health was next drank, after which the King gave me a
familiar slap on the back with his open hand, saying, “White man don’t
know proper fear, nor take proper care. In black man’s country,” he
said, “I make him much fear, when he hear I go into far country beyond
Mahee,” meaning the Fellattah country. This was conveyed to me by my
own interpreter. He asked me, what the Queen of England would say if I
had been killed, when in his care or under his protection. He added,
that all white men would say, his own people had killed me, and that
would bring shame upon his head.
He, however, expressed his great satisfaction at my safe return, and
put a thousand questions to me respecting the Fellattah country, and
whether they mentioned his name there, together with numerous questions
respecting their soldiers. He next spoke upon the Slave Trade, and
asked if I could not make intercession with Her Majesty of England to
send an order to our men-of-war not to take any slave ships till they
had entirely left the coast. I told him that it would be more for his
advantage that the slaves should be captured by English men-of-war, as
a greater number would be required to fill their places.
His reply was very different to what I had expected. He explained,
that although he supposed many white men believed he sold the greater
part of the slaves sent from that country, he could assure me it
was not the case; but the caboceers, whose soldiers captured them,
were always considered to be the owners of slaves taken in war, when
the enemy were the aggressors, with the exception of those who were
considered unfit for the market. These latter were considered to be
his (the King’s) property, and were sent to the different palaces to
assist in the duties of those establishments; but he admitted that all
prisoners taken by his wives, or female soldiers, were his property,
and that the caboceers always pay a nominal duty upon all slaves taken
in war when sold. From various inquiries I was informed that by far
the greater number of slaves transported from this country are either
the property of those on whose establishments they are bred, or are
purchased from the parents who are free; though at the decease of any
caboceer, the whole of his property is considered as belonging to the
King. The present King, however, seldom exercises his authority on
these occasions.
They asked the reason why Englishmen had abandoned the Slave-Trade, and
how we obtained people to perform labour. I told him that Englishmen
were now disgusted with the conduct of their forefathers in making a
property of the poor black man, who, because he was uneducated, was
sold like sheep, and sent to a far country, and there compelled to
labour for the remainder of his life in bondage; that Englishmen had
paid an enormous sum of money for the liberation of their slaves, and
were determined that the black man should be considered on an equality
with a white man, and were endeavouring to teach them “sense,” the
term he used for education. He had reminded me, that he had sent some
boys and girls to the Mission-school at Cape Coast to learn _sense_,
like white men, saying that he could (when they returned) communicate
directly with the English governor at Cape Coast without sending his
messages through the Spanish or Portuguese.
To the next question, I replied, we could get plenty of labourers to
work voluntarily, by paying them sufficient to keep them in food and
clothing; but he declared that unless a slave, black man would never do
any work except on his own plantation. However, he expressed his high
opinion of Englishmen for condescending to put themselves upon the same
level as black men, at the same time remarking that it was no wonder
his father always taught him to respect an Englishman.
He admitted our principles to be very humane and just, but remarked,
that it would be difficult to abolish slave-holding in his country,
as the children of all slaves were the property of the owner of the
parent, and were treated as one of his own family; and that if a king
were to interfere and abolish this law, it would cause a revolution
in the kingdom, as it would affect all his head men and half heads,
besides rendering those domestic slaves homeless and destitute.
I told him it was not domestic slavery that we so much objected to,
as the forcing them from their homes and kindred, separating them for
ever from all relatives, and dooming them to incessant labour all
their lives. He asked me whether, when parents voluntarily sold their
children, they would then feel any regret. I replied, if the parents
did not, they were unnatural, and I was sure that the children would;
and to illustrate this, I pointed out a she-goat with two kids, and
asked him if one were taken away, whether the young would not show
symptoms of regret as well as the mother. At this he laughed heartily,
but remarked, that the he-goat, the father of the kids referred to,
would feel quite indifferent. I could not help smiling in return.
The King touched his forehead with his fingers, saying, Englishman
was wonderful and good man. He then declared that for his own part
he had no wish to maintain the Slave-Trade, neither did he wish to
store riches. All he required was to have sufficient income to pay his
officers and caboceers the usual quantity of cowries to present his
people with, as is usual at the annual custom. This was the full extent
of his ambition.
I then proposed to him that he should extend agriculture, and establish
a permanent trade, which would be encouraged by all civilized nations;
and observed, that by imposing a slight duty upon all articles of
trade, besides the profits he might obtain, a revenue would be created
for him much superior to what he derived from the slave-dealing.
He replied, that he was very willing to adopt the proposed measure
if England would only make some proposals to him on the subject. I
explained at some length the nature and system of trade, with which
he was quite unacquainted. He remarked that he had been informed, we
had condescended to make treaties with and had sent missionaries to
the Calabar and Bonny rivers, to the petty chiefs of those places,
whose treaties could be of no permanent duration or benefit, as they
possessed no territory, nor had they any fixed laws; besides, they were
always involved in wars with the petty neighbouring states; so that
they were often chiefs to-day, and had their heads cut off the next;
that they could neither ensure any permanent trade with us, nor afford
us any protection in the event of our establishing factories at any of
these places.
He said he should be ready and very glad to make any reasonable
arrangement with the English Government for the abolition of slavery,
and the establishment of another trade, and added, that though he had
invited us to send missionaries to his country to advise with him, none
but one English fetishman, Mr. Freeman, the Wesleyan missionary (of
whom he spoke highly), had visited him; that all he wanted was to see
plenty of Englishmen in his kingdom, and especially in his capital. He
also offered to build them houses to live in, without any charge, and
give them as much land as they chose to cultivate.
He expressed his ardent desire to encourage cultivation and a system of
agriculture; and reminded me, that he had long ago issued orders that
all the spare land in and round the town of Griwhee (Whydah) should be
cultivated with a view of lessening the chances of epidemic diseases.
He also expressed his earnest desire to give up Whydah to the English
Government, with full powers to exercise our own laws and customs; and
also declared his readiness to afford us every necessary assistance and
protection, and to give us any quantity of land in the vicinity of that
settlement we might require for agricultural purposes.
He added, that when we should have obtained possession of Whydah,
we should have power to use our own discretion respecting the
Slave-Trade; and that, as Whydah was the principal residence of the
greatest slave-dealers on this part of the coast, we could with much
more propriety exert our authority to prevent slave traffic than he
himself, particularly as he was under great obligations to a certain
large slave-merchant in that settlement. He said, moreover, that he
had always entertained a hope that some day or other the English
would again establish themselves in Whydah, in consequence of which
he had always kept a temporary governor in the English fort since our
abandonment of the place.
He declared that he would build us a new fort, either on the old site,
or on any other spot, upon our own plan, and at his own expense. He
had, he said, refused possession of Whydah to the Prince de Joinville,
stating his determination to treat with none but the Queen of England,
who was the greatest of all white sovereigns; that he had for a length
of time been endeavouring to establish, as far as he was able, a code
of laws similar to those of England; for he considered them to be more
just in most cases than the old Dahoman laws, which he confessed to
be very absurd. But, though he thought so, still as many of the old,
absurd customs, which still existed, were of a comparatively harmless
nature, he had hitherto permitted them to remain, as he considered
it dangerous amongst a people so long accustomed to these usages to
revolutionize the whole at once; but he approved of commencing with the
most unreasonable and injurious, and gradually progressing, as in fact
he had done. He also assured me that the good effects of his new laws
were manifest even in the Mahee country, for within the last two years
several petty kingdoms in that and the Annagoo country had voluntarily
been ceded to his government.
He dictated to me a letter to the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
in which he formally ceded Whydah to the English Government. After
this letter was concluded, he requested me to read it over, lest any
mistake should have occurred; and when he found it satisfactory, he
held the upper end of the pen while I signed his name. We then drank
to the health of her Britannic Majesty, during which a constant fire
of musketry was kept up. I next proposed the King of Dahomey’s health,
which was followed by his drinking my own health. He then ordered an
immense quantity of variegated umbrellas, or rather canopies, to be
brought out for my inspection, and requested me to make a memorandum of
several of their patterns, desiring me to order a number of them to be
sent from England.
He afterwards showed me about forty tobes of the most costly embroidery
in gold and silver, on a ground of silk velvet of various colours. I
was also shown a piece of patch-work, which I believe I have previously
alluded to, which the King boasted was composed of remnants or
specimens of cloth from every country of the civilized world, as well
as every country in Africa. This piece of patch-work, I was informed,
measures one thousand yards in length, and eight yards in breadth. I
was next desired to take a drawing of the King’s throne or chair of
state. This is a very handsome and ingenious piece of carving, from one
solid piece of wood. It has three seats, one elevated about two feet
above the other, the first and second forming steps to the highest; on
the highest the King never sits except on state occasions. Three skulls
form a foot-stool to the first seat being those of three kings killed
in battle.
[Illustration]