by which the distinct and independent power of the monarch was almost
annihilated; and the whole legislative authority was given to the
representatives of the people. That Lafayette, and some others who
advocated this instrument, were actuated by a disinterested love of the
people, and believed that sufficient power was reserved to the King to
secure respect for him, as the political head of the nation, cannot be
doubted. We have only to lament, that subsequent events afforded proofs
of the unfitness of the French people, at that period, for the blessings
of a more popular government. It must also be admitted, that many who
professed republicanism, and boasted of their regard to the people's
rights were unprincipled and ambitious men, whom power had intoxicated,
or who entertained views of government utterly inconsistent with the
just authority of the laws, and the safety of individuals. Lafayette
offered the declaration of the rights of man, at this period, for
the sanction of the assembly: And though he was accused by the
anti-revolutionists, as the author of all the excesses and cruelties
which followed, for this proposition, it may justly be said in his
behalf, that it contained no other axioms, than are admitted, by all
impartial writers, as essential in free governments. The King and his
courtiers condemned them; and jacobins and demagogues afterwards abused
them, in their wild notions of republicanism, or their selfish projects
of personal aggrandizement.
Lafayette was charged with indiscretion and want of judgment, for the
active and zealous part which he took in the revolution, not only
by bigoted monarchists, but by some who were friendly to republican
institutions. He is said to have declared, "that when oppression
and tyranny were at their height, insurrection became a duty." This
declaration, however, when candidly considered, implies no more, than
was frequently expressed by the patriots of America, when opposing the
arbitrary power of the British ministry, and advocating independence
as the only remedy. The ardour and enthusiasm of Lafayette, probably,
betrayed him into some practical errors, and led him to utter
expressions, which were capable of being pressed into the service of
jacobins and anarchists. We only contend, that he had no selfish views
to accomplish--and that he was really friendly to the welfare and honor
of his Prince, as well as to the liberty and happiness of the French
people.
This is fully established by the fact, that, at this period and
afterwards, when jacobin clubs were formed and acted as dictators to
the National Assembly, he became obnoxious to them, for his firmness in
adhering to constitutional principles; and, though generally censured
by the royalists as an advocate for liberty and reform, was hated and
opposed by the factions, with the pretence of his being still attached
to the ancient regime. He retained his hold on the affections of the
people for some time, and enjoyed also, more of the confidence and
regard of the King, then any other who had favored the revolution. The
court found him, at least, candid and sincere; and he often exposed
himself to imminent danger in their defence. As proof of the former, he
was chosen Vice President of the national assembly, in the absence
of the aged President, July 1789; and appointed to the command of the
citizens of Paris, to quell the riots, and to restore tranquility to
the city, when an alarming tumult existed, in consequence of the want of
bread among the lower classes. As evidence of the latter, the King often
consulted him in cases of difficulties and danger; and entrusted his
person and family to his custody, when threatened by a lawless mob,
though he well knew the sentiments of Lafayette, on the great question
of royal authority.
When he was appointed to the command of the Parisian militia,
(afterwards denominated the national guard,) which had been promptly
organized according to a plan of his suggesting, it was a time of
great confusion and tumult. He accepted the appointment from the most
patriotic motives. Drawing his sword before an immense concourse of
citizens then assembled, "Lafayette made a vow to sacrifice his life, if
necessary, to the preservation of that precious liberty which had been
entrusted to him." It was then too, at the moment of his "brightest
popularity," that he exhorted those who pressed around him, "to love
the friends of the people; but, at the same time, to maintain an entire
submission to the laws, and to cherish a zeal for liberty."
He manifested the highest respect for the civil power, even when he
commanded the national guard and Parisian militia, though with this
immense military force, and with his unbounded popularity, he might have
safely followed his own wishes. The Parisians were eager to march to
Versailles, where the King and court resided, to demand an immediate
supply of bread. The mob proceeded thither in great numbers, and still
greater tumult. He declined marching the military, until he had the
express consent and order of the National Assembly. And on his arrival,
he immediately joined with the king's body guard, in suppressing the
riotous proceedings of the promiscuous multitude, who had previously
reached the place, and were committing depredations even in the royal
palace. This was a scene of great confusion and alarm; and violence and
bloodshed ensued. The enemies of Lafayette pretended, that he might have
prevented the mischief, by timely and decisive measures. But impartial
witnesses testified, "that, from the first moment of the alarm, he
had even exceeded his usual activity." He appeared in every quarter.
"Gentlemen," said he to the Parisian soldiers, "I have pledged my word
and honor to the King, that nothing belonging to him shall receive
injury. If I break my word, I shall no longer be worthy of being your
commander." The people insisted, that the King should go to Paris; and
on consulting with the Marquis, who gave assurances of protection and
respect, he proceeded to the city, accompanied by his family, and was
received with great acclamations of _vive Le Roi_.
Lafayette still retained his great popularity and influence. The Court
party had perfect confidence in his integrity and honor, though they
did not approve of his revolutionary principles. And the friends of the
constitution found in him one of their most zealous and able supporters.
These, however, soon become divided into clubs and parties; some of whom
were aiming at more power for the representatives of the people, and for
divesting Louis of every thing but the name of King. To this description
of politicians, Lafayette, and others who constituted the majority of
the National Assembly at this time, were opposed. They considered the
King as still the fountain of all executive authority, and were
willing that he should also have a _veto_ upon their legislative
proceedings--His person, they declared, was inviolable, and his crown
hereditary. Put the more violent revolutionists, who soon became known
by the distinctive appellation of _Jacobins_, formed themselves into a
club; where extravagant measures were proposed and then presented to
the assembly; and frequently were adopted, through intrigue and threats,
when a majority of the members were dissatisfied with them.
Attached to the constitution, a friend to justice and order, and an
advocate for the dignity and authority of the monarch, as limited and
defined by the constitution, Lafayette was among the most open and
decided in counteracting the views of the Duc de Orleans, Mirabeau,
Petion, Brissot, Robespeirre, and others of the jacobin faction, who
aimed at further changes to fulfill their own selfish and ambitious
designs. Orleans was an unprincipled and dangerous nobleman; of royal
blood and cousin to Louis: But his object was to bring about an entire
revolution, and place himself on the throne of France. He, therefore,
hated and feared Lafayette; who, he knew, was too honest to further
his plans, and too powerful to allow him to succeed: Orleans became
obnoxious and was persuaded to leave the kingdom. But he soon returned;
and promoted or approved the shocking excesses which were afterwards
committed.
During the years 1790 and 1791 great agitations existed in Paris, on
various occasions, through the changing opinions of political leaders,
and the collisions of individuals, who were rivals for power. The grand
confederation took place in July 1790, when the constitution received
the sanction of all classes; and when Lafayette, at the head of the
national guards, attracted as much notice and possessed as great
influence as the king himself. His popularity seemed unbounded; nor did
he commit any act of cruelty or injustice to injure his high reputation.
He could not, in all instances, command the military or restrain the
mob; but he had the merit of using his greatest efforts to preserve
order, and to maintain the authority of the laws. When the King proposed
to visit St. Cloud, he was opposed by the populace and the Jacobin
clubs, under the pretence that he intended to leave the kingdom.
Lafayette attempted to disperse them and to remove all obstructions to
the intended visit of Louis. The troops were disobedient to his
orders, and refused to favor the King's journey. Mortified by their
insubordination, Lafayette resigned his command, but afterwards resumed
it, through the solicitations of the National Assembly, and of the
guards themselves, who regretted their disobedience of his orders.
On the attempt of the King, soon after, to depart from France, who had
become disgusted with the conduct of the revolutionists, and was in fear
of his personal safety, Lafayette was charged with being privy to
the plan, and subjected himself to the popular displeasure on this
suspicion. That he promoted the plan, was never proved, and is not
probable. That he had intimations of it, is possible; but that he gave
strict orders to the officers about the king's palace to guard against
such an event is most certain. He discharged his duty as a public agent;
and it is not improbable he might have supposed the king in immediate
danger, and that by a temporary absence from the capital, the ferment
would subside, and he might return in safety. No one, for a moment,
believed that he wished, with the emigrants and other enemies of the
revolution, to have Louis surrender himself to the hostile powers of the
coalition, for the purpose of bringing a foreign army to enslave France.
He was, indeed, anxious for the safety of his Prince; but he would never
have compromitted the liberties of his country, even for such an object.
From this period, the Jacobin clubs became more popular, and had the
chief direction of all political affairs. In their desire to lesson
the authority of the King, and to secure power, they hesitated at no
measures, however unjust; and the new constitution, even which they
had sworn to support, was grossly violated in the prosecution of their
selfish views. The influence of Lafayette was rapidly undermined by
these artful demagogues. He was sincerely attached to the constitution;
and was desirous of maintaining inviolate; the power of the monarch
which it guaranteed. He was the friend to law, and opposed all his
influence to riots and excesses. He became an object of dread to the
Jacobins, and they resolved to destroy him. But for a long time, the
majority of the National Assembly supported him. In attempting to
suppress a dangerous riot, by which many of the citizens were alarmed
and threatened, when he commanded the military in 1791, he was shot
at by one of the mob. The man was taken, and he forgave him--But the
National Assembly decreed the death of the culprit, who had attempted
the life of "the hero of the day." And the municipality of Paris, also
had a gold medal struck off, in honor of Lafayette, and presented him
with a bust of Washington in approbation of his conduct.
He was repeatedly denounced by individuals of the violent party, before
they succeeded in rendering him obnoxious to popular displeasure. And
this was finally effected, through misrepresentations and false reports.
Letter of Lafayette, Feb. 1791, to M. de Bonille, one of the court, but
not then at Paris.
"Paris is divided by factions, and the kingdom oppressed by anarchy.
The violent aristocrats dream of a counter revolution--the clergy concur
with them. The impartial monarchists are looking for a part to play,
without the means of doing it. Among the friends of the revolution, you
have many honest men, some lose themselves in speculations--and some
Jacobins, whose leaders spread trouble everywhere. As to the ministers,
they are merged in the revolution; and have no rule, but to yield to
the popular voice. The Queen is resigned to the revolution,--hoping that
opinions will soon change. The King wishes the happiness of the people,
and the general tranquility, to begin his own. As to myself, I am
attacked by all the party leaders, who consider me an obstacle not to be
overcome or intimidated. Add to this, the hatred of the aristocrats
and of the Orleans party; of the Lameths, with whom I was formerly
connected; of Mirabeau, who says I despise him; the money distributed,
the libels, the dissatisfaction I give those whom I prevent from
pillaging Paris-and you will have the sum of all which is going on
against me. But except a few ardent heads who are mislead, the well
meaning, from the highest to the lowest, are for me.
"I stand well with the National Assembly, except a few disreputable
Jacobins. I have little connexion with the court, for I can derive no
use from it to my country; and yet I am aware advantage is taken of my
neglect to intrigue. Some friends are at work with me, upon a plan of
conduct, by which the revolution will be consolidated, the good basis
of the constitution established, and public order restored. The chief
talents of the assembly, Mirabeau himself, cannot but support this plan.
Here then are courts established, and juries are decreed; this is the
moment to let our voice be heard with force, propriety and utility.
"You have accepted the coalition which my heart and my patriotism have
offered you. You lately said to one of my friends, "If Lafayette and I
understand each other well, we shall establish a constitution."
"My first wish is to finish the revolution speedily and well, to secure
the constitution on solid foundations, to employ for that purpose, all
I possess of national confidense and personal means; and then to be
nothing more in France, than an active citizen. Adieu,
"LAFAYETTE."
But after he was persecuted by the Petions and Robespieres of the day,
because of his moderation, loyalty and attachment to the constitution,
he was held in high esteem by the friends of rational freedom, and
still enjoyed the confidence both of Louis and of the National Assembly.
Toward the close of the year 1791, by request of the King, he was
appointed to command the army of the centre, to oppose the foreign
troops then invading France. When he accepted the appointment, he
assured the National Assembly of his "determination to support the
constitution." The President replied, "the French nation, who have sworn
to conquer and to live free, will always, with confidence, present to
their foes and to tyrants, the constitution and Lafayette."
As commander in chief of that department of the French army entreated to
him, he was assiduous to maintain proper discipline and order; a matter
of great difficulty, as a revolutionary spirit pervaded all ranks, and
the soldiers were disposed to insubordination, especially under a leader
not belonging to the popular party. He had several engagements with the
enemy, in which he was successful. But his operations and those of
the other generals, who commanded in other departments of the northern
armies of France, were greatly impeded by the injudicious and variable
plans of the assembly, then torn by factions, and disgraced by low
intrigues. The evil spirit extended to the military; and each faction
had its partizans among the soldiers. Lafayette saw and lamented this
disastrous state of things; and he dared to oppose his single efforts
to avert the impending ruin. It was at this time, that he wrote his
celebrated letter to the National Assembly, of June 16, 1792, in which
he exposed the violence and the cabals of the Jacobins, and conjured
the moderates to cling to the constitution, as the only means of safety.
This letter is so important, in developing the views and sentiments of
Lafayette, and in detecting the causes of the excesses, which eventually
disgraced the French revolution of that period, that it will be proper
to record it in this connexion. He wrote to the King at the same time,
expressing great anxiety for his safety, and declaring his wish to
maintain the constitution.
Lafayette's letter to the Legislative body.
"_At the entrenched camp of Maubeuge_, 16_th June_, 1792.
"GENTLEMEN,
"At the moment, perhaps too long deferred, in which I am about to call
your attention to the highest public interests, and to point out among
our dangers, the _conduct of a ministry_, whom I have for a long time
censured in my correspondence, I learn that, unmasked in consequence of
its own divisions, it has fallen a sacrifice to its own intrigues.
[This was the Brissotin ministry.] It is not enough however, that
_this branch_ of the government has been delivered from its disastrous
influence. The public welfare is in peril--The fate of France depends
principally on its representatives--The nation expects from them its
security. But in giving them a _constitution_, France has prescribed to
them the _only_ means by which she can be saved.
"Persuaded, gentlemen, that as the rights of man are the law of
every constituent assembly, a constitution ought to be the law of the
legislators, which that constitution shall have established. It is to
you that I ought to denounce the too powerful efforts which are making,
to induce you to depart from that course which you have promised to
pursue.
"_Nothing shall deter me from the exercise of this right of a free man,
to fulfill this duty of a citizen_; neither the momentary errors of
opinion; for what are opinions when they depart from principles: nor
my respect for the _representatives_ of the people; for I respect still
more the _people_, whose sovereign will it is to have a constitution:
nor the benevolence and kindness which you have constantly evinced for
myself; for I would _preserve_ that as I _obtained_ it, by an inflexible
love of liberty.
"Your situation is difficult--France is menaced from without, and
agitated within. Whilst foreign powers announce the intolerable
(inadmissible) project of attacking our national sovereignty, and avow
it as a principle! at the same time the enemies of France, its interior
enemies, intoxicated with fanaticism and pride, entertain chimerical
hopes, and annoy us with their insolent malevolence. You ought,
gentlemen, to repress them; and you will have the power so to do, _only
when_ you shall become _constitutional_ and _just_. You wish it, _no
doubt_; but cast your eyes upon all that passes within your own body and
around you. Can you dissemble even to yourselves, that a _faction_, (and
to avoid all vague denunciations) the _jacobin faction_, have caused all
these disorders? It _is that which I boldly accuse_--organized like
a separate empire in the metropolis, and in its affiliated societies,
blindly directed by some ambitious leaders, this sect forms a
_corporation entirely distinct_ in the midst of the French people,
whose powers it usurps, by tyrannizing over its representatives and
constituted authorities.
"It is in that body, in its public meaning, the _love_ of the laws is
denounced as aristocracy, and their _breach_ as patriotism. _There_ the
assassins of Dessilles receive their triumphs, the crimes of Jourdan
find panegyrists. There, the recital of the massacre which has stained
the city of Metz, has also been received with _infernal_ acclamations!
Have they become sacred because the emperor Leopold has pronounced their
name? And because it is our highest duty to combat the _foreigners_,
who mingle in our domestic quarrels, are we at liberty to refrain from
_delivering_ our country from domestic tyranny?
"Of what importance is it, as to the fulfillment of this duty, that
strangers have their projects; and their connivance and concert with our
internal foes? It is I, who denounce to you this sect [the jacobins]; I,
who, without speaking of my past life, _can reply_ to those who
suspect my motives--"Approach, in this moment of awful crisis, when
the character of each man must be known, and see which of us, more
inflexible in his principles, more obstinate in his resistance, will
more courageously overcome, those obstacles, and those dangers, which
traitors to their country conceal, and which true citizens know how to
appreciate, and to brave for her."
"And how could I delay longer to fulfill this duty, whilst every
successive day weakens still more the constituted authorities,
substitutes the spirit of party for the will of the people; whilst
the audacity of the agitators, [the disorganizers] imposes silence
on peaceable citizens, throws into retirement useful men, and whilst
_devotion_ to the _sect_ or _party_ stands in the place of _public_ and
_private_ virtues, which, in a free country, ought to be the austere
[severe, or strict] and only means of attaining to public office.
"It is, after having opposed to all the obstacles, and to all the
snares, which were laid for me, the courageous and persevering
patriotism of an army, sacrificed perhaps to conspiracies against its
commander, (Lafayette was the commander) that I now oppose to this
faction the _correspondence_ of a _ministry, worthy_ representative of
its _club_--a correspondence, the calculations of which are false, its
promises vain and illusory--its information deceitful or frivolous--its
advice perfidious or contradictory--correspondence, in which _after_
pressing me to advance without precaution--to attack _without
means_--they finally began to tell me that _resistance_ was
_impossible_, when I indignantly repelled the cowardly and base
assertion. What a remarkable conformity of language, gentlemen, between
the factions whom the _aristocracy_ avow, and those who _usurp_ the
_name_ of _patriots_! They both wish to overthrow our laws, rejoice in
our disorders, array themselves against the constituted authorities,
detest the national guards (the militia)--preach insubordination to the
army--sow, at one moment, distrust, at another, discouragement.
"As to myself, gentlemen, _who embraced the American cause at the
moment when its ambassadors declared to me that it was perilous or
desperate_--who from that moment have devoted my life to a persevering
defence of liberty and of the sovereignty of the people--who, on the
14th of July, 1789 after the taking of the Bastille, in presenting to
my country a declaration of rights dared to say "that in order that a
nation should be free, it is only necessary that it should _will_ so
to be." I come, this day, full of confidence in the justice of our
cause--of contempt, for the cowards who desert it, and of indignation
against the traitors who would sully or stain it with crimes; I am
ready to declare that the French nation, if it is not the vilest in
the universe, can and ought to resist the conspiracy of kings who have
coalesced against it!
"It is not in the midst of my brave army that timid counsels should be
permitted.--Patriotism, discipline, patience, mutual confidence, all the
military and civil virtues I find here. Here the principles of liberty
and equality are cherished, the laws respected, property held sacred.
Here calumnies and factions are unknown. And when I reflect that France
has many millions who can become _such_ soldiers, I ask myself, to
what a degree of _debasement_ must such an immense people be reduced,
stronger in its natural resources than in its artificial defences,
opposing to a monstrous and discordant confederation, simple and
united counsels and combinations, that the cowardly, degrading idea
of sacrificing its soverignty, of permitting any discussion as to its
liberties, of committing to negotiation its rights, could be considered
among the _possibilities_ of a rapidly advancing futurity!