Southern rebellion. I answer, most emphatically, in the affirmative. But
let us see who the people are. It is plain that the people of a State are
not those of one or more of the counties, unless the people of those
counties are a majority of all the people in the State. Now the
Constitution of the United States comes from the people of all the States,
consequently it will be perceived that they alone and not the people of
one State have the right to alter or abolish it. As well might the people
of Indianapolis declare the Constitution of the State of Indiana null and
void, as for the people of one State to declare this Union dissolved. It
is true that men talk about "States' rights," "the equality of the
States," and in fact invent every manner of argument for the purpose of
shielding those who are committing treason against the government of the
United States, but where is the clause of the constitution that discloses
any such sentiments? There is none, but on the other hand we find the most
positive proof that the framers of that article intended that we should be
one great nation, and to secure us against the liability of sudden and
unnecessary changes they provided that in order to amend the constitution
the consent of three-fourths of all the States were necessary, hence it
will be perceived that a simple majority of the people of the United
States could not amend the constitution, much less declare it null and
void.
In view of this wise provision so necessary to secure stability to our
government, how rediculous it is to talk about a single State declaring
this Union dissolved against the well-known wish of four-fifths of all the
people of our entire country. The thing is absurd in the extreme and
should not be entertained for a moment, for such a principle once
established would be the end of all constitutional governments. But
suppose we grant the independence of such States as choose to withdraw
from the Union. In order to do this we must amend the constitution so as
to empower Congress to act upon the matter, and until then, every member
of Congress is bound to stand by the constitution as it is, for there is
no power granted them to treat with a portion of this nation as an
independent sovereign power. The framers of the Constitution did not grant
Congress any more than a State the right to dismember or dissolve the
Union. And who would for a moment consent to the assumption of such
extraordinary and important authority by those who were sent to Washington
to support the very constitution which they are now called upon to
disregard and destroy.
WHAT SHOULD THE PEOPLE DO TO AVERT THE THREATENING STORM?
In my opinion, the best way to stop this disunion and treasonable clamor,
is for all friends of the Union to come out and call meetings, and pass
resolutions such as are appropriate for the times, telling our enemies
that it was for this Union our fathers fought, bled and died, and we will
do (if necessary) as our fathers did. Let there be but one sentiment, and
the unbroken ranks of eighteen millions of freemen will do more to silence
treason than all the constitutional amendments that could be prepared by
twice the number of pacificators that are now offering their services to
induce the government to meet the traitors on what is termed "middle
ground." It is this continued wavering and uncertain position of the
people that give those who are plotting our destruction such full and
perfect confidence in their final success. Few men could be found who
would enter the enemies ranks, if the certainty of being dealt with
according to the laws of our country was before them. The boasted bravery
of those chivalrous gentlemen who are now firing the hearts of the
ignorant with bitter hatred against the noblest government on earth, would
hesitate, reflect, and recoil at the sight of the hangman and the gallows.
I question not their bravery, neither do I doubt their determination, but
with the certainty of defeat before them, would they strike the fatal
blow? Every sane man is apt to count the chances of success when he enters
upon any very important undertaking, and if there is nothing before him
but humiliation and defeat, where is the man who would be found fool hardy
enough to risk his life in such a hopeless enterprise? They are few and
far between. We are told that unless the nation gives way to these
traitors, that the war that will ensue will be the most bloody and
desperate ever known to civilized man. There is no doubt but they will
fight, but will they be found any more brave and determined in destroying
than we will be in maintaining our glorious country? I presume not. Then
we can easily discover the character of the war by deciding upon the
course we would pursue in such a contingency. This talk about such a war
being any worse than other wars, is a mere bugbear, sent out to frighten
the timid into submission, and the less notice there is taken of it, the
more unfrequent will it be referred to. It is a noticeable fact, that
those who are bringing about this great calamity are the very ones who are
picturing to our visions the horrible consequences that would result from
an effort to stop their career. Can impudence go further? Could Arnold
have done more to have accomplished his base and ignoble purpose?
Then let the friends of our country rally under its banner, and then and
there resolve anew to stand by this Union as the only safety for our
peace, our prosperity, and our liberties. There should be no partizan
prejudice, for it is not the question who shall rule the country, but
whether we shall have a country to rule. We all have a common interest in
preserving this government, and none should wait for this or that
politician, for they are all waiting to see the determination of the
people before they will take a very decided stand. Nor can the
politicians alone save our country. Far from it. They are the parties who
aided in bringing about our present political troubles which are
threatening to involve us in a deadly contest to save our country from
dissolution. As well might you prescribe arsenic and expect it to cure a
patient who was threatened with death from the excessive use of that
poisonous drug, as to look to the politicians to restore peace and
prosperity to our distracted country.
Since it is the people that must save our country, if saved at all, let
there be unanimity, firmness and decision upon the all important question
of preserving the Union; not if we can carry out our pet scheme; not if
South Carolina is willing. Neither should we make any other condition, but
resolve unalterably to stand by the constitution and the laws to the end,
and never for one moment think of abandoning our undertaking, until this
noble object shall have been accomplished. It is a duty that we owe to
ourselves, to our homes and firesides, to the friends of freedom
throughout the civilized world, to those who are plotting treason against
our government, and to the God of liberty, that we should speak out
plainly and to the point, and warn those who are expecting such an easy
victory, that they are sadly and seriously mistaken; that we are not, as
has been represented to them, divided, but we are as one man for our
country, unconditionally and unalterably, and though we may differ in
relation to the policy of conducting the great ship of state, yet we will
not abandon her, nor allow others to commit depredations against her. The
people of this great nation will never consent to a peaceable distruction
of this noble fabric. Never! never! no, never! Then should we not warn
those who are expecting an easy victory, against the awful consequences of
a persistence in their destructive policy? By our silence we encourage
them, by our inactivity we strengthen them, and by our indecision we give
them confidence. The policy to be pursued should be distinctly laid down
and presented to them. They have been deceived and encouraged with the
prospect of success by the course we have pursued, and should war become
necessary in order to enforce the laws, we are culpable, in a measure, for
not showing more firmness at an earlier period. There is no room to doubt
their determination to bid defiance to the constitution and the laws of
the land, and nothing short of a show of the ability and the determination
to stand by our country, will induce them to desist. It may now be too
late to avoid bloodshed, but the sooner the remedy the less severe will be
the calamity.
We are told that to stir this matter up at the north will only excite and
spread the feeling of dissatisfaction more swiftly over the land, but the
time has come when, to my mind, we must prepare to decide between our
national existence or non-existence. And should we be afraid of offending
the enemies of our country? Those who would turn against the government,
provided their peculiar notions in relation to some particular question is
rejected, are against the whole spirit of a democratic government, and
will be found against us in the end, and we may as well count them there
first as last. A submission to their dictation would be to yield the reins
of government into the hands of those who are determined to either rule or
ruin, which must evidently result in the latter.
Let us examine the bearing of this rule or ruin policy, and see where it
would end, provided we give way to those who choose to adopt it. I know of
no better example, to test its destructiveness, than the one presented to
us in the present unsettled condition of our country. The people have
elected a President and Vice President in strict conformity with the
provisions of the constitution, made and provided for that purpose. Of
this there is no dispute. There is no use in talking about the issue being
sectional, for every person who was legally entitled to vote for President
and Vice President of the United States, and who concurred with the
sentiments of the party, was invited to take part in the election. There
was no distinction between North and South in this matter, and the plea
set forth that there was no support from one-half of the country, does not
alter the case, especially since it is well known that the political
opponents of Mr. Lincoln would not allow the free discussion of the
various issues presented to the people for their consideration. Had this
course been pursued in the North, there would not have been a
Breckenridge party in many of the Northern States. It will be perceived,
that owing to this intolerant spirit exhibited in some portions of the
South, Mr. Lincoln's views were not, and could not be presented to the
people for their consideration, which is in itself entirely inconsistent
with the spirit of a free government, as well as a violation of the
constitution and laws of our country. But who was to blame for this spirit
of mobocracy? Was it Mr. Lincoln or his friends? Nothing but a bigoted
blindness could lead any reasonable and well informed man to an
affirmative conclusion. The simple fact that Mr. Yancey, the leader of the
most ultra opponents of the Republicans, was allowed to advocate his views
all over the North without molestation or even insult, proves to the
contrary. But we are told that the Republican principles are contrary to
Southern interests. What if they are? Is that a reason why the right of
free discussion should be blotted out of existence? The principles of Mr.
Yancey are thought by a large majority of the people of the free States,
to be _decidedly_ against the interest of the whole country.
But did they propose to destroy this government if Mr. Breckenridge was
elected? Did they insult him, or drive him from the country as a felon?
No, he was kindly treated and listened to. The people, however, did not
conclude to vote his principles, and for this they are treated as
criminals of the deepest dye. _Comment is unnecessary._ But supposing Mr.
Breckenridge had been elected, and Massachusetts had placed herself in the
unenviable position that South Carolina has assumed, where is the
statesman who would have advocated the justice of her position, or her
right to secede, and thereby break up this government, unless Mr.
Breckenridge would renounce his doctrine, and propose a change in the
constitution recognizing the Republican principles, and who would be found
willing to compromise the honor and dignity of the government by conceding
to such demands? If any there be who would lend their aid to such a
scheme, they are mere political demagogues without honor, and are not
entitled to the confidence of the people. In this, I presume, nearly every
person will agree with me. Still, when we turn to the South, there seems
to be some diversity of opinion in relation to what course should be
pursued. Now, why this difference? Can it be charged to anything but
political prejudices? True patriotism never begets such inconsistencies.
Now it is plain that if any party make it a condition that they must be
allowed to control this government, in order to allow us to live in peace,
then that party, above all things, should not be allowed such control. The
mere demand shows the incompetency of such party to occupy such an
important position in our national affairs. Suppose we should grant the
present request. Are we prepared to grant the next that may be made at any
future time? If so, tell me, if you please, when and where you will be
willing to make a stand for the vindication of our constitutional rights?
Are we to give way to one demand after another until we have transferred
all the rights which we now possess to this rule or ruin party?
It is contended by some that, by allowing those States which desire to
secede from this Union, to go without opposition, it will insure us peace,
and at the same time remove the slave question from congress, and,
thereby, our political troubles are at an end. Happy man is he who can
imagine such a political millennium so near at hand, and so easily to be
obtained. I would ask whether other questions may not come up that will
divide the people, and cause the same bitter feeling that now distracts
the whole country when another section will demand a separation from the
remaining States; and whether they will not have the same right that we
are now called upon to grant to the Cotton States? It is plain to me that
if this policy, of allowing any State to secede that can raise a pretext
for doing so, is to be adopted, we will soon have no government at all;
but in the place of this law-abiding and liberty loving community, where
peace, plenty and prosperity has smiled upon us so many happy years,
anarchy will reign, with all its blasting and withering influences, laying
waste our brightest hopes, and casting a gloom and dispair over everything
that has heretofore been the pride of every true American citizen. We are
now called upon to consent to divide this nation under the penalty of
civil war; the horrors of which we all deeply deplore, and are willing to
prevent by all reasonable measures. But, can we grant what is asked
without establishing a precedent that will lead to further demands, and a
consequent sub-division, and, in fact, division after division until this
glorious and prosperous country shall be (instead of one great, powerful
and honored nation,) thirty-three petty contending States, each striving
to get the advantage of the other? It is contended by some that, by making
concessions, both war and dissolution can be prevented. But, let us look
at their character, and the circumstances under which they are demanded,
and see whether such results, under existing circumstances, are likely to
be realized.
The people of the United States have just cast their votes in accordance
with the usages and customs heretofore adopted, as well as in perfect
conformity with their constitutional rights, and, as usual in such cases,
there has been more than one party. The result has been that one party
elected their choice, while the others were necessarily unsuccessful; and
instead of submitting, like true patriots, peaceably to the constitutional
acts of the people, a portion of the defeated party demand of those who
have, by their numbers, carried the election, the surrender of their
principles. This is the basis of the compromise that the freemen of this
nation are unblushingly asked to make. But, upon inquiry as to whether
said conditional rebels (for they are nothing else) are willing to aid in
suppressing the more ultra and unconditional rebels of such States that
have already declared themselves out of the Union, we find them bitterly
opposed to everything that tends to show the supremacy of the laws over
this traitorous secession dogma; and our candid opinion is, that every
individual who places himself upon this platform, is contemplating a deep
laid scheme for the purpose of obtaining all the public territory they
possibly can for the institution of slavery, and then withdraw from the
Union with their booty. Ask them if they are willing to submit in case the
people reject their demands, and the answer is, no, they will die first.
Thus the ultimatum is presented to us to either surrender our principles,
our country, or fight to sustain it. Fellow-countrymen we need not ask you
which you will do.
Let us sift this unparalleled scheme of impudence and see whether it is
going to be productive of permanent good to any one except to those who
are desirous of involving us in anarchy and ruin.
Supposing the Republicans should abandon their principles, which seem to
be the terms upon which peace is offered, and, in 1864, the Democrats
should succeed in electing the President upon the slave-extension
platform, and the Republicans, feeling that their interests were likely to
be trampled upon by the dominant party, should say to the Democracy that,
unless said Democrats would abandon the principles of their party, and
secure the Republicans against the exercise of their principles in the
future, by an amendment to the constitution itself, they (the Republicans)
would dissolve this Union? It will be observed that, if one party has the
right to demand concessions, the other party has the same right,
consequently it would not be the majority that would rule, but the
minority. Neither have we any guarantee that, by granting the present
demands, that other and still more absurd and threatening demands will not
be made. We are now called upon to incorporate into the constitution
certain additional rights and privileges for slavery; and what is the
threatened penalty that is offered to the freemen of this nation if they
fail to grant what is demanded? Why it is nothing less than a complete
overthrow and destruction of this government--and yet the Republicans are
taunted with the charge of being the cause of all the consequences of the
great calamity that seems awaiting our destruction. I call especial
attention to this subject, more particularly in consequence of the
probable effort that will be made to force what is called the "Crittenden
Amendment," upon the people. It should be remembered that Mr. Crittenden
proposes, not only to give all the territory south of 36 deg. 30' to the slave
interests, but all the territory hereafter acquired.
The restoration of the Missouri Compromise sounds very smooth and pleasant
to the ear, but is it the Missouri Compromise that Mr. Crittenden proposes
to restore? Far from it. Let us look at the broad difference between the
two measures, and see whether there is not something that looks as though
there was deception, of the deepest dye, about to be practiced upon those
who are desirous of preserving the territories free from the blighting
curse of slavery. We have heard much about the Missouri Compromise, also
about Mr. Crittenden's amendment, and, for the benefit of those who are
not familiar with the two measures, we will give them both in full. The
following is all that relates to the institution of slavery in what is
called the Missouri Compromise:
"SEC. 8. _And be it further enacted_, That, in all the territory ceded
by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which
lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude,
not included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act,
(meaning Missouri,) slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than
in the punishment of crime, whereof the parties shall have been duly
convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited; provided,
always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom service is
lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such
fugitive may be lawfully re-claimed and conveyed to the person
claiming his or her services as aforesaid."
It will be perceived that the above section does not establish slavery
anywhere, but, on the contrary, it prohibited it in all the territory
north of 36 deg. 30' north latitude, while south of that (we can only infer
for there is nothing explicit on the subject) the people were to have
slavery or not as they might decide amongst themselves. But, in order to
the more fully understanding the effect of the Missouri Compromise, it is
necessary to know the amount of territory belonging, at that time, to the
United States, lying south of said above mentioned line. The territory
that now constitutes the State of Arkansas, and a small tract of Indian
territory, which now belongs to four tribes of Indians, to-wit: the
Chickasaws, Seminoles, Cherokees, and Choctaws, all of which territory,
including that of Arkansas, is not much larger than the State of Missouri,
was all the territory that remained of the Louisiana purchase, belonging
to the United States, south of 36 deg. 30' north latitude, at the time of the
passage of said compromise. How different, in effect, from the above is
the Crittenden amendment. Let us see. The following is the said amendment
that is harped about as being a restoration of the Missouri Compromise.
Read and behold the difference:
"WHEREAS, Serious and alarming dissensions have arisen between the
Northern and Southern States, concerning the rights and security of
the rights of slaveholding States, and especially their rights in the
common territory of the United States; and whereas, it is eminently
desirable and proper that these dissensions, which now threaten the
very existence of this Union, should be permanently quieted and
settled by constitutional provisions, which shall do equal justice to
all sections, and thereby restore to the people that peace and good
will which ought to prevail between all the citizens of the United
States: Therefore,
"_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled_, (two-thirds of both houses
concurring,) That the following articles be, and are hereby proposed
and submitted as amendments to the Constitution of the United States,
which shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of said
Constitution, when ratified by conventions of three-fourths of the
several States:
"ART. 1. In all the territory of the United States now held, or
hereafter acquired, situated north of latitude 36 deg. 30 min.,
slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is
prohibited while such territory shall remain under territorial
government. In all the territory south of said line of latitude,
slavery of the African race is hereby recognized as existing, and
shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected as
property by all the departments of the territorial government during
its continuance. And when any territory, north or south of said line,
within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the
population requisite for a member of Congress according to the then
federal ratio of representation of the people of the United States, it
shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the
Union, on an equal footing with the original States, with or without
slavery, as the constitution of such new State may provide.
"ART. 2. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in places
under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the limits of
States that permit the holding of slaves.