LETTERS TO RODOLPH.
LETTER I.
I had to undertake a second journey to Blois, on behalf of your
Imperial Majesty’s sister the Queen of France (Elizabeth), and this
has prevented my writing again as soon as usual, for I was hoping
from day to day that my business would be settled one way or the
other, and I should be free to depart. In this I was disappointed, and
being unable to leave unfinished this business, which is of material
importance to the Queen, I came at last to the conclusion that I must
contrive to despatch a letter from here; and this I am now doing.
When I was admitted to the King on the business to which I alluded,
I took the opportunity of delivering to him your Imperial Majesty’s
despatches; the few words with which I introduced the subject were to
the effect, that your Imperial Majesty had heard on good authority
that he was a party to his brother’s[114] (Alençon’s) expedition
into the Netherlands, and that your Imperial Majesty did not believe
the statement; but that, if it was true, such interference seriously
affected the interests of your Majesty and the Electors of the Empire
and could not be tolerated, as he would learn at greater length from
your Imperial Majesty’s own letter. To this the King answered that he
had no connection with his brother’s proceedings, as might be shown
from the fact that the mischief done in the Netherlands was small
in comparison to what it would have been if his brother had had his
support in his late campaign. His brother, he added, was not in the
habit of asking or taking his advice; besides, he was now causing more
noise than harm; nay, if there was any ground of complaint it affected
rather himself and his subjects, who had for months been harassed and
plundered by his brother’s soldiers,[115] while the farmers of the
Netherlands were left unscathed; he would see what your Majesty wrote,
and would send a reply.
I refrained from answering at greater length, and in sharper language,
out of regard to the Queen’s interest, which does not allow of my
lightly incurring the displeasure of the French court. The King’s reply
will reach your Majesty at the same time as this letter.
March 25, 1582.[116]
LETTER II.
There is now no doubt of the Prince of Orange being alive and well;
but his wife[117] has died of an attack of pleurisy. The Prince was at
death’s door through the bursting of the maxillary vein; the loss of
blood was very great, and there seemed no possibility of stopping it,
so that his life was despaired of. For thirty-six hours he held the
wound together, but fresh relays of attendants were needed from time
to time to prop up his elbow with the hand, or otherwise he would have
been unequal to the exertion.
The Queen of England is said to have supplied Alençon with a large
sum of money, namely, 300,000 crowns. It is also said that a bill has
been laid before the States-General proposing, if they accept him as
their Sovereign, to grant him one-fifth of their property towards
the expenses of the war. If this be carried, it will produce a very
considerable sum, sufficient to feed the war for a long time. The
Prince of Parma is besieging Oudenarde and battering its walls with
cannon; but the garrison are said to have sent word to Alençon that he
need fear nothing on their account for the next two months. Meanwhile,
by the capture of Alost, which is now in Alençon’s hands, a serious
loss has been inflicted on the Prince of Parma, who derived many great
advantages from the possession of the town. In it some gallant soldiers
were slaughtered, who preferred a glorious death to the dishonour of
surrender.
Fifteen hundred German troopers, hired by Alençon, are reported to be
not far from Cambrai, with more to follow. They are joined by many
Frenchmen, apart from those who are already in the Netherlands, and
they are numerous. Apparently it is Alençon’s purpose to make the
Prince of Parma abandon the siege of Oudenarde by laying waste Hainault
or Artois.
I hear Alençon has also sent emissaries into Italy to hire horsemen as
big as the Albanians.[118]
May 30, 1582.
LETTER III.
Sharp fighting is going on. The Prince of Parma, after an unsuccessful
assault on Oudenarde, kept up a roar of cannon throughout the following
night, and battered the walls without cessation, in order to prevent
the townsmen repairing the breaches. This is the last news we have
had, but people do not think the town will be easy to storm, now that
Alençon’s reinforcements are coming up; they are scarcely two miles
from Arras, and if they do no more than burn the ripe crops, it will be
a crushing blow to that town, and also to others whose harvests will be
destroyed.
April 26, 1582.
LETTER IV.
News has come that Oudenarde, after having been thrice unsuccessfully
assaulted, has surrendered to the Prince of Parma on honourable terms.
On the other hand, they say that Bouchain, a small but strongly
fortified town in Hainault, near Cambrai, has fallen into Alençon’s
hands through the treachery of the commandant appointed by the Prince
of Parma.
Alençon proclaims himself a great champion of the Catholics, and in
many places has restored their churches to them. Hence some surmise
that his reign in those parts will not be a long one, as no dependence
can be placed in an alliance between parties of different religious
opinions; they think that the enemies of the Catholics wink at these
acts of his, on account of the destruction which now threatens,
but that, as soon as the danger shall have passed by, changes will
immediately follow. It will end, they say, in the Prince of Orange
carrying off the lion’s share of the spoil by securing to himself the
undisturbed possession of Holland and Zealand.
June 12, 1582.
LETTER V.
The King has set out for Lyons. The reason of his journey is not
certainly known. His anxiety to be blessed with a son and heir, and
his devotion to shrines of high repute, render it probable that he
has gone to Lyons with the object of visiting on his way the shrine
of some saint famous for his miracles, and offering up his vows for
the birth of a son. He will be absent on this tour for more than two
months. The supreme power has in the meantime been vested in his mother
(Catherine de Medici); this will afford her a good opportunity of
favouring Alençon, and assisting him with the ample succours placed at
her disposal.
July 4, 1582.
LETTER VI.
There is at last no doubt as to the disastrous defeat of the French
at the Azores,[119] letters having come from Spain confirming the
previous account, though differing slightly in some particulars.
Among other details, we learn that Strozzi, and the man they call
Don Antonio’s Constable, were taken prisoners, but were so severely
wounded that they died soon afterwards. The French declare that poison
was poured into their wounds to hasten their death. Forty nobles were
beheaded as pirates, because they were unable to show any commission
from the King authorising the expedition; for the same reason three
hundred common soldiers were hanged. We hear also that the victory
was won by the Lisbon fleet alone, the cooperating squadron[120]
not having come up in time to take part in the action. Report says
that they owe this great success to the size of their vessels and
the calibre of their guns.[121] The French, burning for revenge, are
so exasperated that I think it will be a long time before it will
be safe for a Spaniard to show himself in France; they will hurry
with redoubled zeal into the Netherlands—whether to avenge their
countrymen’s fall or share it, God only knows.
At any rate it is quite certain that large numbers of soldiers are
everywhere pouring into the Netherlands, and that Alençon will shortly
have a very large army. The chiefs are the Prince Dauphin,[122]
Rochefoucauld, and Laval, the son of d’Andelot.[123] What they lack is
an old and experienced leader, and people think that this deficiency
will be supplied at the right moment. Biron is no doubt the man they
mean. I mentioned in a former letter that Alençon had asked for him,
and been refused by the King. People think, that when affairs are ripe,
he will avail himself of the King’s absence to leave France secretly
and join Alençon, by order of the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici),
and moreover that his example will be followed by several regiments of
royal cavalry which are quartered on the Netherland frontier; just as
lately happened when Alençon was escorted to Cambrai.
The Prince of Parma having drawn up his whole army before the gates of
Ghent, there was some desultory fighting between light-armed troops on
either side, who skirmished in front of their respective armies, while
Alençon looked on from the walls. On both sides men were slain, and
the engagement ended without advantage[124] to either party. Alençon
retired with his people to Antwerp.
The garrison of Lier have commenced a kind of fortification at the
monastery of St. Bernard, which will be a thorn in the side of the
citizens of Antwerp if they succeed in finishing it. Probably Alençon
will employ all his strength to prevent its completion.
From Scotland also we have news of disturbances, that the Regent[125]
has been put to death, d’Aubigny is besieged, and the young King
himself deprived of his liberty, and that all this has been done in the
name of the Estates. This news is accompanied by sundry _canards_, viz.
that the King of Spain has promised his second daughter to the young
King on condition of his raising war against the Queen of England,
and that this has given such deep offence to the Duke of Savoy that
he is completely estranged from Philip, and altogether in the French
interest, intending to marry the sister of Henry of Navarre.
Your Imperial Majesty will see in the document I enclose evidence
touching some plot against Alençon and Orange. I can add nothing to
the contents of the document, except that the Salceda[126] who is
mentioned in it is a prisoner here. How it will end I cannot guess,
but I suspect he is kept till the King returns.
The King has left Lyons to join his wife at Bourbon-les-Bains.
August 15, 1582.
LETTER VII.
The Prince of Parma has checked the progress of Alençon’s
reinforcements by encamping at Arras. They are obliged, therefore, to
make a _détour_ to Calais, so as to reach their destination by sea.
Alençon has divided the army which he already had in the Netherlands
into garrisons for different places. Thus he has quartered some
in Brussels, some in Mechlin, some in Vilvorde, and some also in
Gelderland and Friesland.
The Spanish Ambassador having sent one of his people with despatches
to the Prince of Parma, the man had but just left the first stage,
when he fell in with some horsemen, whose names I do not know, and
was compelled to surrender his papers. As the man was a Netherlander,
he was allowed to escape unharmed. The horsemen told him, with many a
threat, that if he had been a Spaniard he would not have got off so
easily, but would have paid with his life for the butchery of their
kinsmen in the Azores.
September 12, 1582.
LETTER VIII.
The event has justified the conjecture of those who suspected that,
when the time was ripe, Marshal Biron would find his way to Alençon’s
camp. The King made him Governor of the French Netherlands, which they
call Picardy, to protect his interests in that quarter, and take such
precautions as occasion might require. He also issued instructions to
the authorities on that part of the coast to place themselves under
Biron’s orders.
Great things were expected of him when he set out, for he is considered
the most experienced general in France, having, during his long career,
passed through every grade and rank in the French army.
One of Alençon’s corps has joined him in Brabant, the other and
stronger corps is with Biron. To these must be added the whole of the
royal cavalry, which, as I mentioned in a former letter, has been
quartered on the frontiers under pretence of guarding them. He has,
nevertheless, asked for more horse, for, while he thinks himself quite
a match for the Prince of Parma in infantry, he considers himself
very inferior in cavalry. Accordingly, seven or eight squadrons of
horse are under orders to join him. Meanwhile, he has garrisoned
Peronne and St. Quentin so strongly as to render them safe against any
hostile attack. For the Prince of Parma has been threatening in plain
terms that, if the French invade any part of his territories, he will
immediately march against St. Quentin. This move of his, therefore, is
now forestalled. Famine is what the Prince of Parma has most to dread,
especially now that he has been cut off from the sea, and supplies are
not allowed to cross the French frontier.
There are many symptoms of the King’s becoming more favourable to
his brother’s enterprise. Without any notice beforehand, certain
commissioners were lately appointed to inspect the ledgers of business
men generally, and specially those of the Italians, in order to see
whether any moneys could be seized on their way to the Prince of Parma.
The investigation over, two men were ordered to quit France, Capello
of Milan, and Calvi of Genoa, who were both suspected, on very strong
evidence, of having helped the King of Spain by forwarding money to the
Netherlands. At one man’s house were seized 18,000 Italian gold pieces,
which had been deposited with him by a Spaniard. These were confiscated
to the crown, as there is an Edict here forbidding people to have money
of any coinage save that of France; the only exception being in favour
of Spanish money. The coinage of every other country must be brought to
the royal Bank, and changed at a heavy discount. The King melts down
the gold, and issues new coins bearing his own stamp. Thus, not only
have precautions been taken, by the issue of a stringent proclamation,
that Alençon’s opponents should get no supplies from France to relieve
their famished troops, but it is evident that measures are being set
on foot to prevent their henceforth having the means of purchasing
provisions. The roads are everywhere blocked to all who still
acknowledge the authority of the King of Spain, and so closely are they
watched that no one can pass through France without being plundered or
taken prisoner; nor can any remonstrance be made on this score, since
it is easy to pretend that they are the acts of common highwaymen.
Up to the present date the posts have been permitted to run openly
and without interference into Spain; but now a letter-carrier on his
way to Spain has not been allowed to have relays of horses, except on
condition of his giving security that he carries no despatches but
those of merchants. This order has prevented his going forward, and so
the man is detained in France.
The disaster which befell their countrymen in the Azores has had so
little effect on the spirit of the French, that it is intended to fit
out a new fleet much bigger than the last, and to place some Prince
in command of it. Ships accordingly have been selected, which they
are beginning to equip, so as to have them ready against next spring.
After all, the future is uncertain; who can tell what may happen in the
meantime?
Montpensier,[127] father of the Prince Dauphin, has departed this life,
at a good old age. I shall, therefore, for the future call his son
Montpensier, when I have occasion to mention him; for, in spite of his
father’s death, he is carrying out his intention of proceeding to the
Netherlands.
The man Salceda,[128] whom I mentioned in former despatches, has paid
a heavy penalty for his crime; what that crime was I do not know,
but it must needs have been monstrous to deserve so dreadful a doom.
Only one instance of such a punishment is found in the whole history
of Rome, viz. when Hostilius inflicted it on Fuffetius. Whether he
conspired against the life of Alençon or the King, or both, I am not
certain. He was condemned to be torn asunder by four horses. As soon
as the horses began to pull, he said he had something more to confess.
When his confession had been taken down by a notary, he asked to
have his right hand released,[129] and when this was done, he wrote
something more, or at any rate signed his name.
When his hand had again been fastened to the traces, and the horses,
being started in different directions, had made two distinct pulls, and
yet failed to pull him in two, he called out to the King, who with his
mother and wife was looking on from a window, imploring mercy. Then his
neck was broken, his head severed from his shoulders, and his heart
torn out. The rest of his body was pulled asunder by the horses. His
head was sent to Antwerp, with orders to have it stuck on the highest
pinnacle in the city. Such was the end of a wretch monstrous alike in
his wickedness, and in his audacity.
Here is a specimen. He purchased an estate, and paid for it in bad
money which he himself had coined. The vendor discovered the fraud,
brought an action for treason against Salceda, and so recovered his
house and land. Salceda saved himself by flight from the customary
punishment, otherwise he would have been put to death with boiling
oil, but nevertheless he took means to have fire set to the aforesaid
house at night, and the owner was within an ace of perishing with
the building. When the King, who sometimes visited his place of
confinement, upbraided him for his cruelty in trying to destroy by such
a fearful death the man whom he had already cheated. ‘Well,’ quoth
Salceda, ‘when he wanted to have me _boiled_, was it unreasonable that
I should try to have him _roasted_?’ What a fund of wit the scoundrel
must have had, when even at such a time he must crack his jokes!
I am afraid that Count Egmont’s brother is seriously compromised by
Salceda’s evidence.[130]
October 1, 1582.
LETTER IX.
Biron has halted on the banks of the Somme, and intrenched himself.
Some think that he will remain there for a time to observe the
development of the Prince of Parma’s plans, and watch the result; for
they say that the daily losses of the Spanish army from famine and
pestilence are very heavy.
The Netherland letter carrier, who, as I mentioned, was detained here,
having given security through responsible people, that he was conveying
no letters save those of merchants, was allowed to proceed on his way
to Spain.
The Spanish Ambassador was deeply annoyed at Salceda’s head being sent
to Antwerp with orders from the King that it should be exposed to
public gaze on the highest pinnacle in the city, and reminded the King
in a solemn protest that he (the French King) had no jurisdiction in
Antwerp. The King was taken aback, and had no answer to make except
that he had sent the head to his brother to do with it in Antwerp as he
would; or, to use the French phrase, ‘Qu’il en fist des petits pastez
s’il vouloit.’
They say that Schomberg[131] is going to Germany, whether to hire
soldiers I cannot say.
A messenger has just come from Languedoc with the news that some
Italian nobles, on their way back from Spain, have been captured at sea
by Huguenots, and taken to the town of Aigues-Mortes. A brother of the
Marquis of Pescara is thought to be among the captives, but nothing is
known for certain, as they refuse to give their names. Whoever they may
prove to be, if they are men of rank they are not likely to get their
liberty until La Noue[132] is restored to freedom.
The King is again on a tour, having undertaken a pilgrimage[133] to
the Blessed Virgin, Our Lady of Joy (they call her Nostre Dame de
Liesse), in the part of Champagne adjoining Picardy, in the hope, we
may suppose, of gaining _joy_ by the birth of a child.
They say the King has commissioned the Bretons to build fifty galleys.
There are also other signs of a fleet being in prospect.
November 25, 1582.
LETTER X.
They say that the King has ordered 50,000 gold pieces to be paid
monthly towards Alençon’s expenses, and that over and above this
regular payment extra money is to be sent from time to time.
No one now has the slightest doubt as to the fact that Montpensier
and Biron have joined Alençon, making their way along the sea coast
north of Bruges. People think that Alençon will take them both
into his service, the former as chief Minister, and the latter as
Commander-in-chief, and that the Prince himself will cross over into
England, and, after having concerted his plans with the Queen, will
return to France for an interview with his brother.
To the great content of his people the King is said to be calling to
account more vigorously than ever those who are suspected of making
away with Church property.
The force Biron has taken with him is not numerous, but it consists of
picked troops, the royal cavalry being left to guard the frontiers,
and every one having been sent back whose circumstances or disposition
appeared unsuited to the strain of a long campaign, or whose licentious
habits would render him intolerable to the Netherlanders. He is
supposed to have taken with him 1,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry.
Whatever others may think, I am confident that this French invasion
is a very serious matter; the movement will grow and send forth roots
which presently it will be very difficult to get rid of. Whether I look
at its immediate results or more remote consequences, the prospect is
alarming.
Some assert that the troops of the Prince of Parma are suffering from
disease and famine, more especially the new Italian levies, who are not
yet hardened to the cold of the Netherlands.
Before commencing his march towards Brabant, the Prince of Parma retook
Cateau Cambrésis; he is said to be at present closely blockading Diest,
which belongs to the Prince of Orange, and unless it is speedily
relieved, its fall is certain. People think his next enterprise will be
an attack on Brussels.
There are crowds of Swiss ambassadors here, representing nearly all the
Cantons; they have come to renew and ratify their treaty with the King
of France; there are great rejoicings at their arrival, and every day
they are magnificently entertained at State banquets, given sometimes
by the King, sometimes by the city of Paris, or by the Guises and
other Princes of the Court. When these are terminated, and each of the
ambassadors has been presented with a weighty chain of gold, they will
be allowed to depart.
There is a report that the King and the Duke of Lorraine will arrive
here at the same time.
Some Frenchmen have lately returned from the Azores, and report their
position there to be perfectly safe; they say there is no want of
anything except clothing, supplies of which are now being forwarded
as fast as possible. It appears, after Strozzi’s defeat, a large
proportion of the French ships and men retreated to the islands.
Meanwhile rumours as to the new expedition are as rife as ever.
I must now say a word of what is going on in France; the King has
despatched distinguished men[134] of high position into all the
provinces of the realm, under pretence of correcting any errors and
abuses in the administration, and of hearing all complaints; but the
real object he has in view is to lay on the people a new and heavy tax.
The experiment does not appear to be over successful; as to what will
be the issue I could not venture to speak positively, for what the King
has so often wished for he has not obtained![135]
December 15, 1582.
LETTER XI.
It is hardly worth telling, but still your Majesty may like to hear
of a scene which took place at Antwerp. St. Luc was in Alençon’s
chamber.[136] (If I remember rightly I told your Majesty in a previous
letter that, when he fell under the King’s displeasure, he joined
Alençon’s party.) Some noble or other said something in his presence
that annoyed him, and which he considered to be a personal insult.
Thereon he gave him a blow in the face[137] before Alençon’s very eyes.
The Prince of Orange, who was present, was indignant at his behaviour,
and, giving vent to his wrath, plainly told Alençon that such
outrageous conduct ought not to go unpunished, and that the Emperor,
Charles the Fifth, had he been alive, would not have put up with it,
but would have punished the offender most severely, whatever his rank
or position might be. He told him that the chambers of Princes ought to
be inviolable and sacred ground, in which brawling was not permissible.
On this St. Luc rejoined—I give you almost his very words—‘Marry, is it
Charles that you quote to me? Why, if he were still alive, you would
ere this have lost your estates and your head.’ With these words he
flung out of the chamber, leaving all the company dumbfounded at his
outrageous conduct.
December 18, 1582.
LETTER XII.
The Swiss Ambassadors have left Paris, after receiving each a chain
worth 500 gold pieces.[138] There were twenty-six to whom this honour
was paid. Moreover, the chiefs of the embassy were loaded with special
presents of plate, furniture, &c. I append to my letter a copy of the
speech in which the King bade them farewell. I was unable to learn the
terms on which the treaty was renewed, although I tried my best. It
would seem that our friends do not wish them to be published. By these
arrangements with the Swiss the King has secured a supply of infantry.
Of cavalry he thinks he has abundance in his own realm. The financial
question has yet to be solved; his scheme for coining[139] money I
described in one of my last letters; and, though the plan has not
hitherto met with much success, the provinces turning a deaf ear to
requests of this kind, nevertheless, such efforts are still being made,
that I should not like to pledge myself positively as to what will be
the result.
Don Antonio has come back to France with a few ships; the reason of his
return I have not discovered; possibly he did not think himself safe
in the Azores; or it may have been that he considered his presence and
influence would be of service in promoting the new expedition. At any
rate, he is here, and has been already on several occasions admitted
to a private interview with the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici).
A lodging has been given him close to the palace, built by the young
Queen, whither she is often wont to retire.
A few days ago this same Don Antonio set out for Dieppe, in order
personally to hasten the equipment of the fleet, which in his absence
was going on more slackly than he liked. I cannot describe how
exasperated all our friends are against the Spaniards, and how eagerly
they desire war. A book is said to be in the press, in which the claims
of the elder Queen[140] (Catherine de Medici) to the kingdom of
Portugal are set forth at great length.
When the Prince of Orange was dangerously ill of the fever, from which,
by the way, he is now reported to be convalescent, prayers for his
recovery were offered up, not only throughout the Netherlands, but
also in France, by the churches of the Reformed religion, as they call
themselves. The Prince of Parma has received the surrender of Diest and
several other obscure places. These successes will seriously endanger
Brussels, unless the state of affairs should be changed by the arrival
of the troops under Biron, who is a redoubtable antagonist; it is said
that he is going into the Campine[141] to attack certain places, the
loss of which will derange Parma’s plans. Alençon has prevailed upon
the citizens of Antwerp[142] to have lodgings in the city assigned to
three hundred French noblemen.
They say that news has come of the death of the Duke of Alva in Spain.
The garrison at Cateau Cambrésis, being strong in cavalry, causes
great annoyance to the French at Cambrai, and is for ever scouring the
surrounding district. The insolence of the French soldiers at Dunkirk
provoked the citizens to rise against the garrison; the attempt was put
down with great slaughter. Everyone here is talking of the troubles at
Cologne;[143] after all this smoke, as I may call it, we must expect a
fire.
The Duke of Lorraine has arrived here with his two sons; why he came I
cannot tell, but it is commonly supposed that his object is to betroth
his daughter to the Duke of Savoy, and to demand the hand of the King
of Navarre’s sister for his eldest son.
May God Almighty bless and keep your Majesty through the year we have
now begun, and for many more. At the same time I venture most humbly to
ask for a settlement of the purchase of the Greek books, which has been
standing over for so many years.
January 16, 1583.
LETTER XIII.
The weather here is dreadful; for many months southerly winds have
prevailed, accompanied by incessant rain and storm; so unseasonable
and unhealthy a winter renders it probable that we shall have a sickly
summer.
The rivers, overflowing their banks, have spread far and wide over
the fields. By reason of the constant floods the arable lands are so
wet and spongy that the seed is rotting in the ground, and farmers
cherish but little hope of a good harvest. This state of things not
only excites apprehensions of a great future rise in the corn markets,
but its effects are already felt, the price of wheat having risen fifty
per cent. In addition to these misfortunes, ships are constantly being
wrecked, almost in sight, on the voyage to England or Zealand; in
fact, the whole coast line of Aquitaine is said to be piled up with
planks, masts, spars, rudders, and other fragments of wreck, which the
tempest has washed ashore; so that, if nothing else should betide, the
astrologers had good reason for prophesying a powerful combination of
the starry influences and a year of terror to mankind.
January 19, 1583.
LETTER XIV.
News has arrived from Brabant by way of England, which has thrown the
Queen (Catherine de Medici) and the whole nation into the greatest
alarm. The account is vague, but the purport of the tidings is to the
effect that a quarrel arose at Antwerp,[144] between the French and the
citizens, and that the French force was annihilated.
The anxiety was greatly increased by the silence of Alençon; and, when
no despatches arrived from him, serious doubts were entertained as
to his safety. In this uncertainty several days passed by; at length
messengers came pouring in, who told us the particulars of the affair,
but still their accounts were defective in several important points,
and differed in details.
I will relate what I made out as the nearest approximation to the
truth: the points which I do not yet know about, I will fill in
afterwards, and also correct any mistakes I may have made. I think
I wrote to your Imperial Majesty that Alençon intended to travel to
France, by way of England, for the purpose of visiting the King,
and, as we may well suppose, of discussing with him the affairs and
general condition of the Netherlands, and that his intention was to
leave Montpensier and Biron as his lieutenants during his absence. But
when Alençon applied to Biron to undertake this duty, the marshal was
unwilling to accept the command, on the ground that he would have a
restless and turbulent race to deal with, and no place to retreat to in
case of misfortune. He reminded the Prince that such a large assemblage
of French noblemen could not be withheld from committing occasional
excesses and provoking the citizens, who would then immediately rise
and threaten death to every Frenchman; and he thought the best means of
meeting this danger would be for the French to hold some place to which
they could retreat for refuge against the violence of the mob. For
this purpose the citadel (of Antwerp) was admirably adapted; it needed
but a few repairs and a strong garrison; there were now in the city a
great many Frenchmen, both gentle and simple, who could easily seize
the citadel, nor again would it be difficult to gain possession of one
of the city gates, and, his army being so near, to throw into the town
as many men as he chose. Further, the inspection of the forces which
he (Biron) had brought with him, furnished Alençon with an excellent
pretext for going out of the city and not mixing himself up with these
irregular proceedings; all that was needed was the approval of Alençon
and the nobles of his court.
On hearing Biron’s views, which were so well calculated to please
Alençon’s licentious and lawless nobles, the greater part gave their
adherence to his plan, whilst a sense of shame induced the more
honourable men to agree to it, lest they should be thought cowards for
shrinking from so important an enterprise. Alençon was the last to
yield to the united wishes of his followers.
On the next day he went out to the camp, but as he passed the gate
several of his body-guard, desperate fellows who had been selected for
this service, halted on the bridge leading across the moat into the
open country, instead of following the Prince. The citizens, who were
guarding the bridge and the gate, warned the Frenchmen to clear the
bridge, either by following their lord, or by returning into the city.
The men listened with apparent deference to what was said, but none the
less remained on the bridge; then the language of the men of Antwerp
grew rougher, and the French retorted in words every whit as bold; so
from words they came to blows; the French, who were all musketeers and
came prepared for action, easily wounded, killed, or drove away the
townsmen, and so took possession of the bridge and gate. They were
joined by others, both horse and foot, who had left Alençon’s escort
and had halted in the neighbourhood for that purpose; they formed a
column, and in one compact mass burst into the town. The uproar alarmed
the citizens stationed on the walls; from both sides of the gate they
hurried to the fray, and climbing down into the road began to fight
with the party who had been left to guard the entrance; the contest
ended in the victory of the townsmen, who succeeded in beating their
opponents and shutting the gate. They say that presently Alençon rode
back and demanded admission, but the cannon’s mouth was the only mouth
that answered!
Meantime, the French spread themselves through the city; on every
side they could see the townsmen flocking to the fray, but there was
no quailing or fear, for they felt certain that their superior skill
would ensure their victory over a set of untrained civilians. Some
made for the citadel, others, without any thought for that which was
the real object of the enterprise, began plundering private houses; but
it was not long before their ranks were broken by the charge of the men
of Antwerp, and, with a few exceptions, they paid with their lives the
penalty of their rash attempt.
They say that the Queen Mother, on hearing the news, burst into tears,
and cried ‘Alençon, Alençon, would you had died long years ago, rather
than so many of our nobles should have perished through you, and such
great trouble and distress have been brought upon France! Moreover,
you are also endangering the safety of the realm, for you have brought
yourself, the heir of the throne, into the most imminent peril, and
every effort will be needed if you are to be extricated from your
unfortunate position.’
They say that the Duke of Guise has tendered his services to the Queen,
promising, if 3,000 French horse are given him, to find Alençon,
wherever he may be, and bring him home. Round him accordingly the
nobles are gathering, and the clatter of the armourer’s hammer is to be
heard in every street. But I do not myself believe that anything will
come of it.
This scheme of Biron[145] (assuming that it is his scheme) will go far
to confirm the judgment of those who maintain that, though an active
and experienced commander, he is in all other respects a person of
little discernment. Alençon, being shut out of Antwerp, spent the night
with his army at the monastery of St. Bernard. There he was joined by
the officers of his household. They had remained in their quarters
during the disturbance, and, being held guiltless of any part in the
conspiracy, were sent back to their master by the men of Antwerp.
However, Alençon’s first object was to cross the Scheldt before any
attempt should be made to obstruct the passage; so all night the Swiss
were hard at work building a bridge. As soon as it was finished, he
crossed from Brabant into Flanders, and came to Dendermonde, where he
is supposed to be still lying. The question now is, what is he to do?
Ought he to lead his forces back to France, and abandon all interest
in the Netherlands? Or again, ought he to make up his quarrel with the
people of Antwerp? Now that there is an end of all confidence between
them, I fail to see how this latter alternative is possible; but the
French are wonderful fellows when they set their minds on a thing!
These details, which I have picked out of several different versions, I
have thought it my duty to place before your Majesty. Time will give us
further particulars, and accounts on which we can better rely.
Your Majesty and the Archduke[146] Ernest are supposed to have played
a part in this drama. This notion was very rife when the news first
came, and no particulars had as yet transpired. Some people about
the Court, who fancied themselves to be wondrous wise, would have it
that the eldest daughter of the King of Spain was betrothed to your
Majesty, and the younger to the Archduke Ernest, with all the provinces
of the Netherlands as her dowry, and that it was, therefore, of prime
importance to your Majesty and the Archduke that the French in Antwerp
should be cut to pieces, and Alençon driven from the city; that on
this account there had been secret negotiations with the townsmen,
who had been promised an amnesty for all past offences, on condition
of their exterminating the French; and further, that your Majesty and
the Archduke had secured the concurrence and assistance of the Prince
of Orange; for they argue, the townsmen of Antwerp would never have
ventured to go so far had they not been thus aided and abetted.
The Prince of Orange, it appears, had a presentiment of what was
coming, and when Alençon desired to have his company to the camp, he
steadily refused to go, giving as an excuse the state of his health and
the badness of the weather. His presence saved the lives of several
Frenchmen, among whom was Fervaques, one of Alençon’s favourite
officers. But here in France this gentleman’s life is in danger in
quite another way. They declare that the scheme of seizing the citadel
was his suggestion, and wish him to be tried and executed. It is
thought that a reconciliation between Alençon and the citizens of
Antwerp will be brought about by the intervention of the King, who will
send men of note to conduct the negotiations; the names of Bellièvre
and Pibrac are mentioned as members of the commission. The latter is
also marked out as Alençon’s chancellor.
So far from blaming the men of Antwerp, the French are actually
beginning to praise them for their kind feeling and politic behaviour,
for it appears that, after the excitement had abated, they showed every
possible attention to their prisoners, and to those of the Frenchmen
who had remained in their quarters.
February 5, 1583.
LETTER XV.
I felt confident, when I despatched my last letter to your Majesty,
that it would not be long before I should have further news of a more
trustworthy description from Antwerp. After all, I am disappointed;
though several days have elapsed, there has been no fresh arrival from
the Netherlands of anyone able, or at any rate willing, to tell us the
truth of what happened. The few who have come were all sent by Alençon
to the King, to repeat a set story which was put into their mouths,
and hide the blackness of Alençon’s case under a cloud of specious
words. There is no letter-carrier or merchant from Antwerp; indeed,
the wardens of the marches put a complete stop to the travelling
of Frenchmen to Antwerp, and of Antwerp people to France. Of late,
however, the restrictions have been removed, and the merchandise, on
which an embargo had been laid, having been released by both sides,
the old rules, regulating the commercial intercourse between the two
countries, are once more in force. But, in spite of this change, scarce
anyone will run the risk of so hazardous a journey. One letter-carrier,
it is true, has come by way of England, but he has brought no fresh
tidings, except that the number of slain and captured is greater than
was at first reported; in other respects his news differs little from
the account given in my last letter.
Alençon’s friends, and those who are anxious to save his reputation,
say that, though he is a mild and gracious Prince, yet, being no
longer able to stomach the pretensions of the Prince of Orange and the
independent ways of the men of Antwerp, so distasteful to a Frenchman,
he endeavoured to take possession of the city, as the best means of
freeing himself from his intolerable position, not having any idea that
the enterprise would be either difficult or attended with much loss
of life; but expecting that, after a few citizens had been killed at
the first entry of the troops, the remainder would be so terrified as
to abandon all thought of defence, and, laying down their arms, would
submit to any conditions he might think fit to impose, provided that
their lives were spared, so that he would have an excellent opportunity
of binding down the city of Antwerp to his own terms. But he was
utterly mistaken in his calculations, for he did not find the hearts of
the citizens so tame, or their arms so weak, as Frenchmen would have
them to be.
Some people put a totally different construction on the whole
affair; but this is Alençon’s explanation. As to what really took
place, it seems needless to write more, for your Majesty is no doubt
in possession of all the facts, since there has been far freer
communication with Germany than with France. In case, however, anything
should be lacking, I enclose three documents. (1) The statement of the
citizens of Antwerp, published in their own language. (2) A paper which
is attributed to Bodin,[147] author of the treatise _De la République_,
published a few years ago. The letter is written in French. (3) A paper
which is the production of some unknown person, but it is plain that he
is a Frenchman, and his account is evidently untrustworthy.
Mirambeau, the brother of Lausac, was first despatched to Alençon by
the King, and later on Bellièvre. The issue is still uncertain. Some
think Alençon and the States will come to terms, while others are
positive they will not. As to my own opinion, I have determined to
reserve my judgment till time shall bring more certain news.
In the meanwhile several of the King’s commissioners, who were sent
round to collect money, have returned. They report that nothing is to
be obtained without the risk of an insurrection, and that all reply
that if the King is straitened in any way, they know their duty: but in
their opinion, his only object in asking for money is to lavish it on
his young favourites; they consider such grants unreasonable, and will
have nothing to say to them.
I am not surprised, for a gentleman in the royal treasury, on whose
word I can rely, told me that since his return from Poland the King has
squandered six million crowns in presents and other useless expenses.
The King having been disappointed of these supplies, people think he
will deprive the Queens Dowager of a large part of their property, to
satisfy the claims of his young favourites. Your Imperial Majesty’s
sister will be one of the sufferers, as, in violation of the marriage
treaty, she has long ago been placed on the same footing as the other
Queens Dowager.[148]
We have in France, as Governor of Brittany, a brother of the Queen
Consort, son of Vaudemont; his title is the Duke of Mercœur.[149]
News was brought during his absence from home that he had died of
the plague. Two men immediately asked for his post, Nevers[150] and
the Duke of Epernon, who stands well nigh first among the King’s
favourites. Nevers’ application was refused, and the other appointed
Governor of Brittany, conditionally on the office being vacant.
Though the appointment came to nothing, since news shortly arrived of
the Duke of Mercœur’s recovery, yet Nevers was so indignant that he
then and there gave orders to his retainers to prepare to leave the
Court, and two days later retired home, after first upbraiding the King
for his ingratitude.
The King’s conduct in this matter is being unfavourably criticised by
many, and especially by the aristocracy.
March 20, 1583.
LETTER XVI.
We have still no news from Antwerp of Alençon. Most people agree
with Mirambeau in thinking that there is little hope of a friendly
arrangement, the demands of the States being exorbitant; they ask for
the restoration of Dunkirk and Cambrai, and henceforth refuse to permit
any one, who is not a Netherlander born, to hold place in the suite or
service of Alençon.
The King is moving infantry and cavalry to the frontier, so as to have
them ready should need arise. I doubt whether even with this help
Alençon’s journey is likely to be very rapid, as the district through
which his road lies is deep in mud at this season.
Meantime the men of Antwerp are said to be exacting money from their
prisoners, and demanding ransom for having spared their lives. Whether
it be so or not, the breach between them and Alençon seems to be
complete, so that they will hardly readmit him into the town.
Bellièvre stops behind with the hopeless task of trying to arrange
matters; there is an idea that, by his oratorical powers and diplomatic
skill, the wrath of the Netherlanders may be appeased, and the way
paved to an agreement. But it is with the men of Antwerp as it was
with Alençon; success was too much for his ill-regulated mind, and
has proved his ruin; even so some great disaster will overtake the
citizens, if they wax thus presumptuous on the strength of this
unexpected victory.
April 12, 1583.
LETTER XVII.
This very day it is still uncertain as to what will be the issue
of the affair at Antwerp. Though there are the plainest signs of
the deepest exasperation on both sides, there are some who think an
arrangement possible; they admit that no real peace or friendship can
hereafter exist, now that confidence has received so rude a shock,
with the Netherlanders estranged from Alençon by the recollection of
his dishonourable conduct, and Alençon burning to avenge the heavy
punishment he has received; but still hold that it is to the interest
of both parties that some sort of reconciliation should be patched
up, and the former alliance be preserved, or at least the appearance
of it. To what other quarter, they ask, can the Netherlanders look
for assistance against the powerful foes who surround them, or what
other help have they than their French allies? Or again, what could be
more disastrous to Alençon’s reputation, than thus to withdraw from
Brabant with the disgrace of having lost by his folly the provinces
which had so unexpectedly fallen into his hands, and to have his shame
blazed abroad throughout the world, which is watching the result of
his enterprise? When a man has damaged his reputation, oftentimes,
if he is only patient, an opportunity will come, which will enable
him to restore it. But if, in spite of these considerations, Alençon
must leave the Netherlands at an early date, still, if an interval is
allowed to elapse, he will be able to avail himself of those numerous
excuses for departure which may arise,—or, at the worst, can be
invented,—and thus diminish materially the disgrace of his failure.
Accordingly they hold an arrangement to be possible on the basis of a
general amnesty. But this appears to me to be easier said than done!
Brussels, according to their programme, is to be assigned to Alençon
as a residence, and there also the Estates of the Netherlands are to
meet; a few towns in the neighbourhood are likewise to be given him,
that he may feel more secure. Brussels to be guarded by 1,500 Swiss
and 500 French troops. Orange to be appointed Alençon’s Lieutenant, or
Imperial Vicar. The prisoners at Antwerp to be discharged conditionally
on remuneration being given to their hosts who rescued them from the
violence of the people. In all other matters the late treaty to stand
good.
In this arrangement the case of Fervaques is the chief difficulty. The
citizens of Antwerp hold him to be the instigator and ringleader of
this atrocious plot, and demand his execution.
Biron, by the way, has written a letter to the Queen Mother, in which
he completely clears himself of all blame. He says he came too late to
take any part in the discussion, the matter was already decided, and
his share in the business consisted simply in yielding to Alençon’s
wishes and executing his pleasure.
Some talk of a reconciliation on the terms which I have given; but what
will happen it is impossible to say. It is well known that the other
day, when Orange went into the town hall of Antwerp to make a speech in
favour of reconciliation, a mob assembled in the market place, shouting
and threatening to throw anyone out of the window who ventured to
propose the readmission of the French. Orange, they say, was so alarmed
by this demonstration that he spent the night in the town hall. Though
a considerable space of time has elapsed, scarce a single Antwerp man
has crossed the French frontier, although the road is open, and this,
to my mind, is the surest proof that the prospects of a reconciliation
are dubious; so long as there is a doubt as to the renewal of the
alliance and arrangement of terms, none of them care to risk their
lives by entering France.
So much for this subject.
Men, on whose authority I can rely, tell me that the King is pressing
the Duke of Lorraine to betroth his daughter, who is now grown up and a
great heiress, to the Duke of Epernon, but that Lorraine, who loathes
the idea of such a _mésalliance_, is doing his utmost to avoid giving
his consent to so unsuitable a match, taking refuge in a proposition
that, if the King will bring about a marriage between his son, the
Prince of Lorraine, and the sister of the King of Navarre, he in return
will gladly comply with his request. This last is a young lady who, if
her brother, as is not unlikely, should die childless, has very great
prospects indeed. For the King of Navarre’s wife has not yet presented
him with a child, and she is young enough to make it probable that
she will be the survivor. The family feuds, however, which have been
handed down from father to son, between the Bourbons and the Guises
and House of Lorraine, render Navarre’s consent to the match highly
improbable. The Duke of Lorraine sees clearly that Navarre inherited
these feuds when he inherited the Crown, so he protects himself behind
this entrenchment; whether it will be strong enough for his purposes
time will show.
I must now give a description of Epernon. By the King’s favour he has
been created duke; five years ago, before he became intimate with the
King, he was a poor unknown man, who passed by the name of La Valette;
at the outside his income did not exceed 400 crowns; his father was a
gallant soldier, but his grandfather was a scrivener or notary. Now
this upstart is a duke, and, what is more, a wealthy duke, for he
can always dip his fingers into the royal treasury. But his present
position is nothing to what he has in prospect; he aspires to one of
the great dignities of the realm, and a governorship of the first
rank, such as that of Brittany, touching which I wrote the other day.
If, in addition to this promotion, he should obtain a wife so nearly
connected with the King that no other Frenchman, however high his
rank, would venture to aspire to her hand, he will be one of the most
marvellously successful men that ever lived; and yet neither in birth
nor deserts has he aught to boast of; in the King’s opinion no doubt
he is a man of great promise, but no one else thinks so; whether it be
envy, or his own fault, that causes him to be thus esteemed, I cannot
say, but almost every one detests him on account of his exclusive and
supercilious manners, and there is no one so hated by the Princes of
France.
His colleague, if I may so term him, who, however, takes precedence of
him, is the Duke (formerly Count) of Joyeuse, husband of the Queen’s
sister; this last, however, has the advantages given by ancient and
illustrious descent, amiable disposition, and natural talent; the other
day he was made Admiral of France, now he has been appointed Governor
of the whole of Normandy; in order to give him this command, three
noblemen of the highest rank, who shared the province amongst them,
had to be turned out. These two young fellows are the men in whose
friendship the King considers himself blessed, and envies not the
success of Alexander the Great! This infatuation of the King’s awakes
the indignation and despair of France. The men who formerly held the
highest positions next to the throne fly from the Court to avoid the
painful sight; the rest are dumbfoundered at the King’s caprices.
This is the reason the King is always in difficulties, always poor,
never able to reward or honour a good servant; his wealth is being
piled on these young fellows, and they are being fashioned out of
nothing into pillars of the State, so that they may occupy the greatest
places in France. Amongst those who are greatly offended is Alençon; he
is intensely indignant at being assisted with so niggardly a hand in an
enterprise which he considers of the first importance, and complains
that the King thinks more of his favourites than of his brother.[151]
As I shall often have occasion to allude to these gentlemen, I have
described them at some length, so that, when they are referred to, your
Majesty may have some idea of them.
Don Antonio is still at Rouen and Dieppe, busily engaged in the
equipment of his fleet, or fleetlet, if I may so term it, for it falls
far short of what was talked of, and will carry scarce 500 soldiers to
reinforce his troops in the Azores.
Great supplies will be collected of such things as are needed in those
localities.
May 2, 1583.
LETTER XVIII.
Messengers have lately come from Alençon with the news that the
negotiations for a reconciliation promise well; in confirmation of
this, they produced the terms of an arrangement, which I now enclose.
Alençon refuses Brussels and prefers Dunkirk[152] as his permanent
residence. When he gets there, people think he will cross over to
France, press his grievances upon the King, and ask him why he is more
anxious for the aggrandisement of certain young fellows than for the
prosecution of a most important enterprise.
Orange has invited from France Teligny’s widow, daughter of Coligny,
some time Admiral of France, with the view of making her his wife;
he is also giving the hand of his daughter, the Comte de Buren’s
grandchild,[153] to Laval, son of d’Andelot, brother of the aforesaid
Coligny; they say that Laval will be Governor of Antwerp.
The King is instituting a new order of Flagellants, or Penitents.[154]
It is talked of everywhere in Paris, and all the more because lately
when a celebrated preacher,[155] though a most orthodox Catholic,
attacked the order from the pulpit in a sermon full of sarcasm, the
King ordered him to leave the city.
Touching the Flagellants there is a merry story to be told. The
footmen of the nobles, of whom we have crowds at Paris, out of sheer
wantonness, were mimicking in the palace itself certain rites of the
brotherhood;[156] the King ordered some eighty of them to be carried
off into the kitchen, and there flogged to their hearts’ content, so
their representation of the Flagellants and Penitents was turned from a
sham into a reality!
May 20, 1583.
LETTER XIX.
The reports of fresh disturbances, which I mentioned lately, are
gaining ground, and worst of all, there is no certainty as to whether
Alençon is concerned in them or not.
In consequence of these rumours his mother (Catherine de Medici) has
been for some time intending to visit him at Calais, but he has
been detained at Dunkirk by sickness; he is supposed to be suffering
from the French disease, and has placed himself in the hands of his
physicians and surgeons. As soon as he recovers, people think he will
cross over to Calais; but there is no telling, for some maintain that
he will go to Normandy, and others that he will take ship for Brittany.
If war ensues the King will be in great straits, since neither
financially, nor in any other way, is he prepared to meet it.
Bellièvre has returned from Antwerp; he tells us that concessions
have been made on both sides, and all obstacles to a satisfactory
understanding removed.
One of the points arranged was the release of the prisoners, amongst
whom was Fervaques; on this gentleman’s rejoining Alençon the latter
presented him with an abbacy[157] worth 6,000 crowns per annum, in
acknowledgment no doubt of his brilliant conception and its admirable
execution! When this was told to the Queen Mother (Catherine de Medici)
she lost all patience, and called Alençon a fool and madman, repeating
her words again and again.
A letter of Biron’s has been discovered in Alençon’s cabinet at
Antwerp, written the day before the disastrous attempt of the French,
in which he does his utmost to induce Alençon to abandon his foolish
scheme. This discovery has made Biron extremely popular at Antwerp; in
fact he stands first in favour of the citizens, and this is the man on
whose head not long ago rested most of the odium!
Pibrac, who lately joined Alençon, has been despatched by him to
Antwerp as his representative with the States; he is an ambassador who
will, I fancy, cause more mischief than several thousand soldiers.
Endhoven, a little town of Brabant, has capitulated to the King (of
Spain) in spite of de Bonnivet’s defence. On the other hand, Biron has
retaken some small forts. They say that the Prince of Parma is making
preparations for the siege of Alost, thus threatening Brussels.
June 1, 1583.
LETTER XX.
The King’s inordinate devotion to religious observances is the subject
of general remark; some declare that he will end by changing his crown
for a cowl. The Queen Mother, they say, disgusted with the way he
neglects his duties as Sovereign, roundly rebuked one Edmund,[158] a
Jesuit, who is the King’s chief adviser, for having well nigh turned
her son from a king into a monk, to the great detriment of the realm.
Meanwhile serious disturbances are taking place in Aquitaine and
Languedoc. In consequence of these movements the King has despatched
Monsieur du Ferrier, whom he employed for a long time as his ambassador
at Venice, to the King of Navarre. He is an old man and reputed wise.
The Queen Mother would have rushed to meet Alençon at Calais, if he
had not written to stop her, warning her that a visit from her would
wake the suspicions of the States of the Netherlands, and so damage
his prospects. This is the excuse he gives, but most people think his
letter was written to suit the views of the gentlemen responsible
for the catastrophe at Antwerp, who are afraid of meeting with hard
language and reproaches from the Queen, and haply also of being
dismissed from their places.
Don Antonio was here the other day with the Queen, having run away
from Dieppe and Rouen on account of the plague. He has now left for
a village in the neighbourhood called Ruel, where he is living in a
pleasant house lent him by Alençon. His household consists of some
sixty people, who consume daily a quarter of an ox, two sheep, one
calf, and 150 loaves.
It is now quite certain that Orange openly assumes the position of
Count of Holland. Flushing,[159] a city of Zealand, he bought with his
own money; so that he commands the communications of those provinces
with the sea. Thus amid the downfall and ruin of others Orange has
secured a success.
The King is preparing for a journey to Mézières, with the intention of
going on to a château called Foullenbraye, where he will stay to drink
the Spa waters for the benefit of his health. During his absence the
government is placed in the hands of the Queen Mother and the Privy
Council. It is thought he will be away the whole summer. His days, I
fear, are numbered.
After several feints, by which he kept every one in suspense as to
where he would next strike, Parma has settled down to the siege of
Cambrai. It will be a tedious affair, and success is by no means
certain, still the capture of the town would go far towards deciding
the struggle. He is said, moreover, to have recovered the town of
Diest. Brussels, too, seems inclined to go over.
People are again beginning to be afraid of the plague. There are
serious signs of its presence in Paris, and also in several other
French towns.
June 25, 1583.
LETTER XXI.
The Queen Mother has been with the King. After her interview she flew
off to Boulogne-sur-Mer to meet Alençon, with Marshal de Retz in
attendance on her. Alençon himself is levying fresh soldiers with the
purpose, I suppose, of sending them to the relief of Cambrai.
The States and Biron have received a severe check at Steenbergen,[160]
losing a great many men. Biron was wounded, and had difficulty in
protecting himself behind the walls of Steenbergen.
The Governor of Namur has been sent by Parma to the King. A messenger
also came from Casimir to ask a free passage through France; he is
sending him to the Queen of England about the Cologne business. The
Pope, through his nuncio, is urging the King to accept the decrees of
the Council of Trent, and to publish them throughout the kingdom. I
do not think his representations will have much effect, not because
the King is a supporter of the privileges of the Gallican Church, but
because there is a suspicion that the real object is the introduction
of the Inquisition into France. Fresh disturbances would be the certain
consequence of so unpopular a measure.
For these reasons people say the King, though personally disposed
to accede to the demands of the Pope, will not grant them, being
determined, as far as in him lies, to avoid all risk of rebellion and
civil war.
The King was desirous of placing the Duke of Epernon in command of
Metz, but the present governor is an obstacle. He refuses to transfer
his command to any one until he shall have received the reward due
to him for long service in the army and years of honest work. In my
opinion the King has another reason for prolonging his stay in those
parts. Cologne is not far distant, and he may be thinking of making his
own advantage out of the disturbances.
Then, after conducting his wife to Bourbon-les-Bains, he will make a
_détour_ to Lyons, not returning to Paris till the end of the summer.
The Duke of Joyeuse is expected back. He crossed the mountains into
Italy with a brilliant train on a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Holy
Virgin of Loreto, in fulfilment of a vow he had undertaken when his
wife was ill.
On his way he visited Rome to do reverence to the Pope, and possibly
also to give him a private message[161] from the King.
The men of Antwerp have lost a great deal of their old confidence and
love for Orange, who seems only to care for making his kingdom of
Holland secure, and does not pay sufficient attention to the safety
of the other provinces. From Brussels also there is news of some
disturbance, touching which I am expecting a report from a trusty
correspondent.
Meanwhile I pray God to grant good health to your Imperial Majesty,
whose most humble servant I remain.
July 3, 1583.
LETTER XXII.
As the Queen Mother was hastening through Picardy to Boulogne, Alençon
met her at La Fère. He did not leave Dunkirk an hour too soon. No
sooner had he gone than Parma’s army sat down before it, and the
siege was so skilfully conducted that the garrison were compelled to
surrender;[162] they were, however, able to obtain honourable terms.
With Dunkirk Alençon has lost all footing in the Netherlands except
Cambrai, and even that is hard pressed and in great want of provisions,
by reason of the garrisons and outposts which encompass it on every
side. However, Alençon, with a relieving army, is not far off, and
stores of wine and corn, collected in Picardy, have been laid up at St.
Quentin to supply the famished town. As to what the end of it will be,
no one knows.
The ambassadors, who were expected from Antwerp for the ratification
of the terms of reconciliation, did not arrive, in consequence of
which Alençon returned to France in high dudgeon with the States of
the Netherlands. Biron is said to be at Antwerp, with one word and
one word only in his mouth, which he is ever repeating, and that word
is ‘money;’ no one listens to him, for there seems no possibility of
extracting a penny from the townspeople without running the risk of an
outbreak; in good sooth, the funds which the citizens supplied have so
often been wasted that they are sick of the business.
On the other hand, Orange does what he can to awake the zeal of
Antwerp, but, since Alençon’s disastrous attempt, his influence has
fallen low, and there is a suspicion abroad that he is more anxious for
his own personal advantage than for the welfare of his country. Some
say he has crossed over to Zealand, to make all safe in that quarter,
and transact some pressing business.
The fall of Dunkirk has been followed by the surrender of Nieuport,
St. Winoc, and other neighbouring towns, so that they are in hopes
of taking Bruges and Ypres. Thus affairs in the Netherlands are
mending;[163] and possibly a little skilful management would induce the
people to come to terms. I was expecting a man from Brabant, who would
have given me accurate information on all these points, but I am afraid
his return will be delayed by the capture of Dunkirk, which has greatly
added to the difficulties of a sea passage.
There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for his skill in conveying
to their destination the orders and despatches of his master; nor was
there any one in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed greater
confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to cross the Alps with an
autograph letter, filling two sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had
not gone far before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging his
path; they stabbed him in several places, and carried off the King’s
letter; by this means, it is supposed, several important secrets have
been discovered by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for this
reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately hurried back to
Paris, instead of accompanying his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had
intended. However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, going
on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he gets there is a secret
to most people.
For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes to see whether his
presence on the spot will enable him to turn Montmorency[164] out of
the government of Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of
his other minions, in possession.
I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the Duke of Joyeuse,
since a most handsome provision has been made for him in the
governorship of Normandy, which was refused to Alençon himself. But
perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth.
Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don Antonio’s new fleet
has reached the Azores in safety. The commander is Monsieur de Chattes,
a knight of Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, Admiral
of France.
Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your Majesty’s service as a
gentleman cadet. I understand he is now serving in Hungary. This young
gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake not, he stands
next in succession to the estate; there are several brothers, and, if
he is not present when the property is divided, there is danger of his
not getting his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable,
his friends have come to the conclusion that he ought to be summoned
home, and have requested me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an
honourable discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It will be a
good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to exercise your kindness by
graciously giving him leave of absence for the transaction of private
business.
The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, the wind being
unusually steady, and never shifting, unless it be from south to west.
As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my request that your
Majesty would keep the matter in mind.
There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good family, who was a
notorious duellist. His name was the Baron de Viteaux,[165] and he
had attained some celebrity by the bold and successful way in which
he had killed sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The son
of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his father’s death; he
had also another motive, for having lately been discovered in a plot
against the Baron’s life,[166] he knew that unless he killed him his
doom was sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided course; so
last Sunday he invited the Baron to measure swords with him in a field
near Paris; the arrangement was that they should have in attendance
only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the common friend
of both parties, to act as umpire and marshal of the lists; the duel
to be with sword and dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only
to be terminated when one of the combatants should have fallen. The
Baron accepted the challenge; as soon as they met he ran his opponent
through the arm and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike
him when he was down, he told him to get up. This act of kindness cost
him dear, for his opponent, in no way daunted by his wound, but burning
to avenge his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the Baron
through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the ground, he stabbed him
again and again, and thus rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist
whose arm still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the young man
had for years been devoting himself to the art of fencing, with a view
to this meeting. Thus died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as
a second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the King[167] more
than once. His end was like that of Montal[168] and Bussy,[169] both
of whom died as they deserved to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia
justis.’ The victor is not yet out of danger. He received two wounds,
one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the other in his thigh. Even if
he recovers, another duel awaits him, as he will be challenged by a
relation of the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his death.
I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty a full account of
this affair, though it has but little connection with my business.
Paris, August 10, 1583.
LETTER XXIII.
However famous Africa may have been of old for tales and wonders, it
must yield the palm to modern France.
Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of gossip aroused by the
death of the Baron, which I have already described, when there crops up
another scandal, calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and
conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, gave a severe
lecture[170] to his sister the Queen of Navarre, reproving her for her
disreputable and immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which
she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her with having had a
son of whom her husband was not the father; in each instance his dates
and particulars were so accurate, that one would have thought he had
been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) was overwhelmed,
being ashamed to confess, and at the same time unable to refute, the
charges brought against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering
her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute the city with her
presence.
In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre packed in haste,
and left Paris on the following day; no one paid her the attention of
escorting her from the city, and she had not even a complete train
of servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, one of her
husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,[171] who are at the head of her
household, were arrested on the road, brought back to Paris, and placed
under guard.
Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he had inflicted, but
must needs write a letter to the King of Navarre with a full account of
his wife’s delinquencies. People say that, if her husband accepts this
statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention of the King
to immure his sister in some lonely fortress, where she can injure no
one by her immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, for
there is some fear that, if she should return to her husband, and make
herself out innocent to him, she will be the source of much disturbance
and disquiet to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has
good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare.
Immediately after the interview between the King and his sister, a
gentleman, named de Chanvallon,[172] fled to Germany; for a long time
he had stood high in Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that
he had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, touching matters
which Alençon wished to be suppressed, he fell out of favour with the
Prince, and was ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris
and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the great annoyance of
Alençon, who is now completely estranged from him, if one may believe
what one hears.
De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to noble birth are doubtful;
he has, however, the advantage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome
young fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of the Queen of
Navarre. They say the Queen Mother also is greatly incensed with her
daughter for her indiscretions. How that may be I cannot tell; but at
any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your Majesty, left Paris,
declaring again and again that ‘she and the Queen of Scots are the most
unhappy beings in the world; a little drop of poison would give her
relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has neither friend nor
foe to do her this service.’
This story, which is now current in France, is perhaps hardly deserving
of your Majesty’s attention, or a fit subject for a confidential
despatch; but I was induced to give these details by the circumstance
that I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the business of the
Queen made it necessary that I should write to her. So, having little
else in the way of news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with
this gossip.
The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at La Fère. The King himself
has set out for Lyons, his chief object being, as he professes, to meet
his dear Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy.
There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, the daughter of
his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, and that the sister of the King of
Navarre is intended for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks,
and not worthy of much credit as yet.
The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders has been stopped at
Ostend; the town was reinforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused
to surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard pressed, for
the people of Bruges were obliged to call in the garrison of Menin for
the further protection of the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be
plundered and sacked.
August 27, 1583.
LETTER XXIV.
At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, as I have
already told your Majesty, has returned. The only news he brings is
that the Netherlanders are acting in the maddest way, the citizens
quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady policy, and a
reckless spirit prevails. However, in one point they all agree, to wit,
their detestation of the French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have
become positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment which they
on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on account of this feeling, he
says, that Biron has returned with his forces to France. When he was
embarking, there were not enough transports for the conveyance of the
troop horses, so the men piled straw round a number of them, and burnt
them; others they stabbed or hamstrung, so as to render them useless.
Everywhere Netherlanders are being stopped on the road and plundered by
the French, who tell them that they are returning the favours they have
received in the Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy
is a league between ill-assorted allies, however much it be varnished
over with a pretence of friendship, and how quickly ancient national
feuds break out afresh.
They say that Puygalliard, commander of the royal cavalry in Picardy,
is acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, Alençon having
handed over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to join
him.
Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong garrison into Cambrai,
and retake some places in the neighbourhood, while harassing the
cities of Hainault and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant
and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, hate him
cordially, how much protection he could have afforded, and how much he
would have done if they had continued to cultivate his friendship.
This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating himself in
their good graces. Towards carrying out this scheme he has received
material assistance, it is said, from the King, who has appointed him
his Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he cannot
levy money or draw on the royal treasury at his own discretion. Still
his success is in no way assured, for the French are so unpopular in
the Netherlands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly abused
for supporting their interests; he does not carry anything like the
weight he once possessed; his influence has declined even among the
Hollanders and Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of
making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, he is compelled to
listen to language from them which is not merely blunt, but actually
rude and insulting. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy to
Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous attempt on Antwerp.
He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, in a position
hardly above that of a private gentleman. Occupied solely with sundry
family affairs, he is quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity
shall have spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the masses
are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour is likely to last long.
The following piece of news I give, but do not vouch for, though the
report is generally current. Those who do not like it explain it away.
All France rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;[173]
the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; the Portuguese
condemned to the galley and the oar; the commander of the expedition a
prisoner. If this be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will
have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese.
Among other instructions given by the King to the Duke of Joyeuse, when
setting out for Italy, was one of special importance; he was to obtain
the Pope’s permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the
value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now reported that the
Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal sanction was a complete failure. So
the King’s hopes in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not
been more successful than the great men whom the King lately sent round
France to obtain supplies. The first debates on the King’s return will
be, I imagine, on the best method of scraping up money! With the lower
orders in this country distress has gone so far that they are like
to hang themselves from sheer despair, consequently they take these
frequent and heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part.
September 15, 1583.
The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, has died here of
fever. He was a man of kindly feeling and high character.
September 20, 1583.
LETTER XXV.
I have not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, in great want of
many things, especially money, which in his case is all important. His
captains attempted to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in
Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter.
St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, who acted as secretary
to the late Count Palatine,[174] are said to have come to Cambrai
as ambassadors from the States, to treat with Alençon for a
reconciliation; but treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they
will not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders loathe
the very name of Frenchman.
Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, though there is a story
that the besiegers have suffered some loss at the hands of the garrison
of Bruges.
The plague, which is now raging at Paris with extraordinary violence,
will, I think, cause the King to defer his return. People expect that
Alençon will meet him here.
A new religious fashion[175] is in vogue among the French. The townsmen
and peasants of some place, of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes
in a body, and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some famous
shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in white linen robes, and
carry crosses in their hands. Some people think that this movement
had its origin in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people,
and led them to take this means of appeasing the Deity, and saving
themselves; others think that it is to gratify the King that these
pilgrimages are undertaken, and that their object is to ask God to
grant him children.
October 6, 1585.
LETTER XXVI.
I have received a letter from the Counsellors of your Imperial
Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that the books which I presented
to the library some seven years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor
Maximilian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one thousand
florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards this sum in the light of a
present in return for my present of books, I shall consider it most
handsome, and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for the
same; but if it is a matter of business and strict account—if this
sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the ascertained value of all those
precious volumes, the antiquity of which renders them so important an
acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess that such a price
in no way represents their value. The precious character of the books
and the high regard I have ever felt for them[176] render it incumbent
on me to make this protest. As far as I am personally concerned, I am
ready to acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be.
October 9, 1583.
LETTER XXVII.
The King has at last returned. On account of the plague it was
determined that he should not enter Paris. It was arranged, as the most
convenient plan, that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his
arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen who, as I told your
Majesty in a former letter, were sent round the provinces and cities of
France to collect money. They are all men of high standing.[177] The
King will now receive an account of the steps they took and the reply
they got. Their report must needs be that all made answer with one
accord, their burden was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it
any longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by the addition
of a fresh tax.