unanimous in desiring it. On other occasions it has been sometimes the
Order of the Clergy and sometimes the Order of the People, which has
been averse to a pacification; now all exclaim with one voice that war
means ruin. But the peace, I suspect, will not last long,[71] since it
has been obtained by compulsion, and granted by necessity.
Moreover, I have observed that the authority of the Crown has
marvellously declined; men have shaken off their respect for the King’s
name, and are like horses who have got rid of their traces and fairly
bolted. The revolutionary spirit is rampant; some people are extremely
unpopular; feuds among the chiefs run high—these feuds are of old
standing and cemented with the blood of slaughtered kinsmen; to settle
and arrange such differences would require much trouble, ample time,
and infinite tact. I see that some people in a high position think
that it would be to the advantage of France if certain illustrious
gentlemen were to quit the country, and all the nobles who wish for war
were to find a field abroad, thereby relieving their country of anxiety
and trouble. From all this we may safely conclude that quiet in France
(if quiet be possible!) means a great disturbance in the atmosphere
elsewhere. On this ground some—not without reason, perhaps—remember
with regret, how useful Milan[72] was as a training-school for the
education of young French soldiers, and also as a means of letting out,
without injury to the rest of the body, that bad blood of which France
has such store.
The nation desires Condé to be appointed to lead a force into the
Netherlands to the assistance of Orange, for it is thought that it will
be no small gain to France if he is sent beyond the borders. Condé is
himself possessed of considerable resources, and will be well supported
by his party, who wish to see him famous and great; they will the more
readily fall in with this plan because it will remove him from the
scene of danger and place him where he will be safe under the shadow of
that great Prince (Orange).
Meanwhile the Royalists will rejoice at this opportunity of delivering
France from a troublesome and restless crew, and congratulate
themselves that the quarrel is to be fought out in the Netherlands
instead of France.
I must explain that nothing is so hateful to your French gentleman as
quiet and repose. He would rather be rolling the stone of Sisyphus
than keep still; he is for ever hunting after an enterprise; he would
fain do something great; if that something be honourable, all the
better, but if there be difficulty on that score, he is not particular;
so long as it affords a field for the display of courage and skill,
and is thought dashing, the question whether it is right or wrong is
absolutely immaterial. These are the ideas which nature has planted in
him, and example confirmed, while long years of lawlessness and licence
have made their practice a habit.
Hugo de Blot, the Netherlander, is anxious to enter your Majesty’s
service; as no better post is to be had, he has applied for the
comparatively humble position of librarian. He has asked me to
recommend him.
I am fully aware how little weight my word can be expected to carry,
feeling as I do that I have need to be recommended myself instead of
recommending others; still I trust your Majesty will not be offended at
my mentioning the subject. I know De Blot to be both a good scholar and
an honest man; there are, however, two people who will be able to give
most positive testimony as to his character—Bishop Listhius[73] and
Lazarus Schwendi,[74] for they both selected him to take care of their
boys—he was their tutor for several years in Italy—and if they judged
him fit to take care of their _boys_ (liberos) I conclude he is quite
fit to take care of your Majesty’s _books_ (libros).
I do not wish to press the matter further. I have now given my
testimony on behalf of an excellent gentleman, and at the same time I
feel I have done my duty to your Majesty in introducing to your notice
a man who will fill the post admirably. Your Majesty will now come to
a decision as to the appointment, and of the wisdom of that decision,
whatever it may be, I entertain not the slightest doubt.[75]
The Spanish Ambassador told me that the Duke of Medina de Rio Sicco is
coming hither from his Sovereign to congratulate the King of France
on his marriage. An ambassador is also coming from Portugal on the
same errand: I believe he has been six months on the road, although he
arrived a few days ago at Nantes, a town in Brittany.
The King is suffering from influenza, but is not supposed to be in
any danger. There was a report quite lately that the Duke of Savoy
had taken Savona, but it is not believed to be true. As to Jorneton,
of whom your Majesty writes in the letter dated May 2, your Majesty’s
orders shall be obeyed.
Madame de Montmorency, formerly wife of the Constable of France, who
was then in such high estate, is now in great misery and affliction on
account of her sons; she has earnestly besought the Queen to procure
letters from your Majesty to the King of France, asking him to release
her son, the Maréchal de Montmorency, from his long imprisonment. The
Queen has given me instructions to write to your Majesty about this
business. I should have had some hesitation in complying with her
wishes, if any ground still existed for the dreadful suspicions which
were at first entertained with regard to his case; but facts have now
transpired which tend to show that these suspicions rested on little
or no foundation, and people are beginning to take a juster view;
indeed, the Queen Mother could not be kept from visiting Montmorency,
and chatted with him for some time. Under these circumstances, I feel
that I cannot do wrong in obeying the Queen’s orders, and that your
Majesty might write to the King on the subject of Montmorency’s release
in perfect confidence that such a suggestion will not be taken amiss
in any quarter. Undoubtedly this great and honoured lady (Madame de
Montmorency) has shown the utmost kindness and attention to the Queen
during the whole of her residence in France; she has never failed to
support her in every way, and on her assistance, advice, and loyalty
the Queen has been always able to reckon; such services may well claim
your Majesty’s kind consideration, and this is a good opportunity of
manifesting your gratitude.
By adopting the course which I venture to suggest, your Majesty will
not only gratify the Queen, but will also lay the whole House of
Montmorency—which now, indeed, is brought low, but must one day rise
again—under an obligation so great that it can never be forgotten.
Paris, June 7, 1575.
LETTER XXII.
Not long ago I called upon the King of Portugal’s Ambassador, and a few
days later he returned my call. I had a conversation with him which is
perhaps of no great importance, but it is as well that your Majesty
should hear of it.
He spoke of the Queen in the highest terms, and then let fall some
words of regret at the bereavement she had undergone. Her husband, he
remarked, had died in the flower of life, and she was very young to be
a widow. On my replying that it was God’s will, and we must accept His
decrees without murmuring, the Ambassador interrupted me with a remark
that the Queen would have great difficulty in finding a second husband
of such rank as would justify her in marrying him, seeing that her
first husband had been a very great and powerful King.
Hereon I remarked that it was by no means an unusual thing for the
queens of great kings, on the death of their husbands, to marry
potentates of inferior rank, and sometimes to take even dukes as their
husbands. I was able to quote, as an instance, Mary, the sister of
Henry VIII., King of England, who on the death of her first husband,
Louis XII., King of France, was, at her brother’s desire, married in
England to the Duke of Suffolk. ‘Still,’ said the Ambassador, ‘if I am
any judge of looks, she is too proud to marry anyone lower in rank than
her first husband.’ Thereon I replied, that I had good reason to know
that any idea of a second marriage was most distasteful to the Queen,
who cherished in her heart the memory of the husband she had lost,
but never could forget. Still, I observed, she was a lady of great
judgment and discretion, one who would, I was sure, always be willing
to take her parents’ advice and submit to their wishes. The Ambassador
expressed his appreciation of such discretion, and we proceeded to
discuss other topics, coming back at last to the old subject, and
talking of the connection between the Houses of Austria and Portugal,
which dates from the time of the Emperor Frederic.[76] He concluded
his remarks by saying that he hoped to see the old alliance renewed by
another marriage between the two Houses.
By the way, I must not forget to say that just before this he had been
expressing his regret at the Queen’s leaving France, and going so far
away.
Whatever may be the meaning of his observations, I see no reason for
hiding them from your Majesty.
As to the other matters, Damville,[77] who was lately reported as dead,
appears to have come to life again; the prayers of his friends have had
more weight than those of his enemies; but, after all, it is a very
common thing in France for people to accept idle rumours as established
facts, without suspending their judgment or giving themselves time to
ascertain the truth. It is quite certain that he was very ill, and some
declare that his symptoms indicated poison. Montmorency is now more
gently dealt with, and receives the same treatment as he did before the
rigour of his confinement was increased.
The delegates of the insurgents are expected here in the course of a
few days, with the answer of their party as to peace or war. Endless
people have endless reasons to give for expecting that the answer
will be favourable. For my own part, I should be sorry to express an
opinion one way or the other; indeed, so many changes take place, and
so many rumours are about, that I should not like to pledge myself
for anything I had not seen with my own eyes. Meanwhile war is going
on, but it does not seem to promise any decisive result calculated to
affect the issue of the struggle. Insignificant towns and places are
daily lost or recaptured, and the most important news we have had this
long while is of a severe defeat the Swiss received the other day in
Dauphiny,[78] some companies being completely annihilated.
The Queen is quite well, but cannot help fretting at the delay. She
longs to return home; she is also yearning to see her daughter; her
wish, however, cannot be gratified, as she has not funds for the
journey; indeed, she is so poor that meals are no longer served at any
table save that at which the Queen herself sits. Rations of bread and
wine are issued to the rest of her people, and with this they have to
content themselves as best they may.
Paris, July 7, 1575.
If the King of Portugal wishes for the marriage, and your Majesty is
disposed to consent, advantage might be taken of the opportunity now
afforded of sending the Queen straight from Paris to Portugal without
much expense.
I see our friends in France have not yet given up all hope with regard
to their claims on Poland, for they are said to be sending thither
200,000 crowns, which they have borrowed from the Duke of Savoy. He
has received the marquisate of Saluzzo as security for his advances.
Pibrac, too, it is supposed, will be able to do some good by visiting
the Palatines[79] one by one, and making an appeal to them in the
King’s name.
LETTER XXIII.
It is not long since I gave your Majesty an account of my conversation
with the Portuguese Ambassador, to be taken for whatever it might be
worth. I have nothing of much importance to add, except that, a few
days after the letter was despatched, the Queen was threatened with
an illness. Fever was apprehended, and there were some premonitory
symptoms, but they passed off without developing into anything serious.
Her physicians attributed the illness to grief and trouble of mind. She
is much distressed at the long postponement of her visit to Amboise,
on which she had set her heart, and also, I imagine, at her detention
in France, from which she has long been panting to fly. I hope to find
on the arrival of the next courier, that your Majesty has made such
arrangements as will relieve the Queen’s anxiety.
As for other news, the condition of things here is unchanged, except
that Montbrun is said to have been taken prisoner. After cutting to
pieces some companies of Swiss, as I mentioned in a former letter, he
shortly afterwards found himself in the presence of a concentration
of Royal troops. Charging them with more courage than discretion, he
advanced too far, could not cut his way back, and, after receiving
several wounds, was taken prisoner. This event caused great joy here,
as of all the men in arms against the King none was considered more
determined than Montbrun. When all the rest of the party were stunned
by the slaughter of the King’s enemies on Saint Bartholomew’s day, he
came forward as the most valiant champion of the cause; his was the
first sword that was unsheathed, and his the example that roused others
to action. Some think he will be brought to Paris. If so, his doom, I
fear, is sealed; he is too brave to be forgiven; well for him if his
wounds prove mortal, so that he may die a soldier’s death. But he is
not altogether unavenged, for the Royalists were severely handled in
the skirmish in which he was taken prisoner.[80]
On Tuesday the marriage of the Marquis de Nomeny was celebrated, in
the presence of Vaudemont, his father, and the Duke of Lorraine, his
kinsman. There were amusements of various kinds, and a magnificent
entertainment. None of the Princes were at the banquet, not even
Alençon, the King’s brother, who came only to the ball, and his sister
did not go even to that.[81] I must not forget to mention that, when
the Guises wished to have the honour of serving the King, the sons of
the late Prince de Condé quietly slipped in, and anticipated them. It
is not the first prize they have taken from them. It is strange that
Frenchmen cannot find a more honourable field for rivalry.
People would fain believe that there are good hopes of the peace
negotiations succeeding. The King, however, they say, after Montbrun
was taken prisoner, ordered 1,000 fresh cavalry to be raised. Why he
has done so, I cannot say, but I am quite certain of one thing, that,
if peace is made, it will not be because he wishes for it, but because
he cannot help himself.
Paris, July 16, 1575.
LETTER XXIV.
A gentleman lately returned from Poland has assured the King (and, for
the matter of that, people here are not scrupulous as to what they
assert) that he had induced the Poles to agree to accept a Viceroy
during the King’s absence. Pibrac’s letters, however, told a different
story; he says there are two policies by which the crown of Poland may
be kept: if the King will go there himself, there is a certainty of
success; and if he will send 200,000 crowns, there is a chance of it.
The last plan will probably be tried.
The Portuguese Ambassador has taken a house, and is expected to remain
here for some time. One of his suite has been sent to the King of
Portugal, and is likely to return shortly with an answer. Some people
fancy that his mission concerns your Majesty’s daughter.
It is now nearly six weeks since the courier left, and our friends here
keep asking when he will return, as they want to finish the business
and relieve themselves of the burden of maintaining the Queen. There
is a notion that it will be to her advantage if her affairs are placed
under the protection of a Prince or some prominent man; the Duc de
Nevers[82] is mentioned for the office, which he would readily, I
fancy, volunteer to take. But a serious drawback to such an arrangement
is that it would probably excite the Queen Mother’s jealousy; she would
not like the notion of the Queen being placed under the guardianship
of anyone but herself. I think, therefore, that any application to the
Duke should be made privately; a secret understanding would be best,
but as to its remaining secret, I am doubtful. The Comte de Retz, one
of the Marshals of France, has been most kind in labouring to promote
the Queen’s interests; he has called on me at my lodgings about her
business.
As regards myself, your Majesty will be graciously pleased to come to
some decision. For my own part, I think the best course your Majesty
can adopt will be to consider me a useless old soldier who has earned
his discharge, and to treat me accordingly. Still, I am inclined to
think it would not be amiss for some one to remain here for a time. For
the people who managed the property of former Queens tell me that many
things happened after their departure which required the presence of
a good man of business on the spot; while Queen Leonora[83] was three
years out of France before the final settlement of her affairs, which
was impeded by various obstacles, could be satisfactorily effected. I
trust, of course, we shall profit by the experience of other Queens,
and so take measures to meet many difficulties beforehand. Still, when
you have a shifty and tricky nation to deal with, it is impossible to
foresee every contingency, and emergencies may often occur requiring
the intervention of a faithful servant. The Queen will have worthy
gentlemen in France, namely, her Chancellor, her Councillors, her
Secretaries, her Procureurs, and her Advocates, all of whom are zealous
for her interests, and to their discretion much, I think, may be safely
trusted.
At my request on a former occasion, your Majesty sent me credentials,
which were dated, I believe, in February; I have not presented them
yet, because I thought it would be for the Queen’s interest if I said I
had no power to settle anything finally, for under these circumstances
they would be more careful as to what they offered, as they could
easily understand it would be useless to expect your Majesty to accept
anything that was not fair. I should now be glad to have a fresh copy
of those credentials, as they may prove necessary.
I wrote from Lyons asking your Majesty to send some watches as
presents for friends who have ere now done us good service, and whose
assistance we may need again. I feel I should be wanting in my duty to
your Majesty, if I did not renew my request. One might as well try to
make bricks without straw as to conduct affairs of this kind without
presents.
We had some hopes of obtaining 10,000 crowns in Paris, but were
disappointed; there is nothing coming in from our friends here, so we
are often at a loss for want of funds. I therefore implore your Majesty
to give this matter your serious consideration, for we have no hope of
bringing back any sum worth mentioning—indeed, I doubt if we shall have
enough for the journey.
I spoke to the King and the Queen Mother, and they assured me that they
would see the Queen was escorted to the German frontier in the most
honourable manner. Your Majesty, in return, will be graciously pleased
to inform us at the earliest moment to what place you wish the Queen
to be escorted by her French suite, where I trust such preparations
will be made as will show the French escort that your Majesty is not
indifferent to that which concerns the Queen’s honour. It will be well,
too, that the noble ladies and maidens attending her from motives
of duty or affection should feel that they have been well treated,
for they are sure on their return to talk about their reception. The
Queen has been long intending to go to Amboise; she is naturally
anxious to see her daughter before leaving France, but her wish is
still unaccomplished, owing to her want of funds. When this difficulty
is removed she will start on her journey. I think she will be away
twenty-four or twenty-five days.
On the 23rd of last month a courier arrived with despatches from your
Majesty, from which I learnt your Majesty’s views as to the course
to be pursued with regard to the two proposals made by the King. By
the Queen’s desire the matter was considered by her Council. Her
wisest advisers thought we ought to accept that proposal which offered
the best security, and at the same time tended most to her honour,
following herein the principle adopted by steady fathers of families,
who make it a rule to prefer _good security_ to _high interest_. For,
after all, the proposal we have rejected would inevitably have left a
large portion of the Queen’s income subject to various contingencies
and dependent on another’s pleasure. True, it would have been illegal
to wrong the Queen, but, in the present state of France, people think
more of what they _must_ do than of what they _ought_ to do. The Bishop
of Paris, indeed, continued of the same opinion, but his opposition
appeared to proceed more from prejudice than reason.
When this was settled, I went to the King and Queen, and having saluted
them in the name of your Majesty, whose letter I presented, I said
that your Majesty had hoped that the marriage contracts would have
been adhered to and fully carried out, but that, as you understood
from Monsieur de Vulcob,[84] who was at your Court, as well as from my
despatches, in what trouble and difficulty France was involved, you
did not wish to press the point, and had frankly accepted the King’s
proposals, in the hope that he would perform his promises in a liberal
spirit, so as to compensate the Queen in some measure for the rights
she had abandoned. I said, further, that it was by your Majesty’s
advice that the Queen had chosen the proposal which offered the larger
settlement on Crown lands, as being the nearest to the tenor of the
marriage contract. Both replied in the most gracious terms. Among other
remarks the King made in speaking of his goodwill to your Majesty, he
declared that he knew your Majesty’s fatherly affection for him from
your having, when he was at Vienna, given him such excellent advice,
telling him to prefer mercy to severity, and to choose peace rather
than war. With these views, he said, he quite coincided, but remarked
that Kings were not always allowed to have their own way. As to the
Queen’s departure, he said, he owed so much to your Majesty, and France
so much to the Queen, that it was alike his duty and his pleasure to
do everything he could for her. If needful, he would provide for her
escort, not merely as far as Nancy, but whithersoever your Majesty
might wish. As, however, your Majesty had chosen Nancy, he would take
care that she should be escorted thither in the most honourable manner
at the date appointed.
As for Montmorency, the King replied that he had offered to stand his
trial and prove his innocence; that he might be able to do so was
his earnest hope and wish. But if, unhappily, Montmorency should be
found guilty, he would be compelled to act solely with a view to the
interests of his realm, and he thought your Majesty in his position
would do the same. Otherwise, he would most gladly do whatever he could
to oblige your Majesty.
I concluded by asking that arbitrators might be appointed, according
to precedent, to make a valuation of the Crown lands in the provinces
which he was assigning to the Queen. He agreed to do so, but asked
me, as he was ignorant of such business, either to put my request in
writing or to see the Chancellor and Councillors about it. And so I
left the King.
I was much gratified during my interview with the Chancellor at the
warm terms in which he spoke of your Majesty’s kindness to him when he
went to Vienna, and the great affection he professed for the Queen.
However, he appeared much surprised at our decision with regard to
the two proposals. De Morvilliers also expressed astonishment, which
has made me feel rather suspicious of the whole business, as I think
there is something in the proposal we have accepted by which we shall
lose and the King gain; for hitherto I have found them anything but
generous, refusing to make the smallest concession to the Queen, or the
smallest sacrifice on behalf of the King.
As to the state of the kingdom, there is but little difference since
I wrote last. The King has just now assembled a body, which I can
only describe as a shadow of the States-General. He nominated six
persons from each province and city, choosing those on whose support
he thought he could best reckon, the clergy, the _noblesse_, and the
people being each represented by two members. He laid before these mock
States-General the miseries of the country, and the emptiness of the
treasury, and then proceeded to ask for a subsidy. After the Orders of
the clergy and the _noblesse_ had given fairly satisfactory answers,
the representatives of the popular Order said ‘that they would inform
their friends of the King’s request, and would bring back whatever
answer the community at large might decide to give. They could not do
more, as they had not been summoned to deliberate, but simply to learn
the wishes of the King.’ As the latter was much dissatisfied with such
a reply, they were at last induced to agree that every man should pay
to the King the price of one day’s food, and it is supposed that in so
great a country as France this will produce a very considerable sum.
They made this promise, however, only conditionally, and subject to its
ratification by their fellows. All who spoke endeavoured to impress
upon the King that, if he did not conclude peace, ruin was inevitable.
As regards the prospect of peace, matters are so complicated and
uncertain that it is difficult to judge. There are strong reasons for
desiring it: the country is in a most miserable state, the war is most
unpopular, money is scarce, revolution is raising her head; but again
there are difficulties in the way: the terms offered are hard, there
are old grudges on either side, the King’s word commands no confidence,
the party in power has lost its authority, and royalty its prestige.
Which way the scale will turn it is not easy to tell. Meanwhile there
is no break in the war; they are fighting more fiercely than ever. The
King has lately ordered his troops to burn all the crops in Languedoc
within their reach, causing thereby as much loss to the loyalists as
to his enemies. There is also a report that the King has raised new
levies of cavalry, and that Condé is coming with an army. Some of his
party tried a few days ago to surprise certain towns, among which
were Poitiers, Compiègne, Amiens, and Besançon. From these attempts
it is thought in Paris that peace is probable. As it was agreed that
each party should retain what they actually held at the termination
of the war, this condition is supposed to be the motive for these
attempts. Further, however much inclined for peace the King and Condé
may be, still people think that neither will treat except sword in
hand. As to the credit to be attached to these reports, I am by no
means certain, but I think I can answer for one thing, that, if they
make peace between themselves, they will attack their neighbours, in
order to give an outlet to all those uneasy spirits who if left at
home would be a danger to the State. Genoa seems convenient for this
purpose, and perhaps the Netherlands also; at any rate, one hears
already of speeches made by certain Princes, who say that, if the King
gives permission, they will go to the assistance of Genoa with 1,500
gentlemen. The journeys of the Fregosi[85] and the Biragues to and from
Italy, and the unusually frequent conferences between the Papal Legate
and the King, make many people suspect that something is brewing. Of
the rebel delegates who were expected with an answer about peace, some
have come back already, and the others are said to be on the road, and
are expected shortly—among them Beauvois de la Nocle,[86] who is sent
back by Condé. If this be so, the issue of the negotiations will ere
long be known for certain.
As for the affairs of the Netherlands, I do not doubt your Majesty
is fully informed of everything. They do not, therefore, properly
come within my province; still there will be no harm in sending the
following particulars. After the taking of Buren[87] the persons
appointed by the two parties separated without effecting anything or
even concluding an armistice. The Royalists hope to finish the war by
force of arms, and are therefore prosecuting it vigorously by land;
they are also fitting out a fleet once more. Their chances of speedy
success will be considerably increased by their obtaining a supply of
small galleys, which are independent of winds and tides. By means of
such boats Mondragon[88] has ferried his troops over to some islands,
and intends to occupy others as opportunities occur, his design being
thus to cut off Zealand from Holland, and prevent them from helping
each other. However successful the Royalists may be, it will be a long
business, and who can tell what may happen in the interval to create
fresh difficulties for them? Of this much there is no doubt: Orange
has openly declared that, if he finds himself beaten, he will, as a
last resource, enter into negotiations with England or France or some
other power, and place a foreign Sovereign in possession.[89] In spite
of this clear declaration of his intentions, there are people who are
so confident in the present state of affairs that they take no thought
for the future. Three days ago, they say, a gentleman came to Paris
from the Governor of the Netherlands to ask the Duke of Lorraine’s
permission for the passage through his territories of some thousands of
Spaniards and Italians, whom the King of Spain, it appears, is sending
to the Netherlands. If this be so, there are misfortunes yet in store
for that unhappy country.
The King, whose natural melancholy is increased by the troubles of
the times, in order to divert his thoughts has instituted a club, the
members of which take turns to invite him and the whole Court. At these
entertainments there is much merry-making and dancing. The people
grumble at these festivities; they think it wrong for the King to give
himself up to revels, when the distress of the country is so great and
so wide-spread, as if the miseries of France concerned him not, or
there was nothing more he could do to alleviate them.
The day after your Majesty’s letter was presented to the King,
Vaudemont paid a long visit to Montmorency; on leaving, he said that he
had little doubt of his innocence, and would not hesitate, if bail were
wanted, to be his surety. He afterwards repeated to several gentlemen
his conversation with Montmorency. The latter had professed to him his
entire innocence. There is no need to trouble your Majesty with an
account of what passed.
There is a report current that the municipality of Paris was ready, out
of love to the Queen, to defray the yearly expenses of herself and her
household, if she would remain here. The proposal, they say, was not
actually made, because they were afraid that, if the Queen refused, the
King on hearing of it would lay claim to the money and employ it for
his own private purposes. Whether this story is founded on fact or not,
there is no doubt that people are constantly saying that it will be a
bad day for France when the Queen goes away.[90]
The King’s desire to retain the Crown of Poland will probably be a
powerful motive for making peace, as his advisers consider his chances
are hopeless if civil war continues in France. The Poles, they say,
will never believe that anything is to be got out of people who
have their hands so full at home; but if peace is made, they may be
convinced that the money will be forthcoming, and that the King will
some day return to Poland.
Your Frenchman will gratify his own desires regardless of the ruin and
destruction he causes to others; all with whom the French have been
concerned have been brought to ruin, or at any rate to the brink of it,
and this, I fear, will be the fate of Poland and Genoa.
Paris, July, 1575.
LETTER XXV.
No provision has as yet been made for the money required for the
Queen’s service, in spite of my reiterated requests; not only were the
former letters of no avail, but the orders of your Majesty’s Chamber,
which were lately sent to Augsburg, have proved equally inefficacious.
Accordingly, we have been fooled not twice, as the proverb says, but
three or four times. Meanwhile the Queen requires ready money for many
purposes, and we can think of no plan for defraying our necessary
expenses without money, or for procuring it without damaging our
character; consequently we are in great difficulties. I send your
Majesty a list of ladies to whom special presents ought to be made
at the Queen’s departure; they must be given, or she will be thought
to have behaved unhandsomely. The list is long, and the expense will
consequently be considerable. Again, as the Queen is not likely, when
she leaves the country, to have a farthing remaining out of her French
allowances, funds will be required for the expenses of her journey from
Nancy to Ratisbon, which must be paid in ready money. It is hardly
necessary for me to point out how closely the matter concerns the
honour both of your Majesty and the Queen. As to the watches, about
which I have received no answer, I again most humbly entreat your
Majesty to send them. If we are left without the means of acknowledging
the kindnesses we have received, your Majesty will hereafter find
people disobliging when their assistance is needed. Matters occur every
day in which the help of faithful friends is indispensable, and there
can be no doubt that these little presents are of great use in securing
such services. I feel so certain that I am right, that I venture once
more to entreat your Majesty to send me three or four watches of the
most elegant workmanship.
As regards your Majesty’s desire that I should remain in Paris, it is
my duty to obey, though I feel myself almost too old for the work. I
wish, however, to acquaint your Majesty with the fact that my expenses,
including those of the five journeys I have made in the course of the
last twelvemonth or so, will far exceed my ordinary salary. I received
from Monsieur de Morvilliers 500 crowns on condition that they should
be repaid to Monsieur de Vulcob at Vienna. I most humbly beseech your
Majesty to give the necessary orders accordingly, and to charge the
money to the account of my yearly salary.
The Queen, it appears, has still chances left her, and your Majesty
will probably have plenty of aspirants to her hand, from whom you
may choose a new son-in-law! Duke Eric of Brunswick[91] has sent a
gentleman hither with credentials, Doctor Joachim Gotzen, to offer the
Queen a share in his bed and board. He likewise offers his portion
of the Duchy of Brunswick, such as it is, and 100,000 crowns which
he has in France, and undertakes that, if he dies without children,
his dominions and the rest of his property shall go to the House of
Austria. As the Doctor hinted and suggested instead of using plain
language, the Queen could only make a guess at what he meant. When he
pressed for an answer, she referred him to me. Accordingly he repeated
his story to me, and asked me to get the Queen to give him an answer in
person. I told him that her husband’s death had been a great shock, and
that any suggestion of a second marriage, whoever the person might be,
was most distasteful to her. An answer from herself was therefore out
of the question. I added, that the Duke could write, if he pleased, to
your Majesty, whose ward she had again become by her husband’s death,
and that he would get an answer from you. I treated him throughout
the conversation with all possible courtesy, and contrived to satisfy
him with this reply, which he took back to his master. He only asked
me that the matter might not go further; I promised it should remain
a secret, and I also undertook at his request, should I ever fall in
with the Duke, to bear witness to the care and loyalty with which he
had discharged his commission. The letter was written from Aachen, and
bore the following address, in the Duke’s own handwriting, as I think,
‘De V. R. Mag^d muy fiel y leal servidor hasta à la muerte, qui sus
reales manos besa mas de cien mil vezes, El Duque Erico de Brunswicque
y Lunenburg.’
If matters go on as they have begun, the Palace will be as full of
dissension as the rest of France. Every day the discords between the
Princes increase, even between those who ought to be most closely
united by the ties of blood and kindred. Alençon cannot keep quiet: he
is on the watch for an opportunity to upset the Government, and will
probably end by attempting some notable _coup d’état_. Some suspect
him of even aspiring to the throne. It is all the Queen Mother can do
to keep him from throwing off his allegiance. Not that she wishes to
humiliate him, for she is very fond of him, and anxious to advance his
interests in every way. Possibly in this she has an eye to her own
advantage, in order to gain Alençon’s protection against his brother’s
power, in case her influence over the King should ever diminish. There
is also no love lost between Alençon and the Duke of Guise. The former
is supposed to have some secret understanding with the Huguenots,
and people think that he was privy to the attempts recently made on a
number of towns, in which some of his friends lost their lives. His
confidant in all his designs is his sister, who is on bad terms with
the King and the new Queen. For the matter of that, she does not stand
well with her husband, the Duc de Vendôme; there are strange stories
about her.
Paris, July, 1575.
LETTER XXVI.
On the 18th of this month the Queen started for Amboise. On her
departure from Paris the King accompanied her to the gates of the city,
and his brother, Vendôme, and Guise somewhat further, while the Duke
of Lorraine with the Cardinal of Este, the Duc de Mayenne, the Duc
d’Aumale, and the Marquis de Nomeny escorted her to the village[92]
where she dined. As I was sitting at table there with the Duke of
Lorraine and the Cardinal of Este, each of them spoke much of their
affection for your Majesty and the great honour that had been done
them in being chosen, the one to escort the Queen on her journey, and
the other to receive her as his guest. The Duke of Lorraine told me
that in three or four days he was returning home to make the necessary
preparations for the Queen’s arrival; he is also afraid of disturbances
arising in his absence, there being a very general report in Paris that
2,000 German reiters are coming, who are to make their way in light
marching order through Burgundy and Switzerland to join Damville, and
that more will shortly follow, as 8,000 have been hired. This is the
topic of general conversation, and the military preparations which the
King has been making show that he regards the news as well-founded.
On the 24th of the same month we arrived at Amboise, where I saw your
Majesty’s grand-daughter. The child is not yet quite three years old,
is by no means bad looking, though more like her father than her
mother, and is of a very merry disposition.[93]
The Queen intends to start for Nancy as soon as possible after her
return to Paris, which she hopes will be about September 8. If it lay
with me to decide, I should prefer her not remaining more than eight or
ten days in Paris. Unfortunately this is not the case, so I can only
do all in my power to hasten her departure.
Amboise, August 25, 1575.
LETTER XXVII.
As regards the affairs of this kingdom, I have not much to tell. The
report that the German reiters are coming has made the Royalists rush
to arms; hopes of peace, however, are not altogether abandoned. They
seem to think they will make peace on more favourable terms if they
are ready for war. The King, passing over his brother, who, according
to precedent, was entitled to that office, has appointed Guise his
Lieutenant and Commander-in-chief. He is now raising troops in the
district of Langres. It is supposed, however, that they are neither
very numerous nor trustworthy, and that there are many among them who
would rather be vanquished than victorious. Although the war is only
just beginning, money is already lacking to carry it on, and the King
has had recourse to a forced loan from the Princes of his Court and the
leading men of the kingdom. The Chancellor contributed 4,000 francs;
Lansac, de Morvilliers, and several others, 3,000 a-piece; while the
Constable—that is, the Duchess Dowager of Montmorency—was assessed at
6,000 francs, which are equivalent to 2,000 crowns. The sums so raised
are said to amount to 100,000 crowns. Such are the straits to which
France is reduced.
Attempts, they say, have been made by the rebels on several
towns—Tours, Chartres, and many others—in which free use was made of
Alençon’s name. Though matters have gone so far, commissioners from
the rebels for the conclusion of peace are still expected in Paris.
Besme, the German—who was the actual murderer of Admiral Coligny—on
his way back from Spain, fell into the hands of the enemy, and is in
great danger, but Guise leaves no stone unturned in order to liberate
him.[94] Montbrun’s wounds were such that recovery was impossible,
but, anxious that he should not die, save by the hands of the
executioner, they caused him to be beheaded at Grenoble. As the English
Ambassador[95] was suspected of having secret dealings with Alençon
and others, the King has requested all the Ambassadors to quit their
houses in the faubourgs and come into the city, where it will be easier
to protect them; this, at least, is the reason assigned. The new Queen
has had an attack of jaundice, but has been steadily improving for the
last few days. As for other news, desperate atrocities are every day
committed in Paris; murder and lust run riot together. Even into the
King’s own ante-chamber they carry their brawls and quarrels, and come
to blows when they are all but in his presence. No notice is taken
of these outrages, and apparently they are not regarded as offences
against the King.
I had got to this point in my letter a few days after the courier’s
arrival in Paris, and hoped to send him back without delay, when news
of great importance reached me, of which your Majesty must be informed.
Alençon, the King’s brother, who is eager to upset the Government,
and has long been on bad terms with his brother, has fled from Paris.
Having arranged his plans some time before, he pretended on the evening
of September 15 to be going to certain ladies, whom he had made a habit
of visiting in order to throw the King off his guard. He drove there
in a carriage with only two companions, one of whom he sent back to
the Palace to see what the King and Queen Mother were doing; with the
other he went into the house. But he was no sooner inside than he went
out by a back door, got into another carriage, which was waiting for
him, and drove off to a trysting-place not far away, where horses and
companions were waiting for him.[96] Others joined them on the road, so
that before he reached Dreux, where he arrived in twenty-four hours,
travelling without intermission, he had, it is believed, an escort of
almost 200 men. Dreux is a county forming part of his appanage, not far
from Normandy. He was admitted by the inhabitants, not so much from any
affection towards him, as because they were taken by surprise, and not
prepared to resist so strong a party.
Meanwhile, the gentleman whom he had sent back to the King returned
to the house, and finding him gone brought the news to the King. The
latter at first hoped he would return. But when time passed, and he
did not appear, suspicion became certainty, and they knew that he had
fled. Parties were despatched to bring him back, but all in vain; he
had got some hours’ start of his pursuers and had lost no time on the
road. Moreover, some of the King’s people had a hint that it might
be dangerous to pursue the chase too far, for they found on the road
the dead body of one of the Royal Guards, whose duty it was to patrol
that district. The man had challenged Alençon, and asked who he was,
and where he was going. His comrade—for there were two of them—would
have shared his fate, but he had the presence of mind, when his horse
was killed by a shot, to lie still and pretend to be dead. After this
warning the pursuers gave up the chase. It would have been madness
for them to continue it, as they knew he was strongly escorted, while
they were mere stragglers hurrying along without any attempt at
organisation, as naturally is the case in a sudden and extemporised
pursuit. Alençon’s flight—or departure, as some may call it—has
produced a deep impression on the King and the Queen Mother, as they
foresee what a serious addition it will make to the other calamities of
France.
The next day the King ordered Nevers to follow his brother with
some regiments of cavalry to prevent the towns from revolting, and
to protect them against assault. He has fixed his head-quarters at
Chartres, probably in order to cut off Alençon from the Loire, and to
prevent his penetrating into the country on the other side of that
river, where he must retreat if he wishes to join his partisans. A few
days afterwards the Queen Mother followed, in the hope of recalling
him to his senses before he was utterly perverted by intercourse with
rebels; but she was not allowed to see him. Indeed, her coming had the
contrary effect, for Alençon, suspecting foul play, and thinking he
had evidence of something of the kind, set out for the Loire with his
followers by a circuitous route, in order to cross while it was still
fordable by reason of the drought of last summer, and thus ensure his
safety and facilitate his junction with the King’s opponents. Behind
him came the Queen and Nevers—his mother and his foe. The latter would
have attacked him whenever an opportunity presented itself, as was
the case at his passage of the Loire, but was forbidden by the Queen.
She was anxious to avoid an engagement as long as possible, for any
bloodshed might make war inevitable. At last, after crossing the river,
he granted an audience to his mother. She spoke, they say, with great
ability, representing to him the disastrous condition of the country,
and reminding him that the course he was taking would greatly aggravate
existing evils; ‘he, who was the heir presumptive to the crown, ought
to be the last man,’ she told him, ‘to split the kingdom in two.’
The result of the interview was that an armistice for a few days was
arranged, to give time for the delegates of the different parties to
assemble, and for peace negotiations to be opened.
Meanwhile, it was decided that Montmorency should be released from
prison, on giving his parole not to leave Paris without the King’s
permission. Alençon is also said to have demanded that certain very
influential persons should be removed from Court. Among them the
Chancellor is included, and some other councillors of the King, who,
Alençon thinks, are hostile to himself and his party.
But his chief motive for running away, it is supposed, was a desire
to escape from the degrading surveillance under which he was kept;
he remembered that when his brother occupied the same position, he
possessed unbounded influence and had the revenues of some of the
richest provinces to support his rank, while _he_, on the other hand,
was granted but trifling allowances, exercised no influence, and could
scarcely call himself his own master.[97] Charles IX. had appointed
the present King his Lieutenant, and had entrusted him with the entire
management of the war and with the government of the country; while
_he_ had been passed over in favour of Guise. It was not likely that
a young Prince, eager for adventure and thirsting for war and glory,
would patiently submit to such treatment. Hence he was induced to take
this serious step, the consequences of which God only knows. There is
an impression that the King had been warned by letters from several
people of Alençon’s intentions, and had resolved to place him under
closer surveillance, but the Prince escaped the day before the one on
which he was to have been arrested.
On the 10th of this month news arrived here of the defeat of the German
reiters by Guise. As they were marching into Berry to join Alençon,
Guise came upon them at the passage of the Marne and routed the part
that had crossed, their commander, Affenstein, being killed, and
Monsieur de Clervant[98] taken prisoner. Those who had not yet crossed
were terrified by the disaster, and began to treat for a surrender.
The King was consulted, and decided that their surrender should be
accepted, on condition of their not serving against him for a year.
They were left in possession of their horses, swords, and cuirasses,
and the rest of their accoutrements, having to give up only their
standards and fire-arms, and an escort was appointed to conduct them
over the frontier. Thoré, the son of the Constable, and many Frenchmen
besides, to the number of 200, who were with the Germans, crossed the
river in the middle of the night, and so escaped safe and sound. The
Germans accuse them of deserting them, while they retort on the Germans
that, though the safety of the army depended on its speed, they could
not be induced to leave their baggage behind to lighten them on their
march, and declare that the disaster, in which they lost not only their
baggage but everything else, was due to their wilfulness. They say
that Guise during his pursuit of the Germans often had the chance of
plundering this baggage-train, but that he was deterred by the advice
of an experienced general, who said that it would delay their march,
and finally compel them to fight at a disadvantage. Be that as it may,
the disgrace of these troops is in my opinion greater than their actual
loss. Our friends in Paris are much elated at their victory. The fate
of the Frenchmen who escaped by their speed is uncertain, for there
are plenty to pursue them. Guise, however, himself did not come out of
the encounter scot free; he received a serious wound in the jaw from
a musket ball, and was at first considered to be in great danger; the
King, who loves him very dearly, gave him up for lost, and was much
distressed. Now, however, he is expected to recover.
The day before the news of this battle arrived, the King set
Montmorency free, and restored him to his former influential position.
Accordingly, he is made acquainted with the chief secrets of State,
as he used to be, and now, in the absence of Alençon and the rest of
the Princes of the Blood, takes precedence next to the King. There
is a notion that he, accompanied by Cossé, will shortly join the
Queen Mother to act as a mediator. Alençon, people think, will return
to-morrow to his mother at Blois to re-open negotiations. To me the
whole story sounds suspicious, and, granted that he does go back there,
I think they will hardly come to terms. But supposing they do, it is
to my mind quite certain that war will presently follow, either in the
Netherlands or in Italy with Alençon as the nominal or, perhaps, the
real commander.
To-day news has arrived here that Thoré and his followers after routing
those who barred their passage, have reached the Loire. He has, they
say, about 400 horse, among whom are many Germans. Whether he will be
able to cross is uncertain, as a strong force has been collected in
hopes of crushing him. Two thousand of Alençon’s cavalry with some
infantry are reported to be awaiting his arrival on the other side of
the Loire.
Paris, October 14, 1575.
LETTER XXVIII.
On September 12, the day the Queen returned to Paris from Amboise,
the courier arrived and delivered to me your Majesty’s letter and
instructions. On the following day I asked an audience of the King,
but was put off till the next day. After complimenting the King and
the Queen Mother in your Majesty’s name, I laid your request before
them—namely, that the date appointed for the Queen’s departure should
be adhered to. The King answered he would do what he could to meet
your Majesty’s views. I replied that it was of great consequence that
I should have a definite answer to send to your Majesty, as otherwise
the ladies and gentlemen, who were to meet the Queen at Nancy by your
Majesty’s orders, might find themselves in an awkward position. He
agreed that the request was reasonable, and promised to lay the matter
before the Council, and give me a definite answer on the morrow. So
passed away that day and the next, which was the 15th of the month,
the day on the evening of which Alençon fled. I received almost the
same answer from the Queen Mother, except that she added some further
details about the expenses of the journey, saying that the whole sum
could not be paid down in specie, but that an appropriation would be
made for pressing expenses, while for those that need not be paid
on the spot good warrants would be given. The arrangement was not
an unreasonable one, and the Queen’s business appeared at that time
to be in a fair way, but then came Alençon’s flight, which caused a
hitch. For some days the King could not attend to me; at last, on the
19th, in consequence of my pressing applications for such an answer
as would relieve your Majesty from uncertainty, I was granted an
audience. The King at the beginning of our conversation requested me
to inform your Majesty of his unhappy misfortune,—these were the very
words he used—saying, he felt confident from the relationship that
existed between your Majesty and himself, and from the kindness he
had experienced at your hands, that you would sympathise with him. He
remembered that your Majesty had on former occasions advised Alençon
to keep clear of revolutionary designs. His conduct was the more
unjustifiable, he said, as he was not conscious of having done anything
on his part to give him a reason for forming these projects or running
away. It was by the evil counsels of bad people that he had been
seduced from his allegiance, though on his side he had behaved towards
him like an affectionate brother. This unexpected event prevented his
sending back the Queen at the time arranged, and I must see myself
the difficulties that surrounded him. What the King said was only too
true, and accordingly I answered that I would comply with his request
and write as he wished to your Majesty, saying, ‘I felt no doubt that
your Majesty, with whom he was connected by so many ties, would give
him the warmest sympathy in his troubles, and would gladly afford him
any assistance in your power.’ I then used such language as I thought
was likely to comfort him. As to the Queen’s departure, I told him that
your Majesty was most anxious to have her back, and that your plans did
not admit of her prolonged absence, and asked him, if it was impossible
for her to leave at once, at any rate to fix the earliest possible
date. He said he would consider my request, and promised to send me an
answer on the following day together with his letter to your Majesty.
At my interview with the Queen Mother almost the same language was
used on both sides, except that I added that I thought, if the Queen’s
departure were put off much longer, your Majesty would be obliged to
consider how to bring her home at your own expense, for you felt that a
longer separation was unbearable.
From that time to this I have never ceased pressing the King every day
and demanding an answer, but my efforts have been of no avail. The
truth is, the King has given his ministers instructions to find the
funds necessary for the Queen’s journey, but this is a very difficult
matter, and, until he is sure of the money, he cannot positively fix
the date at which she is to leave. In the mean time due attention has
been paid to all the interests of the Queen. A valuation has been made
of the Crown lands, and also of the other property. A contract has been
drawn up, and a demand has been made that the deficiency in value of
the Crown lands assigned should be made good. For the Duchy of Berry
with the County of Le Forez, the upper and lower parts of La Marche,
and Remorantin did not come to much above 26,000 francs, so that nearly
6,000 were wanting to make up the sum the King had promised. To find
them was no easy task, in consequence of the small amount of Crown
lands available, and the difficulty was increased by the irregular and
unbusinesslike conduct of certain officials of the King, who tried to
make out that the said places had been undervalued, and wanted us, in
consequence of their own fault, to be content with 26,000 instead of
32,000 francs. At last, after some trouble, it was arranged that two
places should be added, to be taken from the Duchy of Bourbon—namely,
the towns of Murat and Gannat—and so a total of 32,000 francs in Crown
lands was made up, and the remaining sums were secured as in the
schedule annexed. All possible care and discretion have been used in
making these arrangements.
As regards the Queen’s departure, I should not like to promise myself
an answer from the King for many days. The grant of 32,000 crowns is
all very well, but there is enormous trouble in getting them paid down
in hard cash: 20,000 of them, for which a warrant on Rouen has been
given, will begin to come in on November 15, and this sum, I hope, may
be relied on. This leaves 12,000 to be provided; it might have taken
us a long time to procure this sum, and we might have been obliged in
consequence to postpone the Queen’s departure, but fortunately your
Majesty’s bounty has made us independent so far; a large sum has been
remitted by the Nuremburg merchants, and even if we have no answer from
the King, I feel confident that the Queen will be able to set out
about November 25 or 26. For I think it better to risk our money than
to lose our time, lest, in the changes of this mortal life, something
should occur to make us regret deeply the loss of the opportunity;
though I feel no doubt that the 12,000 crowns decreed by the King can
be secured for the Queen even after she has gone. When the day of her
departure draws near, the Queen will send a courier of her own to
bring your Majesty news of the final arrangements. In order to relieve
your Majesty’s anxiety, it has been decided not to detain the present
courier any longer; the Queen would have sent him back some days ago
if she had not been waiting for the King’s letter to your Majesty; he
keeps promising to send it every day, but it does not come.
One point with reference to the Queen’s journey remains for
consideration, and that is a serious one. More German reiters are said
to be on the point of entering France, and there is danger of the seat
of war being transferred to Champagne and the country through which
her Majesty is to travel; so that it is doubtful whether the road to
Nancy will be safe, or, indeed, if it will be open at all. Of course
no one will do any harm to the Queen, but it would be impossible to
answer for the safety of her French suite, and it would not perhaps be
consistent with the King’s dignity to beg his enemies to grant them a
sort of passage on sufferance, and to place at their mercy Frenchmen
of the highest position, and ladies of exalted rank, especially as
nothing is safe from the lawlessness and insolence of the times. As
to these matters, the King can settle nothing at present, as he does
not know what may be the state of things six weeks hence; but I see
that all the prudent and sensible men of my acquaintance entertain
serious doubts as to the safety of this route. If it should happen to
be closed, I doubt if there is a more convenient way than that through
the Netherlands, by Cambrai, Valenciennes, Mons, Namur, and thence
either to Coblentz or Trier. Here, again, we are met by a difficulty,
for perhaps the Governor of the Low Countries may not care to have
such a number of French people travelling through these territories
at the present time. This may be obviated by the French suite being
sent back from Cambrai or Valenciennes, and by the servants whom your
Majesty will send, such as cooks, butlers, waiters, &c., being ready
to meet the Queen at either of those places. For she is to take none
of her domestic servants beyond Nancy, as your Majesty will have
graciously understood from the list of her retinue which was forwarded
some time ago. There ought to be some gentlemen at the head of each
department; but this whole scheme of going through the Netherlands is
full of difficulties, and is much more inconvenient than the other.
Still, if we are compelled to take it, we must manage as best we can.
I am willing to hope for the best, and that this _détour_ may not be
necessary; but if we are disappointed—and disappointments do come—I
should wish to be prepared for the worst, and to have some arrangement
to fall back upon, instead of having to waste time in making out a
new one from beginning to end. I think it prudent, therefore, to have
our plans ready in case of need; and in the meantime to sound the
Governor’s disposition by letter, so that if we cannot get through by
any other road, at any rate this way may be open to us; but the final
decision will, of course, rest with your Majesty.
As regards the money forwarded to the Queen from Nuremberg by your
Majesty’s order, I have hitherto received no letter from your Majesty;
but the agent of the merchants informed me that such and such an amount
was to be placed to the Queen’s credit, that the time of payment was
the end of October, and that he would meanwhile collect the money; but,
if there was any need for it sooner, he would pay down part of it. No
doubt we shall soon have despatches from your Majesty, and I shall
then understand the bearings of this business more clearly. I have
also received no answer as yet to my requests about the watches and my
own affairs. As regards the Kinsky question, I will do as your Majesty
orders, when Schomberg[99] returns from the campaign on which he is
now away with Monsieur de Guise; or, if he answers the letter I sent
him, I will inform your Majesty of his reply. I have received from de
Morvilliers, the Bishop of Orleans ... crown pistoles on account of my
yearly salary. I most humbly beg your Majesty graciously to order that
amount to be paid to Monsieur de Vulcob in the usual way.
Paris, October 23, 1575.
LETTER XXIX.
I sent in my last letters by Peter the courier such news as I had.
Since then I received your Majesty’s letter from Prague, dated
September 4, which informed me that arrangements had been made with
a Nuremberg merchant for remitting the money to the Queen. The bills
of exchange will, I trust, shortly arrive. Without this money it is
impossible to guarantee the Queen’s return; for, though magnificent
promises are held out to us, they are not to be relied on in these
troublous times, when the country is so ground down with taxation. The
20,000 crowns are thought to be certain; but there will not be much
left out of them after paying the wages of the household and making
preparations for the journey; 12,000 more are promised, a sum which
would be abundantly sufficient if we could reckon on it, but I am
afraid the prospect of its being paid is somewhat remote, and to wait
for the money would be to subject the Queen to endless trouble and
vexation, and perhaps cause injury to her health. For her anxiety to
return to your Majesty, and to be quit of the troubles and hurly-burly
of France, is unspeakable. I hope, too, your Majesty will remember what
a dutiful and obedient daughter she has always been, and will therefore
comply with her very reasonable request, and, now that she has been
led to count on returning, not let her after all be disappointed. As
regards the route she is to take, I hope your Majesty will graciously
give the question your serious consideration. For here, indeed, there
are continual reports that more German reiters are coming, and, in
fact, are actually ready to march; if this be true, there is also fear
that the seat of war may be transferred to the countries through which
lies the road to Lorraine.
The Countess of Aremberg[100] has written from Nancy to inform the
Queen of her arrival there, and also to inquire what she wishes her
to do, and what hope there may be of her soon leaving. She tells her
that she has been away for some time, and is much wanted at home, but
will postpone everything if she can be of any use. The Queen replied
that there was not much hope of her leaving before November 25; she
might, therefore, revisit her home in the meantime, provided that
she presented herself at Nancy by that day to give the Queen the
advantage of her society and company on the journey, according to your
Majesty’s desire. To prevent her making any mistake about the day,
she would later on send a letter to inform her fully of the intended
arrangements. It will, I think, take the Countess six or, at the
utmost, seven days to travel from Nancy to her home.
As for other news, the state of affairs here is much the same as
it was; what little alteration there has been is for the worse, as
Alençon’s last move has made people less hopeful as to peace. Till
lately he appeared to approve of Blois as a safe place for holding
the negotiations, but he is now said to have changed his mind, and to
demand Poitiers, his reason being that none of the King’s opponents
will trust themselves at Blois, as it is too near Paris and they are
afraid of foul play. There is a notion that his real motive is not
peace, but to obtain possession of a strongly fortified town. Time
will show. Montmorency, to whom everybody’s thoughts are turned as the
best mediator between the opposing parties, set out a few days ago
for Alençon’s quarters. When he started from Paris he was escorted
by a multitude of gentlemen and courtiers. He is indeed a remarkable
instance of fortune’s changes, for only recently he was in great danger
and so hated and despised by everyone that his strong prison-walls
seemed scarcely able to protect him from the violence and insults of
the mob and his enemies. His brother, Thoré, with his troops, has got
safe to Alençon, after routing at various places those who tried to
oppose his march, and taking prisoners some who pursued him too eagerly.
As to your Majesty’s gracious answer about the watches, it is my duty
to be most humbly satisfied with whatever meets with your Majesty’s
approbation.
Paris, October 23, 1575.
I must also humbly beseech your Majesty to give us betimes any
directions about the Queen’s departure and her journey, otherwise we
may be greatly inconvenienced by having to alter our plans at the
last moment. I shall endeavour to adhere to the arrangements already
mentioned, and intend to use my utmost efforts to have the Queen’s
preparations for the journey completed by November 25. Accordingly,
I mean about November 20 to send your Majesty tidings by a private
courier. He will hardly reach your Majesty before the 27th. Again, some
time will be required in order to apprise those who are to escort the
Queen of your Majesty’s wishes, and to enable them to reach Nancy. I
must therefore ask the Queen to postpone her departure to December 1,
so as to arrive at Nancy about the 10th or 11th of the same month. I
send these details in the hope that your Majesty will be graciously
pleased to correct any mistake I may have made.
LETTER XXX.
On the night before November 1, Louis du Guast was murdered in his bed;
he was stabbed in several places. The gates of Paris were kept shut all
the next day, and search was made for the murderers, but they could not
be found. The King’s brother Alençon is supposed to have instigated
the murder, or at any rate to have been privy to it, as he hated du
Guast as much as the King loved him.[101] The cause of their respective
hatred and affection was but trifling; still, for that very reason it
ought, I think, to be mentioned. Some years ago Thoré, the Constable’s
son, had been playing tennis with du Guast, and had lost a considerable
sum to him; on du Guast’s pressing for payment Thoré kept putting him
off and making excuses. Du Guast finally lost his temper, took some
horses out of Thoré’s stable, sold them by auction and paid himself
out of the proceeds. When this came to Thoré’s knowledge, he was
exceedingly annoyed, and quarrelled with du Guast, and ere long they
came to blows. The King, who was then Duke of Anjou (for the late King
was still alive), being informed of this, and fearing that du Guast,
who was his servant, would get the worst of it, as Thoré was the more
powerful man of the two, turned out with his guards to defend his
_protégé_. At the same time word was brought to Alençon that Thoré was
in great danger, as Anjou had come to du Guast’s assistance. Thereupon
he immediately brought up his escort to defend his friend Thoré. A
disgraceful contest seemed inevitable, but the Swiss behaved with great
discretion, and at last they parted without bloodshed.
However, from that day forth the brothers have been at variance, and
the King has hated Thoré and the whole house of Montmorency. Du Guast,
on the other hand, has always had Alençon for his foe. Moreover, from
his reliance on the King’s favour he gave himself the habit of flouting
Alençon and speaking of him in disrespectful terms. His impertinence
has now cost him dear.
This du Guast had been appointed by the King commander of the ten
regiments of Frenchmen which he had established after the model of the
Prætorian guard. Among them were many picked privates, serjeants, and
captains, who seldom left du Guast’s side, and generally messed at his
house at the King’s expense. Such was the splendour and sumptuousness
of his table that if any of the Princes, such as the Duke of Guise, or
the titular King of Navarre, chose to drop in upon him unexpectedly,
they never had any reason to regret it. Du Guast was enabled to live in
this magnificent style by the King’s generosity, for it is certain that
since he returned from Poland he has paid him more than 50,000 crowns
for his expenses. He, on the other hand, thought it a point of honour
not to be outdone by the King in generosity, and out of this vast sum
laid by nothing for himself, as is sufficiently proved by his debts,
which amount to 30,000 crowns. The King has taken his murder much to
heart, and there is reason to fear it may serve as a torch and make the
war between the two brothers blaze up more furiously than ever.
Paris, November, 1575.
LETTER XXXI.
On the 24th of last month, Laurence Scuter arrived, and delivered to
me your Majesty’s two letters, from one of which I learn that your
Majesty is anxious for definite information with regard to the Queen’s
departure, while in the other your Majesty graciously advises me of the
bill of exchange drawn on Nuremberg.
As to the Queen’s departure, it has till now depended so entirely
on other people’s pleasure, and the issue of events on which it was
impossible to reckon, that I could not write with any certainty, either
in the letter which I sent by Peter the courier, or in that which I
despatched a little later by Mola of Augsburg. But now everything
is settled, and your Majesty will find in the enclosed paper a full
account of the arrangements connected with the Queen’s return.
The only points on which I am still troubled are the weather and the
dangers of the road. Her Majesty will, I fear, find it a very bad time
of year for travelling, and I am also afraid that our best and shortest
route will be rendered impassable by the presence of the new levies of
German reiters. I trust I shall soon receive full instructions from
your Majesty.
The Queen has decided to send off the messenger without further delay,
for fear your Majesty should, as on a former occasion, be kept waiting
for her answer. She will therefore despatch a second messenger, as soon
as the date of her departure is absolutely certain, to bring word to
your Majesty and at the same time to give notice to Ilsing,[102] in
order that he may write to the ladies and gentlemen whom your Majesty
has commanded to wait on the Queen. By this arrangement I hope we shall
be able to save several days.
I will now give some account of affairs in France. A few days ago
Alençon, the King’s brother, took possession of Châtelherault,[103] a
town near Poitiers, with the free consent of the inhabitants. The Queen
Mother is endeavouring to arrange with him for a six months’ truce;
but he demands, as a guarantee of his personal safety, the possession
of four most important towns—Bourges the capital of Berry, Angers,
Angoulesme, and La Charité—and I hardly think the King will consent to
such hard terms, as they will be difficult places to retake, supposing
the negotiations for peace to prove a failure. It is evident the Queen
Mother will do her very utmost to prevent her sons from fighting, but
whether she will be able to stop them is more than I can say.
The Duke of Guise has come back from the wars.[104] He arrived at
Paris the day before yesterday; crowds went out to meet him, and
everyone congratulated him warmly on his success. His wound is not as
yet perfectly healed, but it is no longer considered dangerous.
Michel[105] has come to Paris as ambassador for the Republic of Venice.
Your Majesty must occasionally have seen him, as he was for many years
residing at Vienna. The King treats him with the highest distinction,
entertaining him splendidly, and causing him to be served as if he were
some Royal personage. For his expenses are assigned 800 francs per
diem. He has come to congratulate the King on his marriage. He called
on me lately, and spoke at great length of the profound respect and
regard which he entertained for your Majesty.
I hear that the Pope has offered the King 3000 Swiss to assist him in
the war, which is now imminent, against his brother and the Huguenots.
Pibrac’s relations tell me that they have been expecting to hear from
him for some time past, and, as he has not written, they think he
must be on the road home. In his former letters he had given them to
understand with tolerable plainness that he had little or no hope of
success, and had therefore resolved to take the very first opportunity
of quitting Poland.
He felt sure that, if he remained in the country, some affront would
be put on him, not by members of the opposite party, but by his own
friends. The latter were not well treated when their influence was used
to dissolve the Diet, Pibrac being unable to keep his promises to them
on account of the failure of those on whom he relied.
De Morvilliers has ordered 500 crowns to be paid to me; I humbly
beseech your Majesty to order that amount to be paid as usual to
Monsieur de Vulcob.
Paris, November 9, 1575.
LETTER XXXII.
After sending several times to Rouen to demand the money for the
Queen’s expenses during her journey, it was only yesterday that news
arrived of the payment of the last instalment. With these tidings came
also an answer to the Queen from the Queen Mother, expressing her
regret at being prevented by business of the greatest importance from
going to Paris and bidding the Queen farewell in person before she
left. After reading these letters the Queen came to the conclusion
that she was now at liberty to arrange a day for starting on her
journey. December 4 was appointed, with the approval of the King, whom
I thought it advisable to consult; in giving his sanction he expressed
much sorrow at the Queen’s departure being so near, saying he wished
he could have kept her longer in Paris, as he had no doubt that her
presence had saved the realm of France from many a misfortune, and was
afraid that her departure would be the signal for fresh calamities.
The Queen thought that, as soon as it was definitely settled, she ought
to give your Majesty the earliest possible information as to the date
of her departure. Hitherto she has been afraid to write positively,
on account of the doubts and uncertainties with which we have been
surrounded, especially with regard to money, lest some difficulty
should arise which would prevent her from keeping her appointment with
those who are to meet her at Nancy. Now, however, there is nothing to
prevent her leaving on the day appointed, our funds being sufficient
for the expenses of the journey as far as Nancy. There is a prospect,
if we are willing to wait, of our raising more money, but for this we
shall have to give a charge on the Queen’s future income; to the King,
moreover, who is in great distress for money, this arrangement would
involve serious difficulties, while it would be no great benefit to the
Queen, as her departure must in that case certainly be postponed, and
it is by no means certain that she would after all obtain the money, so
that the funds provided by your Majesty have come in the nick of time
to relieve us of our difficulties.
Though matters are thus far arranged, I do not think that the Queen can
reach Nancy before December 18 or 19, and I am not at all sure that she
will not be kept there for several days, if the report be true that
preparations are being made for the marriage of the Duke of Lorraine’s
sister to the Duke of Brunswick, in which case the ceremony will
probably take place about that date.
I have instructed the bearer of this letter to give notice of the date
of the Queen’s departure to the Duke of Lorraine at Nancy, the Bishop
of Strasburg[106] at Saverne in Alsace, and Ilsing at Augsburg.
The Queen sent forward part of her furniture eight days ago, and also
four waggons of Orleans wine, which she thought would be beneficial
in the present state of your Majesty’s health, in order that, if she
should not reach the Danube herself before it was frozen, at any rate
her luggage might be able to go by water. With the baggage train were
sent some greyhounds, and also a couple of lime-hounds,[107] under the
charge of a young gentleman and two servants, who accompany them by the
orders of the King. This young gentleman is a skilful huntsman, and it
is hoped that your Majesty will be diverted at hearing him blow his
horn, and cheer on his dogs in the French fashion.
As to John Kinsky’s business, I applied to Schomberg.[108] He maintains
that he does not owe Kinsky a farthing; he admits that he was in his
debt at one time, but declares he paid the money over some time ago to
certain parties by Kinsky’s directions, and maintains that it is no
affair of his if the aforesaid parties have failed to make good the
sum which they received. In proof of his assertion he brings forward
the fact that the bond he gave to Kinsky has been returned. I asked
him whether he could produce a genuine letter from Kinsky directing
him to pay the money to the parties he had mentioned. He told me ‘he
did not remember: he generally tore up letters of this kind; but still
it was possible that he might have it—at any rate, he was quite sure
that Kinsky had given him distinct verbal directions to that effect.’
He next proceeded to abuse Kinsky for thus maligning him, and accused
him of trying to take away his character, threatening to make him pay
for it if he continued to libel him. I asked him to give me in writing
the statements he had made, that I might send them to your Majesty. He
agreed to do so, but has not kept his promise: I cannot say whether he
failed through want of time or want of will, for two days later the
King sent him out of Paris, and whither he went I cannot say.
The names of those who are to escort the Queen back I am unable to
ascertain, for nearly every day there is a change of circumstances, and
a corresponding change is made in the list. However, the appointment
of the Cardinal d’Este is certain. Those who are also named are the
Duke of Mayenne, the Bishop of Paris, Monsieur de Luxembourg, and some
others; but whether they will come with us or not, after all, is, to
my mind, by no means certain. As to the ladies whom I mentioned in
a former letter, no change has been made; but some think that the
Comtesse de Retz will be added to the number.
Pibrac returned from Poland three days ago, after making his way
through the Hanse towns and the Netherlands.
The Comtesse d’Aremberg has been given notice of the time when the
Queen is to start.
Paris, November 9, 1575.
The Queen Mother has at last succeeded in concluding a truce for
six months on the terms of the King’s surrendering to his brother
(Alençon) certain cities as a guarantee for his safety, viz., Bourges,
Angoulesme, Mézières, Niort, La Charité, and Saumur. At the last two
towns there are bridges over the Loire, so that Alençon can march, when
it pleases him, either into Burgundy or into Brittany; Niort opens
communication for him with Rochelle, while Angoulesme connects him with
the insurgent forces, and is moreover strongly fortified, as also is
Bourges, the chief town of Berry. But he has not obtained possession of
more than two of these places, viz., Niort and Saumur, the other towns
are up in arms and will not consent to the transfer, from a fear that
the most frightful calamities are in store for them if Alençon should
become their master, especially in the event of the peace negotiations
proving a failure. Accordingly, they are preparing to do battle, and
are supposed to have entered into alliance with other towns, Orleans
to wit and Moulins.
The Queen Mother is said to be thinking of visiting them in the hope
that her presence will recall them to their obedience. Whether she will
succeed or not I cannot say.
Meanwhile the truce is publicly proclaimed in Paris; but, nevertheless,
on the other side, German reiters are said to have crossed the Rhine,
and to be marching into the interior, and this makes many people think
that no reliance can be placed on the truce. The King, indeed, has
also undertaken to pay Casimir and the soldiers under his command
500,000 francs to go off home without causing further trouble. Not
having sufficient funds for this purpose, he has sent jewels of great
value to the Duke of Lorraine, who is to retain them as a pledge, and
then become security to Casimir for the payment of the money. The
Duke, however, has the option of taking some neighbouring town in pawn
instead of the jewels. I am afraid it is easier to call in German horse
than to send them back; and, even if they leave France, there is fear
of their pouring into the Netherlands.
Mézières was appointed as the residence of the Prince of Condé, and
the King has also undertaken to pay 2,000 infantry who are to form
Alençon’s garrisons in the towns already mentioned. But the chief
difficulty that is likely to occur with regard to the truce is Condé’s
promise to pay certain sums to the German horse for crossing the Rhine;
such at least is the story, and the King, if he wishes for peace, will
have to make good the money. However that may be, they say that Condé
and Casimir have entered into a covenant to help each other in case
of war; and just as Casimir came to the aid of Condé, so hereafter,
should need require, Condé will lead his party to the assistance of
Casimir. If this report is correct, it is a matter deserving serious
consideration. In any case, the truce has been made after such a
fashion as to render it quite plain that the King consented to it not
of his own free will, but by compulsion.
What would it have availed him to nurse his wrath, and make plans
for some mighty undertaking, for the accomplishment of which his
resources are totally inadequate, when the only result would be to
make his weakness plain and risk his crown? Being utterly unprepared,
the only other course open to him was to submit to whatever terms his
adversaries thought fit to impose, and this latter alternative he chose.
LETTER XXXIII.
The Queen reached the town of Dormans six days after her departure from
Paris, and there she met the courier with your Majesty’s despatches;
from which I learnt your Majesty’s pleasure with regard to the
arrangements connected with the Queen’s journey, which I will do my
utmost to carry out. With reference to your Majesty’s desire that I
should attend the Queen to Vienna, and act on the journey as her chief
chamberlain, I beg to offer my most humble thanks for the honour thus
conferred.
The Queen left Paris on the 5th of this month, amid the tears and
regrets of the entire population.[109] Great sorrow was also shown
by the upper classes, who are deeply attached to her. On the 19th she
reached Nancy. Our journey was not unattended with danger, for parties
of German reiters were scouring the country; but our party was not
molested in any way. The Duke of Lorraine, with his Court, came as far
as the first milestone to meet her, and received her with every mark of
honour.
That same evening was celebrated the marriage of Eric, Duke of
Brunswick, to Dorothea, sister of Lorraine. The Queen was present at
the ceremony, but did not appear at the banquet and other festivities.
On the next day Count von Schwartzenberg came to the Queen with a small
party of Austrian noblemen.[110] Schwendi would have accompanied them
if he had not been confined to his house by sickness; however, he has
written, promising to meet us on the road if his health permits. On the
22nd, William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife, arrived. The Bishop of
Strasburg has not yet come, and from his letter which Schwendi sent me
I am inclined to think that he has been kept at home through fear of
the German reiters and Swiss infantry, whose road to Nancy lies through
his territory.
Having heard nothing of Madame d’Aremberg’s coming, on the day after
our arrival the Queen decided to send a courier to her; he found her
at home, waiting for the Queen’s summons. This misunderstanding was the
result of an unlucky accident. Madame d’Aremberg had written to the
Queen at Paris asking for information as to her plans and movements;
the Queen sent back the answer by Madame d’Aremberg’s own messenger,
who promised to deliver it to his mistress within three days. After
all, the Queen’s reply, informing Madame d’Aremberg of the date of her
departure from Paris, and telling her what she wanted her to do, was
lost, and never reached its destination. This accident caused some
delay in the arrival of Madame d’Aremberg, but the Queen’s courier
brought back a letter from her, informing her that she would be here
to-morrow; she will require one day’s rest, so I think the Queen
will fix on Friday, the 30th of this month, for her departure. The
Master of the Order of St. John has not come, and, as I understand, is
not expected. The whole country side is kept in a state of alarm by
wandering parties of horse and foot-soldiers. It was on this account
that the Cardinal d’Este had to leave us in the middle of our journey
and return to Paris; he received a letter from the King informing him
that he had discovered a plot to waylay him on the road. The Bishop of
Paris has had a similar scare, and early last night he set off home
post haste under the escort of a strong body of dragoons. Some others
who are not safe in the neighbourhood of the (German) troops will be
compelled to slip off as best they may. The rest, who have no special
cause for fear, and are furnished with passports from Casimir, will
leave Nancy openly.
Three days ago Casimir sent one of the chief officers of his
household, whose name, if I mistake not, is Diest von Sterckenburg, to
congratulate the Queen on her arrival, and tender his services; he was
also instructed to offer some explanations and apologies for the course
his master had taken, as your Majesty will learn at greater length
from the Queen’s own letter, for Casimir wished her to represent the
case herself, in the hope that your Majesty would be induced to take a
favourable view of his conduct.
As I write this letter, bands of reiters are to be seen from the
ramparts marching past Nancy in the direction of St. Nicolas, on their
way to the town of Luneville. The Queen will have to pass through
both these places, but the troops will have moved on before our party
starts, and the only inconvenience we shall suffer from their presence
will be the rise they will cause in the price of provisions; nor is
even this slight disadvantage without its compensation, for this
movement will leave the road open for Madame d’Aremberg, which she
could not hitherto have traversed without danger. As to the destination
of these armaments, and what is to be the upshot of it all, it is not
easy to say. The King indeed is treating for a truce, and Alençon does
not seem unwilling to come to terms, but Condé and Casimir, while quite
prepared to conclude a peace, will not hear of a truce; they say that,
if they throw away this opportunity, it will not be in their power to
reassemble their forces, so that they are in a very different position
from the King, who can raise a fresh army whenever he pleases, and
therefore finds his advantage in a truce. Casimir also demands a large
sum in addition to the 500,000 francs already offered him by the King
for the withdrawal of his army, in order to make up the arrears of pay
due to his troops for their services in former campaigns when fighting
for the insurgents. From this we may conclude that nothing is yet
settled.
Pibrac, whose return from Poland I mentioned before, is wont to say,
when talking privately, that the only advantage the Poles have gained
from their friendship with France is to catch the diseases which are
ruining the country—dissension and civil war.
As to other matters, the Queen is in excellent health, and is supported
under all the troubles and fatigue which such travelling involves,
by one hope alone, to wit, the prospect of shortly being with your
Majesties.
The elder Duchess of Lorraine[111] manifests the greatest pleasure at
the Queen’s arrival, and declares herself amply compensated by this
honour, both for the devotion she has ever felt for your Majesty, and
also for such services as it has lain in her power to render. She
wished me to give this message to your Majesty.
Nancy, December 27, 1575.
_Note by Busbecq._—The letter is missing which I wrote in the village
of Markirch, informing his Majesty that our contract had been
registered by the Parliament of Paris. I also mentioned that ——, a
small town in Lorraine of considerable wealth, had been taken and
plundered by Condé’s soldiers; lastly I complained that the sums I
had obtained from Monsieur de Vulcob had not been repaid to him. This
letter was sent in a portmanteau together with a gold chain, which was
a present from the King, and as far as I know I have not kept a copy of
it.
LETTER XXXIV.
Yesterday the Queen arrived at Bâle, where we are now staying;
to-morrow she will leave it, and in four days we hope to reach
Schaffhausen. As to what is to be her next destination, and what
road she is to take to get there, those who have charge of these
arrangements have not, I see, quite decided, but the question will be
considered after we have reached Schaffhausen. I understand that we
are not to go through Villingen, and, whatever haste we make, I do
not imagine that we can get to Munich before the 27th or 28th of this
month. The Bishop of Strasburg will return home to-morrow. I judged
it well to write these particulars on the chance of my being able to
forward my letter to your Majesty, although I cannot be certain of
finding a bearer.
Bâle, January 12, 1576.
LETTER XXXV.
The Queen arrived at Augsburg, January 27, and on the same day the
courier brought back letters from your Majesty, from which I learnt
your Majesty’s gracious pleasure with regard to the Queen’s movements,
to wit, that she should come to Vienna by the shortest and most
convenient route. I reported this to her Serene Highness, and she,
being eager to hasten on and join your Majesty at the earliest moment
possible, was in favour of a voyage down the Danube, as this is
supposed to be a good time for sailing. I then referred the matter to
William, Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and they judged
it advisable to keep the courier until they should have laid all the
considerations before the elder Duke of Bavaria, and ascertained his
views as to the relative advantages of the water route and that by
land. In order to prevent delay, Duke William sent his own courier
forward to Munich, that the whole question might be discussed and
settled before the arrival of the Queen. Her Highness arrived at Munich
January 29. Duke Ferdinand with the Margrave of Baden met her at a
considerable distance from the city; they were attended by a large
force of cavalry, handsomely equipped, so that the Queen entered Munich
in great state. The elder Duke’s health was such as to prevent his
going out of doors to receive the Queen; he takes all the expenses of
her Highness and her retinue on himself, and will not allow them to be
at charges for anything; such a liberal reception makes it incumbent
on the Queen not to stay too long. The elder Duke, on being consulted
as to the Queen’s route, was in favour of the river, and said he would
take boat himself if he wanted to go down to Vienna; his opinion
therefore coincided with the Queen’s. She was eager to leave on Friday,
February 3, after a visit of four days, but as the Duke pressed her to
stay six days she decided not to refuse his earnest request, and so
February 6 was appointed for her departure. It will take two days to
get to Wasserburg, and then seven more to reach Vienna, so that, unless
something unforeseen should occur, I trust the Queen will reach Vienna
on the afternoon of February 13. God grant that we may be prospered in
our voyage, as we have been on the road; hitherto, in spite of some
changes and chances on the way, we have had a good journey, considering
the time of the year.
The Queen herself has enjoyed excellent health throughout, save that
on the day she stopped at Bâle she was troubled with violent sickness;
this, however, served to relieve her stomach, and she has since been
perfectly well. William, Duke of Bavaria, and his wife treated her
with the utmost kindness and consideration, so that she had no need of
anyone else. The Bishop of Strasburg remained at Bâle.
The noblemen who came to meet the Queen at Nancy attended her as far
as Ulm, where others took their place and have waited on her till now;
they will, however, stop here, or at any rate not follow her further
than Wasserburg.
Your Majesty being thus informed of the Queen’s route, will now decide
as to any further arrangements that may be necessary. Your Majesty, of
course, knows best, but still I venture to observe that, as the Queen
has settled to go by water, a large body of attendants is in no way
necessary.
Munich, January 31, 1576.
The time for our voyage has been lengthened by two days, as your
Majesty will see from the enclosed route, so that, I think, the Queen
will not be at Vienna before February 15; I have also made out a list,
as best I could, of the Queen’s servants and attendants, which I
thought would be useful in arranging for their lodgings.
LETTER XXXVI.
On the 31st of last month I despatched a letter by Gilles, groom of
the Queen’s bedchamber, giving your Majesty such particulars as I
judged to be necessary; to-day I received your Majesty’s letter of
January 31, being the same date as that on which I wrote myself; this
letter requires no reply, beyond stating that as soon as I received
your Majesty’s orders I lost no time in writing to the Governor of
Upper Austria, informing him of the date of our departure, and giving
him the same route I sent to your Majesty, with a list of the places
at which we intended stopping, and the dates on which we were to
be expected. He will, therefore, now be in a position to make the
necessary arrangements. I have no fresh news to give of the Queen,
except that she is looking forward with great longing to the 6th of
this month, when she will commence the last stage of her long journey
and be hurrying onward to her father’s arms. I asked her if she had
any message for your Majesty. ‘Only my best and warmest love,’ was her
reply.[112]
Munich, February, 1575.
LETTER XXXVII.
Your Majesty’s letter, dated February 4, reached me at the Monastery of
Ebersberg on the 7th, just as the Queen was about to enter her carriage
on her way to Wasserburg. I lost no time in communicating its contents
to the illustrious Duke of Bavaria, and Count von Schwartzenberg, and
they promised to reconsider the whole question of the route when they
got to Wasserburg. Accordingly, when we arrived, they took counsel
with the captain of the boat, but could not prevail on him to alter
his opinion. ‘He would do what he could,’ he said, ‘to reach Vienna
earlier, but the days were so short, the water was so low, and the
mornings were so dark, that it was impossible to promise more.’
However, I am in great hopes that the Queen will be able to reach home
one or two days earlier than was arranged.
The reason I did not mention in my former letter that the Duke of
Bavaria and his wife were coming, was that I assumed that he would
obey your Majesty’s commands, as he has always professed to do. But
had it been otherwise, and had some alteration been made so as to
deviate from your Majesty’s instructions, I should have lost no time in
communicating the fact. Under present circumstances, no change having
been made, I did not consider it necessary to write on the subject;
moreover, I believed the Duke had enclosed a letter to your Majesty in
the packet which he gave me to forward to Vienna, containing, I did
not doubt, some reference to his coming; lastly, I thought it probable
that a _maréchal de logis_ would be sent on in front to inform your
Majesty of the number and composition of his household. After all I was
mistaken.
In accordance with your Majesty’s instructions I have written to
Gienger,[113] the Lord-Lieutenant, giving him such information as
I was able as to the dates of the Queen’s route, the number of her
attendants, &c., &c. I had had a letter from him, asking for this
information. So now, I think, everything has been settled.
Wasserburg, February 8, 1576.
LETTERS FROM FRANCE.