This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen as to the best

means of raising funds, for, one way or another, money must be had.

As to what course they will recommend there is no certainty; but some

people are disposed to think that the honour of replenishing the

treasury will be assigned to the Church. The King, it seems, desired

the Duke of Joyeuse to open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining

his sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of

several hundred thousand crowns; but for some reason or other nothing

came of it.

These conferences at Saint-Germain would have been brought to a

conclusion had not Alençon made a _détour_ to Château Thierry, some

26 miles[178] from Paris, on his way from Cambrai to his own town of

Angers, where he intends spending the winter; his mother has gone to

visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in order that he may be

present at the above-mentioned conferences; but whether he will be

persuaded is still uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he

has not been properly supported in the great work he has undertaken,

and that the King has had more regard for the interests of utter

strangers than for those of his own brother.

As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against attack nor

adequately provisioned. Biron tried to storm Cateau Cambrésis, but,

unluckily for him, the Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French

army was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; Biron,

however, managed to save his cannon.

The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at Middelburg[179] to

transact federal business, the party of the Prince of Orange urged

strongly the advisability of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were,

however, repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that the late

disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them how impossible it was to

trust the word of Frenchmen. There were some who wished for the King of

Denmark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the support of the

Queen of England; but the assembly broke up without arriving at any

decision.

October 29, 1583.

LETTER XXVIII.

Alençon has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the Queen Mother has

gone to visit him. Of the reason of this step I am not sure, but

probably his object is to be near Cambrai. It is well known that great

disturbances lately took place there; certain of the citizens conspired

with officers commanding posts in the neighbourhood, and either took

the town or were within an ace of taking it. The French, however, still

hold the citadel.

November 2, 1583.

LETTER XXIX.

The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to Alençon. All her

trouble has been to no purpose, for he could not be induced to

accompany her to Court.[180] The King’s distress at his absence is not

overwhelming!

The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he received her

courteously, but she will live apart from him until the truth be

ascertained concerning the immoralities of which she is charged. It is

on this business that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre.

He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and reconcile husband

and wife.

They say the King has been brought to task for allowing himself, in a

fit of passion, to blast the reputation of a member of his own family,

and is now sorry for what he has done.[181] He tries to clear himself

by saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain people told

him. The King of Navarre demands that, if his wife be guilty, she

should receive the punishment she deserves; but that, if she has been

falsely accused, and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the

penalty. It is well known that the King was provoked into this by the

murder of the messenger[182] he sent to the Duke of Joyeuse, of which

I informed your Majesty in a former letter, for he suspected that his

sister had been privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted

with the character of the lady say that, unless they are greatly

mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the insult she has received.

The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I mentioned at the end

of my last letter, arose from the Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a

neighbouring place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. It

was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai without the consent

of the townsmen. The assumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved,

for he had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, whom he

has followed to France; for aught I know, he is still at his quarters.

The reason of his visit was the hope that had been thrown out of some

arrangement for recovering Cambrai, a large sum of money having been

promised to Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain.

The ruined and impoverished condition of the nobles in Alençon’s

train renders it by no means improbable that this scheme may come to

something, as it would provide the means to save them from starvation

and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and throughout France, the

negotiation is held to be most discreditable, and is regarded as a

striking proof of the fickleness of the French.

A report is current that the King has written a letter to his brother

cautioning him. An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners furnishes

the pretext under which this negotiation is being conducted.

In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that the States of

Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, which will shortly be sent

to arrange the terms of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear

that they have been driven to this course by the successes of the

Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly all the country save Ghent and

Antwerp. The Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with the

double object of protecting themselves, and making Parma’s conquests of

no avail to him. It is supposed that their next step will be to send a

fresh embassy, since they are determined to suffer the worst that may

befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of Spain. However

this may be, there is news that the Zealanders and Hollanders will

shortly appoint Orange as their Count.

De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny[183] is in command of

the citadel and garrison, and he is not the sort of man to surrender

the town to anyone, even though Alençon himself should give the

order. The latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will not

go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, but will stop in

his present quarters at Château Thierry. He has returned from the

Netherlands with such discredit that he is only thinking of where he

may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the King is holding his

assemblies, which will continue sitting for at least two months; not

only will the financial question be considered, but also a general

reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in conformity with

his present strict religious views, to correct all vices and faults

in the administration of his realm and thus promote the welfare of

his people; it is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes

will be to make the King’s interest the paramount consideration. For

instance, the Crown claims the right of conferring Church patronage,

and in consequence you may see children, military men,[184] and women

holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there was a debate as

to the advisability of replacing matters on their old footing, and

making these appointments elective, but a resolution was passed that,

inasmuch as the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle

had been lost, there appeared no reason for depriving the Crown of

the valuable right it had acquired, and that the matter had better be

left on its present footing, with the understanding that the King,

when exercising his patronage, should have regard to the character

and qualifications of the candidates. In many other cases there will

be a similar result—that is, projects will be ushered in with fine

phrases as to the _interests of the people_ and the mitigation of

their burdens, and then in the end the _interests of the Crown_ will

carry the day. The King indeed takes care that the law he enacted with

regard to dress should be strictly observed; it had not been in force

many days when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was

disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty sent the Provost of

the Court into the city with orders to throw into jail all persons whom

he might find transgressing the law. There were several arrests both

of men and women, and a great commotion was the consequence, amounting

almost to an insurrection. ‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost

as if they were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own judges and

magistrates to punish offending citizens. If the Provost[185] continued

to interfere it should cost him his life.’ It seemed likely that the

people would be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the city

came to the King and informed him of what was going on; at first he

took them roundly to task for their laches in allowing these salutary

laws to fall into abeyance, telling them that it was through their

negligence he had been driven to other means of enforcing them; he then

hurried to Paris, went straight to the prison and set free all who had

been arrested on this charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s

dues for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more strictly

enforced.

Cardinal de Birague[186] is dead, at the age, if I mistake not, of more

than eighty years; the Court followed its usual fashion, and gave a

magnificent funeral at death to one whom it loved not during his life.

He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the duties of his office

were discharged by a deputy; he was a man who loved fair dealing,

and consequently a good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of

France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor[187] is his exact

opposite in character, disposition, and intentions.

Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of Gueldres, which has

been taken by the Spaniards. The Count of Gueldres is suspected of

having a secret understanding with Parma; there is a report that he

has been sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At Ghent

also a conspiracy[188] of some nobles against the city authorities has

been detected through Imbize, who for a long time was an exile in the

Palatinate; this discovery has placed them all in imminent danger;

among the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople.

However the others may fare, Champagny, who was the prime mover and

soul of the plot, can hardly hope to save his head.

December 4, 1583.

LETTER XXX.

Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened since I last

wrote, unless it be that some men were caught at Alençon’s quarters,

with arms in their hands, under suspicious circumstances; it was

thought that they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon was

strongly impressed with the idea that they were cut-throats hired to

murder him. At last, after a careful investigation, it was discovered

that it was not his life they designed to take, but Fervaques’;

moreover, it was ascertained that the man who set them on was at open

feud with the latter, on account of some injury he had received at his

hands.

The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to Alençon. She has

several objects in going, but the chief one is to remove whatever

suspicions he may still entertain. People say Alençon is also about

to receive ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the

Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which has not yet been

induced to sanction his recall. For the aforesaid ambassadors, whose

arrival is expected, eighteen gold chains are being worked up at

Alençon’s quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to have

already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on the point of so doing,

with the reservation that the supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon.

Whatever else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power of

perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His chief assistant and

adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been made burgomaster of Antwerp. For

many years past I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful

settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, done much, but I

doubt whether there is not quite as much more to be done.

We have news of disturbances in Gascony and Aquitaine; in both of these

provinces places have been seized, and attempts are being made to

recover them by force of arms.

That the year on which we have just entered and many, many coming years

may bring prosperity to your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of

your most humble servant.

January 9, 1584.

LETTER XXXI.

The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and devoting

himself more exclusively to religion. It was supposed that he would

spend the Carnival at Paris; he used to say that not to be at Paris

at that season was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all

the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not least, the

society of certain ladies whom he had been accustomed to meet on that

occasion.[189]

In his present humour he does not care to leave Saint-Germain, where

he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile the assembly, which was convened

for the purpose of reforming the people and remedying abuses in the

government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a number of wholesome

measures, of which I shall now proceed to give your Majesty an example.

There is no greater burden laid on the realm of France than the

multiplication of official posts, which the King creates to the benefit

of his own pocket and the impoverishment of his people; these are now,

to a great extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as many as

150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, with the exception

of sixteen, or, according to another version, twenty-four. The same

course, it is supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the

great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose shoulders the entire

burden of supporting these sinecures used to rest.

This reform, however, will draw complaints from individuals who have

purchased such offices with hard cash out of their own pockets. Their

claims, it is true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great

inconvenience and loss by the change.

Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on the eve of a fresh

civil war, and there are people who assert that Navarre has sent to

Germany to hire reiters. Whether that be so or not, at any rate the

King is raising troops.

It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will shortly be reconciled to

her husband, if indeed the reconciliation has not already taken place,

through the mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable champion

of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors are now with Alençon,

waiting for fuller instructions from the States. Alençon is urging his

claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, with the same

powers as the present Sovereign held during the reign of his brother

Charles, which were very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems

hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, it is

feared, will, in the event of war, be the source of yet more serious

quarrels.

Every day men[190] are coming over from England to France who have

been concerned in the great conspiracy against the life of the Queen

(Elizabeth). The Earl of Norfolk[191] has been arrested in England for

his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will lose his head,

but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded as equally desperate,

as the Queen seems more inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of

Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their designs, is

considered to be in great danger. The Ambassador[192] of the King of

Spain, they say, was the prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this

account has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea that he

will pass through France on his way to Spain.

February 12, 1584.

The King has returned from Saint-Germain to Paris, on account of the

illness of the Queen Mother. She had an attack of fever, which lasted

longer than was expected.

February 15, 1584.

LETTER XXXII.

Alençon has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying with her some

days before he showed himself to the King. At last, by her advice,

as I suppose, he approached[193] the King in a most respectful and

submissive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his knee well

nigh touching the ground. When raised by the King, he commenced his

address by imploring forgiveness for any offences he might have

committed against him.

The King replied there was no need of pardon; he was quite aware that

in certain points he did not agree with his brother, but for his own

part he was prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of

their mother, and would abide by her decision.

People say that Alençon was advised to make sure of Joyeuse and

Epernon, through whose eyes the King sees everything, if he wanted

his brother to help his party, and interfere in the affairs of the

Netherlands. The King could be led to anything, if they chose to exert

their influence. This advice he seems inclined to adopt.

The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have now arrived; people say

that they have offered Alençon the right of placing garrisons in any of

their cities with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. They

have also been to Paris to plead their cause before the King.

Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, returned to his old

quarters at Château Thierry, with the intention of coming again to

Paris before Easter.

When he left the whole court escorted him out; there was a great fuss,

and none so forward as Joyeuse and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every

mark of favour at parting.

The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under his protection, and

will send some troops thither, which, however, are nominally to be

Alençon’s.

Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, whose present

title is the Duke of Montmorency.[194] He is Governor of Languedoc,

and appointments of this kind are held for life, and not for a term of

years, the holder not being superseded unless he has become a rebel or

been convicted of high treason. The King is determined to bestow the

governorship of the province on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency,

it seems, does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is

life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to be tried before

his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious and rebellious. This

campaign, people say, will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to

act as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to the royal

authority. The result is anxiously expected.

Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, and is supported by a

united and numerous party. Many will suspect that his downfall will

pave the way to their destruction.

A few days ago the King was within an ace of committing an act in his

own council-chamber hardly consistent with the gracious character

which befits a Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of Malta,

the Prior of Champagne,[195] a violent and reckless man. The King was

speaking earnestly on some important point, and the Prior, who took an

opposite view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,[196] Sire, to

speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The King took his words as

a personal insult, and was furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I

am telling a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my pardon.’ When

he had done so, the King forgave him, but at the same time ordered him

out of his sight. When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it

may be, said something in reply, the King again lost his temper, and,

drawing his sword, was on the point of running him through, when he was

held back by the gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris[197] is still

suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received in grasping the

naked blade. Thus the King in his council-chamber all but perpetrated

a crime little becoming his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people

interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly pardoned him, but at

the same time required him to leave the Court and enter his presence

no more—a severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and knows no

pleasure elsewhere.

The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice in the English

tragedy, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is

waiting for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what business I

cannot say. Some think he is seeking the post of ambassador at the

French court.

March 20, 1584.

LETTER XXXIII.

Alençon,[198] after his return to Château Thierry, fell seriously ill,

and his life was in great danger. This gave rise to a story that he had

been poisoned. However, he is now said to be better. From his bringing

up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs are affected.

The Queen Mother, who went to see him, has not yet returned.

March 29, 1584.

LETTER XXXIV.

When the people from Flanders saw that they made no way with Alençon,

and all hope of help from France was at an end, they returned home,

reversed their policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.[199] Their

ambassadors were entertained courteously by the Prince, and received

presents from him on leaving, while the envoys whom Parma sent with his

reply had like treatment from the town of Ghent.

Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the citizens will

endure the worst sooner than submit to the old yoke, and have therefore

determined to cast in their lot with Zealand and Holland for weal

or woe. This new combination will prolong the war, as they are the

wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, and have

the keys of the sea in their possession.

The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to be on the eve of

returning to their allegiance to the King of Spain, in company with

Flanders; the men of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved

of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have taken under their

protection, is the only exception. Alençon indeed has something else

to think of just now besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and

something that touches him more closely, for there is a report that he

is in a decline, which has reached the consumptive stage. If this be

true—and it is generally believed—he cannot be long for this world,

and then, however little the House of Valois may like it, the Bourbons

will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first the Cardinal, and then

Navarre. The Queen Mother is staying in the country at some distance

from Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The King, it

seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign against Damville,[200]

of which every one was talking, and has issued a proclamation to the

effect that there is nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to

rise in arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. This

Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean exactly the reverse,

and to be proof positive that war is intended; they say this is his

usual trick when he means to attack them.

Whether they are right or wrong time will show.

April 10, 1584.

LETTER XXXV.

Alençon’s[201] life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two ago he was

reported as dead, and not only was the date of his decease given, viz.,

the 25th of this month, but also the hour, viz., 10 P.M. For several

hours, it seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought to be

dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is still alive, if a man

can be called alive, whose case is hopeless and whose death is hourly

expected. The King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return he

made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, but privately he

told his friends that he did not expect him to last a month. Well, the

matter is in God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, is

the prayer of your humble servant.

April 29, 1584.

LETTER XXXVI.

That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms with Parma is

considered certain; they say indeed that service in the cathedral of

Ghent is already celebrated after the Roman rite; and this is also

the case in three churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone

stands out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms of the

arrangement will, people think, shortly be made public.

May 3, 1584.

LETTER XXXVII.

Alençon is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak more correctly,

to his bed; no one is allowed to see him save one or two of his

adherents, who encourage him to hope that he will recover, but

impartial people consider his case desperate; while some think he is

already dead, but that his death is kept secret.

The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and it is indeed a

critical time, for Alençon’s death will be a most serious matter to

the kingdom. For some time past the King has been estranged from his

wife; people trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke

of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of Joyeuse, husband to

the Queen’s sister. The latter has been appointed by the King Admiral

of France with very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur has

been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke of Mercœur maintains that

all appointments within the limits of his province belong to him,

and Joyeuse disputes his claim. The King on being informed of this

difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and from that time

forth his manner to his wife has been less kind, from an idea that the

Duke of Mercœur would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for

his sister’s countenance and support. This has given rise to a notion

on the part of some people, that the King is thinking of divorcing his

wife, on the plea that she is barren, it being most important, under

present circumstances, that children should be born to the King of

France.

The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine with a numerous and

splendid retinue; his mission is a mystery and has furnished much

material for conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides the

King, being acquainted with the secret.[202] The King also himself,

they say, is intending to visit Lyons shortly; no doubt there is some

important reason for this visit, but what it may be, there is no one

who can explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time!

June 5, 1584.

LETTER XXXVIII.

That Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved by his death. He

breathed his last on the tenth of this month, almost at the same hour

and minute as his brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he

died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as your Imperial

Majesty will have already learnt from the King’s own letter.

Some people declare[203] his death is a far greater benefit to the

world than his birth; they say he had fallen under the influence of

worthless satellites, and was incapable of distinguishing between

friends and flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety

he sought might more correctly be described as infamy; he lightly

undertook, and yet more lightly abandoned that which he had undertaken.

His life was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable,

restless, his one great object was to destroy concord and promote

disorder. His mother’s grief for him is genuine, the tears of the rest

are constrained tears, I fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent

funeral, people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will not

last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at hand. The corpse is

to come to Paris. The King has put on black; this is unusual, for on

former occasions it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear

violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that Alençon’s death will

give rise to great changes in France, and I think they are not far

wrong, for the chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be

disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs from theirs,

neither will they lack leaders when they rise, for the governors of the

provinces will come forward, and others to boot.

Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the future, that they are

already thinking of emigrating. The King indeed is heaping honours

on Navarre;[204] he has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and

in his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by custom

assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;[205] moreover, a way

has been discovered of perpetuating the miseries of the Netherlands in

spite of Alençon’s removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai[206]

to his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all his other

acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests in that quarter; it

is thought that the Queen Mother will make all this bequest over to

Navarre. In this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes in

the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain ground for complaint

against the King of France. Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of

Artois and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far and wide,

burning and harrying the country.

The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the troops of the King

of Spain; Ghent has admitted Orange’s forces, but there was such

want of forage that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to

leave. People have a notion that the departure of the cavalry may lead

the men of Ghent to resume their negotiations with Parma; another

reason assigned is the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish

reinforcements.

June 18, 1584.

LETTER XXXIX.

On the festival of St. John and the two following days the last rites

were paid to Alençon; there was nothing in the ceremonies to call

for remark, except that in the funeral speech no mention was made of

his connection with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of

the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into the procession. I

have appended to my letter a copy of what is commonly supposed to be

Alençon’s will.

To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre treated the Duke of

Epernon, on his arrival, with every mark of consideration and honour;

but Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit him to her

presence. Epernon is supposed to be going through the province of

Narbonne, and so to Lyons, where the King will meet him.

Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening the garrisons of

forts and towns, where needful, so that they may be ready in case of

attack or sudden emergency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are

being stationed in different parts of the country, with the object, as

I suppose, of having a relieving army at hand in case Cambrai shall

be hard pressed. The Hollanders and Zealanders have raised a fleet

to prevent any supplies being introduced into those ports of the

Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, and this

will probably cause a rise in the price of corn.

July 10, 1584.

LETTER XL.

The news has come of Orange’s death; there is no doubt as to the

accuracy of the report. He was shot with a pistol.[207] The assassin

has been taken and tortured, but refused to confess at whose

instigation he committed the murder. His only statement consisted of

a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he was prompted to

the deed by the desire of delivering the Provinces from so despotic a

master.

The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come to Paris, in the hope, I

suppose, of inducing the King to give them his support, but his answer

was not favourable. They are now importuning the Queen Mother, and if

she refuses they will probably apply to the King of Navarre and the

Bourbons for assistance.

Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, is closely

besieged by Parma; three attempts have been made to take it, but in

each case the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter.[208]

The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, people think, is to

supersede the present governor and appoint Epernon, or the Duke of

Joyeuse’s father, in his place.[209] The King has asked Navarre to come

to him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom.

The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves masters of the

State. There is an anxious feeling abroad, but why or wherefore no

one exactly knows. Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal

de Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen

Mother.

July 23, 1584.

LETTER XLI.

The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to induce the King to give

them his support. This is the only fact worth recording in my present

letter. Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen Mother, and her

influence is said to have had some weight with the King. One of the

ambassadors has been sent back to the Netherlands in company with the

gentleman[210] who was formerly Alençon’s representative at Antwerp.

They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable answer to the

States from the King, promising to give them advice, countenance, and

reinforcements with a liberal hand. The terms which the States offer

in return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The result of the

negotiations is awaited with the deepest interest. Some people are

sounding the war-note right lustily. What, say they, would the King

wait for, or what better opportunity could he find for commencing a

struggle which must inevitably come before many years are out? Why

does not he take the initiative, when such an opportunity and such

advantages are placed within his reach? It is folly to keep longing

for that which it is in one’s power to possess. Granted, that the

Netherlanders at the bottom of their hearts distrust the French, and

will not submit to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw

them from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them live in a

state of semi-independence, and not as subjects of France, so long as

they remain the bitterest foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of

so many provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, even if

the King of France should not succeed in subjecting them to himself.

No sensible man can fail to see that the Spaniards, who are naturally

greedy of empire, when they have consolidated their position, will

not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but will endeavour to

make themselves masters of the whole of Christendom. But how little

remains for them to win, compared with what they have already secured!

Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, and all other princes

and states will be placed in a humiliating position. Everything will

depend on the pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading

prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in encountering this attack

on the liberties of Europe, before the Spanish power is consolidated.

There is no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have any

regard for their own safety and reputation would gladly join their

forces and unite in extinguishing a conflagration which is dangerous to

everyone.[211]

My own opinion is that these views are popular, and that they are only

waiting for the death of the King of Spain, as the most favourable

opportunity for a general movement.

Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, after great

losses, if we may believe the report. He retains, however, the fort of

Calloo, which enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they

sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde[212] without much difficulty, as

the larger part of the garrison has been cut off from the town.

Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard to induce

Balagny,[213] the governor of Cambrai, to surrender the town to

the King and the King’s nominee. Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has

rendered him most unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some

arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has proved himself a skilful

and sagacious diplomatist in affairs of this kind.

Paris, August 18, 1584.

LETTER XLII.

I have hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to allow a longer

time to elapse before writing.

The King has returned from Lyons without achieving anything worth

notice, as far as I know. He stayed for some time at the castle of _le

Bois de Vincennes_, in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building

a church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the benefit of

himself and his society of Penitents.[214] At the same time he is

carrying on his campaign against vice by punishing heinous offences,

especially those which are connected with malversation of public

moneys, whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer,

France being full of offenders of this kind.

In dealing with these matters he does not spare even men of high rank;

consequently there is a panic, and people are leaving the country. He

will next attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require them to

give an account of the way they have administered justice, and the

sentences they have pronounced, for these courts of justice are, it is

considered, full of corruption and in great need of reform. In France

the Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; in them justice

is sold, or given as a matter of favour.

Though well stricken in years,[215] the Cardinal de Bourbon is

apparently unwilling to surrender the right of succession to the throne

to his nephew Navarre, and therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a

numerous party regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was

stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender his Cardinal’s

hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, sister to the Duke of Guise.

The report is still current.

Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening fortifications

and garrisoning posts, for the Queen Mother has, it appears, set her

mind on keeping Cambrai, and some of the household troops have been

despatched thither with that object. The Queen herself has left Paris

for the banks of the Loire, and is going from place to place in the

hope of arranging an interview with Navarre, but the probability of

his meeting her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will

not trust either her or the King. That his wife may meet her mother

is not impossible. The King too has set out for the Loire, and will

stop some time, should the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow

him to remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the King’s

destination really is.

Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very favourable to the

King of Spain. Ghent[216] has made its peace with him. If report says

true, the terms are as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns,

restore the churches, allow two citadels to be built, and give up any

six men who may be demanded.

Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of surrender. In spite

of this Antwerp does not lose heart, nor are the Hollanders and

Zealanders abandoning any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s

Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and talks much of the

highly favourable terms on which they are willing to conclude a bargain

with the King of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that God

Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty is the prayer of your

humble servant.

October 4, 1584.

LETTER XLIII.

I have allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, partly because I

was every day expecting Sancerre to leave, and partly because I had no

news worth sending.

The King, who had been dodging the plague from place to place, at last

stopped at Blois; the plague,[217] however, gave him notice to quit by

carrying off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all

he has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends prosecuting

his social and legal reforms. I saw him at Blois, whither I went to

express to him and the two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief

and sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s sister, at the

death of Alençon.

There was some talk of disturbances in the south of France, but they

seem to have subsided.

Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as travelling from England

to Spain by way of Paris, has returned to these parts. He comes to

express his master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to

supersede Tassis[218] as ambassador to France. Tassis has gone to the

Netherlands _en route_ for Spain. If laying out large sums be the proof

of a good ambassador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, for

they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 crowns a year. I hope

the rest may be in keeping, and that he may prove in every way as good

as Tassis.

The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second self, is ill with a

severe attack of scrofula, a disease which the Kings of France profess

to heal by a touch of the hand,[219] so the King has an admirable

opportunity of putting his power to the test! I write this because I

have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill from the frost,

but this pause will probably lead to greater movements in the spring.

December 10, 1584.

LETTER XLIV.

Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of the Netherlands,

with very extensive powers, they say, to induce the King to take them

under his protection. The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful.

There are men about the King who would fain lead him into war.

Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, the navigation of

the Scheldt being almost entirely stopped.

December 15, 1584.

LETTER XLV.

A numerous deputation has again come here from the insurgent States of

the Netherlands with very full powers and large offers. On condition

of the King’s receiving them into his protection, they undertake

to hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority shall be

supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 crowns a month towards the

expenses of the war, one-half to be paid by themselves, and the other

by the Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected here, with

a large and numerous train, to take part in these negotiations; the

ostensible object of the embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter

to the King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors have been

ordered to stop short at a neighbouring town,[220] but for all that

they are treating with the King by means of letters and memorials;

their expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They assure the

King of an easy success, if he will only cut off the enemy’s supplies

by stopping all exports from France. If this is done, they declare

that in a year’s time there will not be a single foreign soldier in

the Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved out, their

supplies by sea being already cut off; even now, they say, though there

is nothing to interrupt their communications with France, provisions

in the enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s decision will

be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse their cause, he will thereby

involve himself in a serious war; if he helps rebels against their

Sovereign, he supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward

precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for heretics, when he hates and

loathes the heretics in his own realm, and endures them only because he

cannot help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; but, however

that may be, he will not, people think, openly espouse the cause of the

Netherlanders, the ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to

the Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with his forces,

and countenance the undertaking; but as to who is to have the conduct

of the campaign is more than I can make out. The King of Navarre or

Condé would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but neither of

them will place himself in the King’s power, as they have not forgotten

the wedding and massacre of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some

say that Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the sole

heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to securing his own

safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in that case, if either of them

be murdered, there will be a survivor to avenge his death.[221] The

decision arrived at must be known before long.

The Monsieur de Selles,[222] whom your Majesty knew in Spain, has died

in his prison in Zealand.

The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, which has been so long

under consideration, has at length been published, but save in a few

particulars it is not of the description generally expected; I enclose

a copy for your Imperial Majesty.

That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most

humble servant.

January 25, 1585.

LETTER XLVI.

The King has granted a private audience to the Netherland ambassadors;

I cannot give the terms of their address, but it is easy to guess what

they were. As to the King, they say, he replied that he would not fail

in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors are fifteen in number,

and their retinue comprises some sixty gentlemen; they have been joined

by the Prince of Espinoy,[223] who, with his brother, the Marquis of

Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court of the late Emperor

Maximilian.

It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at any rate despatches,

are also coming from the King of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of

Savoy, to remind the King of his engagements and to call on him to

fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think that neither

letters nor ambassadors from the King of Spain or Duke of Savoy will

have much influence; as to how much weight will be attached to the

Pope’s remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the Netherland

ambassadors are being defrayed by the French treasury. Lastly, the

English Ambassador, who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and

gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby[224]; he is of royal

blood the French say, and the English confirm the statement. He was

met and escorted into Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the

Palace was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day assigned for his

expenses. He is the bearer of the Order of the Garter from the Queen

to the King of France. This is the ostensible object of his mission,

but the real and more important reason is supposed to be connected

with the affairs of the Netherlands. On the last day of last month the

King was invested with the insignia of the Order in the Church of St.

Augustine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter of the

Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors attended the ceremony by

invitation; amongst them were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but

their coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador.

To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience to the aforesaid

ambassadors, in company with the English Ambassador, but, as to what

the issue is likely to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the

King is entering into the business without much heart, and is even

dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed arrangements, which do

not go so far as he would like; but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to

anything Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the matter.

People think that the King will give way to his mother, and take up the

cause of the Netherlands, giving them secret support, even if he does

not openly adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the

consequence. The most important part in this adventure, people say,

will be assigned to Don Antonio[225]; by their account, he is to be

given the command of the French forces. In a business of this kind we

can be certain of the past, but of nothing else!

These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not confined to

Paris. A man tried to poison the King of Navarre, but failed in the

attempt, either by reason of the strength of the King’s constitution,

or the weakness of the poison; the assassin then had recourse to

open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. He failed again,

was arrested, and is being tried in chains.[226] The King is greatly

distressed at the affair, as indeed he has good reason to be, for

his own reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore sent a

distinguished judge to be present at the trial and examination of

the assassin under torture; he is to bring back a true and accurate

report as to whether the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from

motives of personal malice.

March 6, 1585.

LETTER XLVII.

Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels[227] has been

compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, and Antwerp is hard pressed,

being debarred from all use of the Scheldt by the completion of the

bridge. These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French

Court, and compel them to come to some decision with regard to the

Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive some support, their

defence must collapse. Indeed, the ambassadors of the rebel States

assume an air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s handing

over the responsibility to his mother, instead of declaring war on his

own account.

March 7, 1585.

LETTER XLVIII.

The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this month, after a

visit of twenty days, during which he was treated with high honours,

and received every mark of respect. On leaving he was presented

with plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen in

his train had also the honour of receiving presents. A little later

the Netherland ambassadors took their leave, when each of them was

presented with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their visit

has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any arrangement has

been made, it is a complete secret. The King’s public answer was that

he did not intend to break the peace which subsisted between himself

and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, she was deeply concerned

for their preservation, but was prevented by the King’s wishes from

giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding is implied in

these ambiguous phrases, I cannot say. The ambassadors have done their

utmost to draw the King into open war; this appears also to have been

the object of the English Ambassador, but he does not seem to have had

much success. Some people think the King has undertaken to give them

considerable succours as soon as his present troubles shall have blown

over, and meanwhile to furnish them with some little assistance. As

regards the troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are without

doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises are levying war; the popular

account is that they are angry[228] with the King for not recognising

their own and their family’s services, while a couple of young

fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and conceit, are

loaded with high offices and honours. But this is not all; they wish to

have a Catholic successor appointed in case of the King’s death, and

they are again putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy against

heretics, in which they claim the leadership. The meaning of all this

is, that knowing there will be no room for them in France, should

Navarre, on the death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish betimes

to grapple with this danger, and thus consult their own interests,

regardless of the great troubles they must bring on the country. And,

to be fair, there is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety,

as people cannot tell what the position of the Church will be after

the King’s death. Many believe that their ancient ritual, services,

and sacraments will be profaned and put down by Navarre, and that the

Catholics will be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto

been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These fears give an

excellent handle to those who are desirous of a revolution, and men who

have been true to the old religion are in a peculiarly good position

to take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, who are most

popular in France, so much so that one may hear them spoken of with

greater deference than the King himself. The family of Guise, they say,

can trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,[229] has

ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever loyal to King and country,

in spite of the neglect with which it has been treated, and the

bestowal on others of the honours it has earned, and now is justified

in unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, and

undertaking the defence of the Church.[230]

The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his family and takes part

with the Guises. The King has warned them by letters and messengers to

have a care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; to

which they replied, they had no designs against him, they had never

swerved from the paths of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to

believe the calumnies of their enemies.

In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining ground of German

reiters being brought to France; they say they are already on the

borders of Lorraine, and Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under

arms.

If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming for the campaign,

everybody has an answer ready to the effect that, with the Pope and

the King of Spain[231] at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and

that there is an understanding between them and the Guises is a matter

beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one considers who is to profit by these

disturbances, it is difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the

King of Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in the

Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment of his plans are

impossible so long as France is quiet and united. The King of Navarre

is quite alive to what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed

he also is making ready to defend himself against any murderous attack;

he likewise offered the King his services against the enemy. The King

tells him not to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but simply to

keep his towns in readiness to repel any sudden assault, and leave the

rest to him.

I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, for some are disposed

to suspect him of knowing and approving of all the plans of the Guises;

others again hold that, while hitherto he has not been privy to their

schemes, he will in no long time adopt their ideas and join their

party; not that he loves them, but because he hates Navarre still

more, on account of their old quarrels and the difference of their

religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt that the King would

sooner have anyone than Navarre as successor to his throne, since he

can have no confidence that after his accession his policy will not be

reversed, the position of his connections and relations be impaired,

and his friends cast down from their high estate; lastly, it is most

annoying to feel that after one’s death people will be exalted, whom

during one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it is not easy

to trace the workings of the heart, and so it is better to suspend our

judgment till time makes all things clear.

Not long ago the rumour was very general that a fresh attempt against

the life of the Queen of England had been discovered.

The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing a fleet, which is to

break through the bridge and relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail,

they intend opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and flooding

the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring their fleet, in spite of

the bridge, up to the walls of the town; this plan, however, must cause

great suffering throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate

they are; their own account is that they have no other course.

March 26, 1585.

LETTER XLIX.

People are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly and unexpectedly France

finds herself on the brink of a great war; the King himself hardly knew

of its approach before it burst upon him. Two months ago the Duke of

Bouillon[232] wrote cautioning him to be on his guard, as the Guises

were preparing for a campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his

imprudence in disregarding this warning.

Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is the Cardinal de

Bourbon, but, if I am not very much mistaken, the real leaders are

the three brothers—the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal

de Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of

Elbœuf; they have also on their side the Queen’s brother, the Duke of

Mercœur, Governor of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the

insurrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose names I need not

trouble your Majesty.

The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief one is jealousy.

For a long time the Guises have felt bitterly their position at the

Court, where they do not hold the influence and station to which they

consider themselves entitled.[233] Others are loaded with wealth and

honours, while they are held of no account, and are left crippled by

the debts, which they and their ancestors have saddled themselves

with in the service of the State. The King, they complain, has picked

out a couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection and

caresses, treating them like sons, squandering on them the public

revenues, living with them in the closest intimacy, while the Guises

are not merely kept at a distance, but are actually insulted by having

the doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into the royal

presence.

Besides these causes for complaint, there is a notion, I fancy, which

is not altogether groundless, that the sister of Navarre, the heir of

his kingdom and extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon,

who is generally supposed to have been appointed by the King Constable

of France, and that the King, who is not at present favourably disposed

towards Navarre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support his

claims to the succession. In all probability the object of the Guises

is to put a stop to this arrangement, which would be most disastrous to

their interests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé on

the throne, their influence in France would be obliterated.

The Cardinal de Bourbon[234] assumes the title of successor to the

throne, and is indignant at the preference given to the claims of his

nephew; he has thrown off his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so

much in a soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. He is

fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic See, to the faith he

professes, to his family, and to himself, not to allow a Protestant

to ascend the throne on the death of the King. He therefore considers

himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first place in it.

The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening[235] of the Estates, the

security of the country, the safety of honest people, the common pleas

of all revolutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for

their designs.

Again, there was a report of a Bull[236] coming from the Pope, which

might arrive at any moment, pronouncing Navarre and Condé incapable

of ascending the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, I

question the policy of such a step, showing as it does the disunion

of Christendom at a time when the Turkish victories over the Persians

render an invasion more probable than ever; for there is no doubt

that the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their long

struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way for the extinction of

Christianity. As soon as they have secured their rear, by destroying or

crippling their Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces

for a struggle with us; they will fight with us for existence and

empire, and the chances are greatly in their favour.[237]

But yet the movement I have described is so popular that I cannot tell

what the result will be. To the King, indeed, this outbreak is a most

untoward and unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds

wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a Catholic nobleman

in France who is not suspected of being concerned in the designs

of the Guises, and secretly favouring the movement; almost all the

provinces are wavering in their allegiance; of the great cities some

are disloyal, while others refuse to receive garrisons from the King.

Thus he hardly knows which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open

enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever efforts he may

make to muster his troops, it will be too late, for he has to deal with

an enemy near at hand and well prepared.

The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of Mercœur;[238] I cannot

understand his taking up arms against the King, when he is brother to

the Queen, and has lately received great promotion from the King. He

has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as he has been deprived

of certain privileges which his predecessors in the government of

Brittany enjoyed, these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse

as Admiral of France.[239]

Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has declared for the

Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, which is commanded by the

strong fortifications of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of

Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly one of the King’s

mignons, but has now attached himself to the party of the Guises.

The Duke of Aumale has seized several other places, and the Duke of

Joyeuse is on the march to recover them. The younger Lansac, who is

also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, near Bordeaux, and will prove a

thorn in the side of that town if it remains loyal to the King.[240] De

Brissac[241] holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the length

and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting and bidding defiance

to the King. An attempt has also been made to seize Marseilles, but

it proved unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs have

made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; he used to be so

supercilious that when members of the royal family spoke to him and

removed their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has the grace

to put his hand to his hat. This has given rise to a popular joke, that

Epernon has at last found out where his hat is!

The King has sent deputies all round the country to calm the storm, but

they do not bring back any offers of a compromise.

The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and is oftentimes obliged

to hear him speak of her son in terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal

de Bourbon is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival the

latter used to protest against any application being made to himself

with reference to the rising, declaring that he was not in command, but

simply a private gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop

of Lyons is[242] also there, as the King’s representative, with very

extensive powers. Unless they come to terms the prospect for France is

desperate, and we are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s[243]

return, which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace with

the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the commencement of a

disastrous war. According to some, one of the terms of peace will be

the restoration of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how little

the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up arms they are acting

in concert with Spain.

The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect of this movement to

herself, is, they say, offering the King 6,000 horse, to be hired at

her expense, and to consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King

shall decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong force of his

partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he is the real object of

attack.

Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have heard that the Marquis

of Richebourg and sundry others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;[244]

they say that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain.

I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as freely as

before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy are occupied by the soldiers

of the two contending parties, who examine and tear to pieces all

communications; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this very letter

will be able to get through safely.

April 25, 1585.

LETTER L.

Guise has taken the town of Verdun,[245] slaying several of its

defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes have also gone over to

the Guises.

There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. The Earl of

Arundel,[246] who was concerned in it, has been arrested.

April 28, 1585.

LETTER LI.

The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened deserving special

mention. The clergy are said to be furnishing the King with 100,000

crowns a month, on condition of his shortening the term within which,

according to his previous decree, the Huguenots must leave the country.

He has acceded to this demand, as your Majesty will see by reading

the enclosed proclamation;[247] but even this has failed to convince

the people that the King really and honestly shares the views of the

League, and has joined the party; for, according to some, it is only a

device to extract money, and when he has gained his object he will turn

his coat! Time will show.

A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in number, created

a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;[248] the excitement was

increased by the news that the Prince of Condé was coming; he had

crossed the Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the

suburbs. All the troops that could be got together were hurried off to

Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, and thither went all the leaders,

Joyeuse, Epernon, Mayenne, and Biron.

But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such powerful forces, and

seeing that he would not be able to reach the citadel, abandoned his

design and retired across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and

sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. Meanwhile

it was the common talk, and generally believed, that he had been taken

prisoner while crossing some river or other, but it soon became clear

that the story had no foundation. Shortly after this affair the King

recalled his forces, which have suffered severely from the incessant

rains and the hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they

altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging.

The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, have accused their

commander[249] of high treason, charging him with intending to admit

a Spanish garrison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion

they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications.

The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the ground some time ago,

and people say the King has given orders that the citadel of Angers

shall be treated in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of

fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones are being built.

I shall enclose the Papal Bull[250] declaring Navarre and Condé

incapable of succeeding to the throne of France. What effect it will

have God only knows; for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal

for greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, _has_ confiscated

all the property of Navarre on which he could lay his hands, and placed

it in the custody of the Cardinal de Vendôme,[251] the owner’s cousin.

The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the King’s Ambassador, to

treat for the appropriation of ecclesiastical property to the service

of the State, and, no doubt, concerning other matters as well.

Again, a new Ambassador[252] of high rank is on his way to

Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be anything but favourable

to the peace of Germany. There is nothing they are so much afraid of

here as German reiters, and they have apparently come to the conclusion

that the best way of keeping them employed elsewhere is to threaten

their country with a Turkish war.

I understand that one packet of the despatches I wrote in May is

missing. I cannot tell where it was stopped. I sent it by way of

Brussels as the safest route. My present letter will also go by the

same road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its safety. I

trust that the missing packet will also eventually reach your Majesty.

Paris: November 15, 1585.

LETTER LII.

Although nothing worth recording has happened since I last wrote,

nevertheless I take up my pen because I have a chance of sending a

letter, which does not often occur now-a-days.

The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close contact with the enemy,

and we shall soon see in what direction he is moving, and his prospects

of success in the campaign.

The King has made up his mind not to allow a single Huguenot, or indeed

anyone who is not a Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all

who do not care to change their religion are leaving the country.

A few days ago a petition was presented to the King on behalf of

certain women and girls, imploring leave to remain in France under his

protection, and promising that they would live in retirement and give

offence to no one. The King would not grant their request, but took

care that they should not be injured, and sent them to England under

his safe conduct.

As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new religious services,

and lives like a hermit. People are afraid his health will be affected

by the austerities he practises, or that he will become the victim of

some superstitious craze.

The Queen of England is openly taking Holland and Zealand, with certain

towns besides, under her protection, and has issued a proclamation to

that effect. I cannot say whether she will give much help to places at

a distance from the sea, but the maritime position of England renders

it probable that the towns on the coast will derive great assistance

from her powerful navy.

So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all its sufferings and

all its uncertainties, while the blockade by sea will bring the other

provinces of the Netherlands into danger of starvation.

December 6, 1585.

LETTER LIII.

There is a report that German cavalry is already on the march for

France. The King has despatched the Duke of Epernon to his command at

Metz, where there have been great Protestant disturbances.

December 8, 1585.

LETTER LIV.

Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to assault the

faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the probability of such a

movement. Marching with all his forces on the capital, he stormed

and sacked the four faubourgs of the Université,[253] each of which

is as big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted of

citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s men contrived to slip

in between them and the city walls, and thus cut off their retreat.

Many of them were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no quarter

being given except to those who could convince their captors that

they had the amount of their ransom in hard cash in their houses. The

number slain and captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day

after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, after halting

for a time and offering battle, retreated a few miles from Paris with

his booty and prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy had

occupied; although it is an open town, the position is important from

its commanding the road to Paris from the principal corn-growing

districts. Mayenne, they say, can still muster a considerable force,

but, as he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence is

more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. Whatever the enemy

has either not found out or not thought worth taking, becomes their

booty. Thus the Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No

wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel the effects

of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter and the difficulty of

finding money will bring the first act of this tragedy to a close, and

then each party will endeavour to support their cause by convening the

Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the towns, and the Order

of the Clergy will meet at Paris; Navarre and the leading nobles at

Tours. He will there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of

Coronation service performed, in order to increase his authority, and

justify his assumption of the title of ‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not

however remain quite idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations

in Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities may

occur. At Tours he will be able, should it prove desirable, to treat

with the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other

prisoners,[254] with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure

that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have already been

taken in this direction with some prospects of success. I remain your

Imperial Majesty’s most humble servant.

November 13, 1589.[255]

LETTER LV.

Navarre has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong town, which forms

part of his hereditary possessions, had been lost by the governor’s

treason. The governor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured.

In order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat was cut,

while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who had been sent from Paris

to preach there, was hanged.[256] He next received the surrender of Le

Mans, a rich and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but it is

not positively confirmed. It is certain that money is being secretly

sent to Paris by the King of Spain, but I am afraid not as much as they

require. When people have to supply their allies with money they soon

get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from Antwerp for Paris;

large supplies of gunpowder are also said to be coming by the same

channel.

November 29, 1589.

LETTER LVI.

There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by Cardinal

de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,[257] four other bishops

being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people add that he

attended divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others deny

this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on the occasion,

he declared that as regarded religion he would soon give them such

satisfaction that no one would have any just ground for complaint left.

They say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of France; he is

expected to come to Tours and do homage to the King on his Coronation.

There is no longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le Mans,

nor does the mischief stop there, for some assert, that Chartres,

a wealthy and fortified city, has gone over to Navarre. He has for

some time been master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations

are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the town itself.

There is the same news about Melun, which lies on the Seine above

Paris; the position is important for preventing the introduction of

provisions into the capital. Further, some would have it believed

that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in Normandy is ready

to come to terms with Navarre. If even a part, and much more if all,

of these rumours be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They

are now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to

300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see that they have any trustworthy

resources to support their resistance, and I am consequently afraid

that, when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to some he is

to be expected shortly, others say not till spring. I have great fears

for the town where I am now staying, and am therefore obliged to look

out for a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors which

occur when a city is taken by storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson[258]

has crossed into Flanders, intending to return from there either

through Brabant or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris,

which was called the Council of the Union,[259] is said to have been

dissolved, and the supreme authority again restored to the Parliament,

which issues decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de

Bourbon. It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was

removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two.

The Duke of Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know

the exact nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous

one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France

(Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and

enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost

they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses of the

maintenance of herself and her household. I have already ventured, I

think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this

respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is at hand I have

judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I trust your Majesty

will consider how the Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has

passed by.

December 14, 1589.

LETTER LVII.

A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned at

Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take

measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is

the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,[260] who has

been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he

summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon Navarre

and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. On

their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and transferred their

bishopric to Dijon.[261] People think he entered Paris three days

ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a Turkish

fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority.

The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking to supply

him with whatever he may want against Spain.[262] People are anxiously

waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He has

taken several important cities in Normandy. Some think he intends to

besiege Rouen,[263] which is already exhausted by the calamities of

war. Things, however, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops

enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are being raised,

and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s enterprises remains

to be seen. His plan seems to have been to demolish all the forts of

the enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the river from

Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find an easy task, especially with

Navarre so near at hand. In proof of this the fort of Meulan,[264]

before which, as I mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and

does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. The reputation of

both generals is at stake; the question being, whether Mayenne shall

abandon his enterprise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed

before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage when offered

battle by the other.

I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has married

the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s

sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma,

they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has therefore

withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his position, and

avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past allowed himself to

nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on that account

been sent to the King of Spain.

To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they think

Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified town,

it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from here.

He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the whole

neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar

fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against Rouen, for he

sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to surrender, and to threaten

them with destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many towns

falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, and therefore

to desire peace at any price. On this Navarre builds his hopes.

Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on

very languidly.[265]

LETTER LVIII.

Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too weak to

raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair prospect

of success. When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a safe

position. The King thought this an additional reason for pressing the

siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts

of them which were nearest the city were more in the citizens’ power

than his own. He therefore resolved to push forward his entrenchments

to the walls of the city. This operation was executed in a single

night, the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to the very

gates. Thenceforth no one was able to enter or leave Paris without his

permission. Meanwhile the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed

impossible for them to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000

perished of hunger. The inhabitants, however, bore their sufferings

patiently, and preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than

abandon the cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in

this resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal

Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the point

of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which was

soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after negotiations for

peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal

de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate of Gaul,[266] went

under a safe-conduct to the King. They failed to come to terms, but the

negotiations were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange

of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed that three

commissioners on each side should meet at the fortress of Nanteuil[267]

and the mansion of Schomberg, nine French miles from Paris.[268] The

prospects of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters of

Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, in which he exhorted

them to hold out a little longer, and told them that he was actually on

the march to their relief; there was no fear, he added, that _he_ would

demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming

to terms with him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and

Archbishop, and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at

their entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been

fixed for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this

month. He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already

decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers

and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He only

withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St.

Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have his hands free,

if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned elsewhere, it being

his usual practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes any

operation. Apart from this he made no change, and did not move a single

soldier from his position under the ramparts of Paris.

In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all probability

reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives. Therefore, in order

that your Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the value

of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for your consideration

a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne, and their several

forces. The contest will be one between two famous leaders, in the

prime of life and at the height of their renown, one of whom, Mayenne,

will give up the command to Parma, and will fight as his subordinate.

The King is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest

experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he will have, it is

thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the

most part is composed of gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted.

Of French infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with

whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The _élite_ of his foot consists of a

body of four or five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse

and foot alike, are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed

to be led, and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover,

the King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose

advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La Noue,

and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of the Bourbon

blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of France.