incessant fire was kept up by the allied armies; and the enemy were not
backward in returning it. The Americans made further approaches to the
town and threw up other batteries in a second parallel. Many of our men
were killed and wounded in these operations. The enemy had two redoubts,
several hundred yards in front of their principal works, which greatly
impeded the approaches of the Americans. It became important to obtain
possession of them by assault. The one on the left of the enemy's
garrison was given to General Lafayette, with a brigade of light
infantry of American troops. The other redoubt was attacked by a
detachment of French troops under commanded of Baron de Viominel. The
assailants, both on the right and left, exhibited the greatest ardor
and bravery. Powerful resistance was made by the enemy; but was soon
overcome by our gallant troops, inspirited by their still more gallant
officers; though with the loss of many of our men. Two field officers
were wounded in this affair; one of whom was Major Gibbs from
Massachusetts, who then belonged to the guard of the commander in
chief. The advanced corps of the detachment on the left, under General
Lafayette, was led on to the assault by the intrepid Colonel Hamilton,
who during this campaign had command of a regiment of light infantry.
Our troops entered the redoubt with charged bayonets, but without firing
a gun. The Marquis was indefatigable in pushing forward his men, and was
constantly in situations of great peril. Some of the American soldiers
were ready to take the lives of the captured after they had possession
of the fort, in revenge for the barbarous conduct of the British towards
many of our men, and especially for the mortal wound inflicted upon the
brave and amiable Scammel, after he had surrendered. General Washington
with Lincoln, Knox, and their aids were in the vicinity of this action,
in very exposed situations. The Americans under Lafayette, carried the
redoubt which they attacked, before the French made their assault upon
the other. The latter also, suffered a greater loss of men than the
former. When the fort was taken by the troops under the Marquis, he sent
his aid, through the fire of the whole British line, to give notice to
Baron Viominel, "that he was in his redoubt, and to enquire where the
Baron was." The Baron returned for answer, "that he was not yet in his,
but should be in five minutes."
General Washington expressed his sense of this brilliant affair in
his orders of the 15th, Head Quarters, before York-Town. "The Marquis
Lafayette's division will mount the trenches tomorrow. The commander in
chief congratulates the allied army on the success of the enterprise,
last evening, against the two important redoubts on the left of the
enemy's works. He requests the Baron Viominel who commanded the French
grenadiers, and the Marquis Lafayette, who commanded the American Light
Infantry, to accept his warmest acknowledgments for the excellence of
their dispositions, and for their own gallant conduct on the occasion.
And he begs them to present his thanks to every individual officer and
to the men of their respective commands, for the spirit and rapidity
with which they advanced to the points of attack assigned them, and for
the admirable firmness with which they supported them, under the fire
of the enemy, without returning a shot. The General reflects with the
highest pleasure on the confidence which the troops of the two nations
must hereafter have in each other: assured of mutual support, he is
convinced there is no danger which they will not cheerfully encounter;
no difficulty which they will not bravely overcome."
If the Marquis de Lafayette was animated by an ardent love of civil
liberty, when he first came to America, his attachment to its principles
must have become more firm and settled, if not more intense, after
an acquaintance of five years, with the patriots and heroes of our
revolution. He had become acquainted with our institutions, and with
the principles of our government; and was probably led to believe that
systems equally free might be maintained in other countries. He was so
enamoured, not only with the theory, but with the practical effects, of
republicanism, that he felt it a duty to recommend systems of government
more consonant to the rights of mankind. We know not, if he justly
appreciated the importance of the general diffusion of knowledge among
all classes of people, to ensure such a happy state of society. It
was probably owing to this consideration, however, that he did not
immediately attempt the reformation of the political system under
which his own nation had long been oppressed. That Louis XVI. was mild,
humane, and anxious for the good of his subjects, we are not disposed
to doubt. But the ancient regime was unquestionably despotic; and in the
hands of ambitious or selfish ministers, liable to be an instrument of
injustice and oppression. And those who have long been accustomed to
govern, without being accountable for their conduct, will not easily be
induced to relinquish power, from any considerations of abstract right,
or a belief that others will be more just.
We will here present a letter of Lafayette, directed to Sir H. Clinton;
to show his regard to truth, and to his own reputation suffering in some
measure by a statement which had been publicly made by that military
officer.
"Paris, April 29, 1783.--Sir, Upon a perusal of your printed
correspondence, I must beg leave to trouble you with an observation; not
that I have claims to set forth, or relations to criticise. A sentence
in your letter of ---- is the only one I intend to mention. "Having said
to Lord Cornwallis, that he may be opposed by about 2000 continentals;
and, as Lafayette observes, a body of ill-armed militia," you are
pleased to add, "as spiritless as the militia of the southern provinces,
and without any service;" which reads as if it was a part of my letter.
How far your description is undeserving, I think experience has
proved; and that it came from me, no American will believe. But your
correspondence is so public that with full reliance on your candour and
politeness I have taken the liberty to transcribe the passage, and to
return it to you, Sir, as its true author. At the same time permit me to
assure you, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
The reply of Sir H. Clinton.
"_London, May_ 29, 1783.
"Sir, In consequence of the letter you have done me the honor to write
me, I have read over the publication in question; and I confess the
remark alluded to, from the manner in which it is introduced, appears
to make a part of your letter. You have, certainly, Sir, a right to this
acknowledgment, and permit me, at the same time, to add the assurances,
&c.
"H. CLINTON."
In the summer of 1784, the Marquis de Lafayette once more visited
America. He came to witness the prosperity and improvements of the
country; and to enjoy the society of those brave and honorable men,
with whom he had been associated in fighting the battles of liberty.
Associates in danger form an attachment for each other, which time does
not usually destroy. And when they have long struggled together for
just and generous purposes, the attachment must be strong and permanent
indeed. The heroic actors in our glorious revolution were linked
together by the most disinterested ties. They will never forget each
other's services and virtues: And we trust, their children will never
cease to venerate their characters, or to acknowledge their exalted
merit.
When General Lafayette visited the United States in 1784, he was
received with an affectionate welcome, little less enthusiastic and
splendid, than that with which he has been lately greeted on landing
again on our shores, after a lapse of forty years. He then also arrived
at the port of New-York; and in October following made a visit to
Boston, where he had so many particular friends ready to receive him
with the most cordial greetings. He was met at Watertown by the officers
of the (then) late continental army, and addressed by his ardent friend,
General Knox, in behalf of the whole body, and a public dinner was
provided for him on the occasion. The feelings excited by the visit
of their beloved fellow officer, will be best described by giving the
address; which was as follows:
"We, the late officers of the Massachusetts line of the continental
army, embrace the first moment of your arrival, to welcome you with all
the sincerity and ardour of fraternal affection: an affection commenced
in the dark hour of our conflict, elevated and perfected through the
successive vicissitudes of the war.
"We beg leave to observe, that we have had repeated occasions to witness
the display of your military talents, and of joining in the approbation
and applause which our beloved Commander in Chief so often expressed of
your conduct. We are deeply impressed, with a sense of the various and
important services you have rendered our country; and it will be the
pride of some patriotic and enlightened historian to enumerate your
actions in the field, and to illustrate your incessant efforts to
promote the happiness of the United States.
"We shall ever retain a lively gratitude for the interposition of your
august sovereign and nation, at a time when America was oppressed by a
formidable enemy. By his influence and the powerful assistance afforded
by his land and naval forces, the war has been happily terminated, and
the independence of the United States firmly established, at a period
much earlier than the most sanguine patriot could have expected.
"A mind like yours ennobled by a generous attachment to the rights of
mankind, must enjoy the highest pleasure in viewing the people, to whose
cause you so zealously devoted yourself; in full possession of that
peace, liberty and safety, which were the great objects of their
pursuit.
"Animated by virtue and the auspices of your own fame, may you go on to
add to the splendor of your character, and heighten the glory of your
country, by placing the name of Lafayette on the same list with Conde,
Turenne and her other immortal heroes.
"In behalf of the officers of the Massachusetts line.
"H. KNOX."
Reply of the Marquis.
"From the instant of our parting, Gentlemen, I have been eagerly looking
forward to this period. How far my pleasure is completed by your kind
welcome, I leave, my beloved friends, to your own hearts to determine.
"While your affection and confidence ever made me happy, let me
gratefully acknowledge, that, for the marks of our beloved General's
approbation, I felt myself wholly obliged to the gallant troops I
commanded. Could my conduct, in any degree justify your partiality, it
will be the pride of my heart to think the American camp was my school,
every one of you my brothers, and that I was adopted as a disciple and
son, by our immortal Commander in Chief.
"In the interposition of my Sovereign and nation, I enjoyed more than I
could express; every French citizen felt with a patriotic King in this
happy alliance; and from those troops who shared in our dangers, you
meet with a peculiar regard and attachment.
"During my absence, gentlemen, my heart has been constantly with you.
As an army, we are separated. But forever, I hope, shall unite in a
brotherly affection: and now that a glorious peace has terminated your
labours, I rejoice to find your attachment to those principles for which
you have conquered, ranks you among the most virtuous citizens of the
Commonwealth.
"LAFAYETTE."
At the public dinner given by the officers of the late army to this
distinguished friend of American Independence, were also invited the
Governor and Council, and many others of high rank and distinction. It
may be gratifying to some who peruse this volume to know the sentiments
offered as toasts on the joyful occasion. The following are selected:
The United States--His most Christian Majesty.
General Washington--The Cincinnati.
The asserters and supporters of the rights of mankind through the world.
May America never forget in prosperity those what were her fast friends
in adversity.
May our country be as famed for justice and honor as she is for valour
and success.
The Legislature of the State being in session, ordered, that the Marquis
de Lafayette be invited by the President of the Senate and the Speaker
of the House of Representatives together with the Supreme Executive to
meet the two Houses of Assembly in the Senate room "to congratulate him
on his safe arrival in the United States, after the final establishment
of peace, to which his friendly influence in Europe had largely
contributed." The Marquis attended accordingly, when the Governor
congratulated him in terms of the highest respect and affection; to
which the Marquis made a polite and suitable reply. But Lafayette
was too much beloved and his eminent services in our cause too highly
appreciated by the people of the patriotic town of Boston, not to meet
with a more general welcome. A dinner was given him at Faneuil-Hall by
the citizens; at which were present the Governor and Council, President
of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Clergy
and other distinguished gentlemen, and seventy five officers of the late
continental army. When General Washington's name was given for a toast,
the Marquis rose from his seat, and with a tear starting in his eye,
began the act of applause, which was continued and repeated again and
again by the whole company.
In other places, the Marquis also met a cordial and distinguished
reception. His ardent attachment to America and his great services in
her cause, were still fresh in the recollection of all. It was known,
that he had advocated our independence in Europe, and exerted his
influence with his generous Prince to aid in its support. It was
remembered, "that in the moment of our greatest misfortunes, he espoused
the cause of America," that his military talents and the ardour of his
virtuous mind had been devoted to our interest: and "while gratitude
should be accounted a virtue, the name of Lafayette," it was said,
"would not cease to be dear to Americans."
When about to leave the United States and return to France, Dec. 1784,
the Marquis de Lafayette addressed a note to Congress, and expressed
a desire to take a respectful leave of that body, before his final
departure. A committee was appointed on this request of the Marquis,
of which the Hon. Mr. Jay was chairman, and whose report was as
follows--"That the merit and services of General Lafayette render it
proper that such opportunity of taking leave of Congress be afforded,
as may strongly manifest their esteem and regard for him."--Whereupon it
was resolved, "That a Committee to consist of a member from each states
be appointed to receive the Marquis, and in the name of Congress to
take leave of him--that they be instructed to assure him, that Congress
continue to entertain the same high sense of his abilities and zeal to
promote the welfare of America, both here and in Europe, which they have
frequently expressed and manifested on former occasions, and which the
recent marks of his attention to their commercial and other interests
have perfectly confirmed. That as his uniform and unceasing attachment
to this country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the United
States regard him with particular affection, and will not cease to feel
an interest in whatever may concern his honor and prosperity, and that
their best and kindest wishes will always attend him."
It was also resolved by Congress, at the same time; "That a letter be
written to his most Christian Majesty, and signed by the President of
Congress, expressive of the high sense which the United States
entertain of the real talents and meritorious services of the Marquis de
Lafayette, and recommending him to the particular favor and patronage of
his Majesty."
The committee received the Marquis in Congress Hall, and took leave of
him in the name of that honorable body, agreeably to the instructions
given there. They communicated to him the resolves before mentioned; to
which he replied--
"While it pleases the Congress of the United States so kindly to receive
me, I want words to express the feelings of a heart, which delights in
their present situation and in the public marks of their esteem.
"Since I joined the standard of liberty to this wished for hour of my
personal congratulations, I have seen such glorious deeds performed and
virtues displayed, by the sons of America, that in the instant of my
first concern for them, I had anticipated but a part of the love and
regard which devote me to this rising empire.
"During our revolution, I obtained an unlimited, indulgent confidence,
which I am equally proud and happy to acknowledge; it dates with the
time, when an inexperienced youth, I could only claim my respected
friend's paternal adoption. It has been most benevolently continued
throughout every circumstance of the cabinet and the field; and in
personal friendships I have often found a support against public
difficulties. While on this solemn occasion, I mention my obligations to
Congress, the States, and the people at large, permit me to remember
my dear military companions, to whose services their country is so much
indebted.
"Having felt both for the timely aid of my country, and for the part
she, with a beloved king, acted in the cause of mankind, I enjoy an
alliance so well riveted by mutual affection, by interest and even
local situation. Recollection ensures it. Futurity does but enlarge the
prospect: and the private intercourse will every day increase, which
independent and advantageous trade cherishes, in proportion as it is
justly understood.
"In unbounded wishes to America, I am happy to observe the prevailing
disposition of the people to strengthen the confederation, preserve
public faith, regulate trade; and, in a proper guard over continental
magazines and frontier posts, in a general system of militia, in
foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure every kind of safety. May
this immense temple of freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors, an
example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of mankind! And may
these happy United States attain that complete splendor and prosperity,
which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and for ages to
come, rejoice the departed souls of its founders.
"However unwilling to trespass on your time, I must yet present you with
my grateful thanks for the late favours of Congress; and never can they
oblige me so much, as when they put it in my power, in every part of
the world, and to the latest day of my life, to gratify the attachment,
which will ever rank me among the most zealous and respectful servants
of the United States."
On the return of the Marquis de Lafayette to his native country in
1785, he spent some time in the bosom of his amiable family. With an
affectionate wife, of cultivated mind and accomplished manners, with
a circle of literary friends, and enjoying a high reputation for his
heroic services in America, he must have possessed all the ingredients
of human happiness. He received the smiles of the King and Court; was
caressed by the gay and chivalrous; and had the esteem and friendship
of the first literary characters in France. He was fond of agricultural
pursuits; and as his estates were extensive, he devoted a considerable
portion of his time to the cultivation and improvement of his lands.
During this time his hospitable attentions were shown to American
travelers, who were always sure of his friendly reception.
The legislature of Virginia, in 1786, conferred upon Lafayette, an
honorable tribute of regard, in recollection of his very important
services in defence of American Independence; and particularly of
his brave and successful efforts during the campaign of 1781, against
Cornwallis. This was a resolution to place his bust in their capitol.
Mr. Jefferson, then in France, was authorized to have the like work of
honor fixed in Paris, with consent of the municipal authority of
that city and accordingly, another bust of Lafayette; was placed,
by approbation of the King and of the Provot of Paris, in one of the
galleries of the city hall.
In 1786, he traveled through various parts of Germany, and visited the
courts of Vienna and Berlin. He became acquainted with Frederick II.
the greatest royal tactician of Europe; and probably availed of the
opportunity of attending his reviews, to increase his knowledge of
military discipline. Soon after his return to France, we find him
uniting his influence and efforts with the celebrated philosopher,
Malesherbes, who was zealously engaged in favour of the French
protestants. At this time, also, he joined a society in Paris, whose
object was the gradual emancipation of the unfortunate Africans: so
generous and active are the principles of liberty, that they never cease
to urge those, who yield to their influence, to deeds of benevolence and
humanity. In 1787, he was chosen a deputy to the assembly of the States
General, by the nobility of Auvergne, his native province; and at this
time he shared largely in the popular favour. But, although subsequently
found among the most zealous for a new constitution, by which the
power of the monarch was greatly curtailed, he now voted with the
other members of the order of nobles, and contended for their distinct
authority.
At this meeting of the States General, however, he was active in
procuring a favorable decree for the protestants, and was the first
to raise his voice for the suppression of "_lettres de cachet_." This
convocation of the States General, composed of separate chambers or
orders, had not been long in session, when great difficulties arose in
consequence of various plans, and the conflicting opinions of different
factions, (for factions were now beginning to appear;) and it was
proposed to call a "National Assembly." It does not appear, that this
was a favorite measure of Lafayette; though, from his avowed sentiments
respecting the equal rights of man, it cannot be doubted, that he
approved of the plan. For in 1789, he became a member of this celebrated
assembly, whose acts not only laid the foundation, for a radical change
in the government of France, but tended directly to destroy the whole
power of the monarch. Even here, indeed, he appeared as the friend and
advocate of Louis; and however ardent he was for an amelioration of the
condition of the people, by rendering the civil government more mild,
than heretofore, he was sincere and active in providing for the personal
safety of his Prince, and for the honor of his crown, conformably to his
views of political liberty.
He had, in truth, a most difficult part to act. He was ardently attached
to the cause of freedom, and wished the people should have the public
enjoyment of their just and national principles. And he was equally
desirous, that his royal master should still retain such a portion of
authority, as would be requisite to the dignity of the first magistrate
of a great nation.--But the accomplishment of such generous sentiments
was utterly impossible. Neither Louis, nor his courtiers could consent
to the limitations of the royal authority, proposed by the reformers,
and which were necessary to a just exercise of power in the people,
whose representatives should share in the administration of the
government. And many of the leaders in the revolution, even in its
incipient stage, on the other hand, had such ambitious views, or
visionary projects, that nothing would satisfy them, but an entire
relinquishment of power long claimed and exercised by the Kings of this
ancient nation.