District of Columbia, so long as it exists in the adjoining States of
Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the
inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to such owners
of slaves as do not consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress at
any time prohibit officers of the Federal Government, or members of
Congress, whose duties require them to be in said District, from
bringing with them their slaves, and holding them as such during the
time their duties may require them to remain there, and afterwards
taking them from the District.
"ART. 4. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the
transportation of slaves from one State to another, or to a Territory,
in which slaves are permitted to be held, whether that transportation
be by land, navigable rivers, or by sea.
"ART. 5. That in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph of
the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the
United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it
shall be its duty so to provide, that the United States shall pay to
the owner who shall apply for it, the full value of his fugitive slave
in all cases when the Marshal or other officer, whose duty it was to
arrest said fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence, or
when, after arrest, said fugitive was rescued by force, and the owner
thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for the
recovery of his fugitive slave under the said clause of the
Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. And in all such
cases, when the United States shall pay for such fugitive, they shall
have the right, in their own name, to sue the county in which said
violence, intimidation, or rescue was committed, and to recover from
it, with interest and damages, the amount paid by them for said
fugitive slave. And the said county, after it has paid said amount to
the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover from the
wrong doers or rescuers, by whom the owner was prevented from the
recovery of his fugitive slave, in like manner as the owner himself
might have sued and recovered.
"ART. 6. No future amendment to the Constitution shall affect the five
preceding articles; nor the third paragraph of the second section of
the first article of the Constitution; and no amendment shall be made
to the Constitution which shall authorize or give to Congress any
power to abolish or interfere with slavery in any of the States by
whose law it is, or may be, allowed or permitted.
"And whereas, also, beside those causes of dissension embraced in the
foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United
States, there are others which come within the jurisdiction of
Congress, and may be remedied by its legislative power; and whereas it
is the desire of Congress, as far as its power will extend, to remove
all just cause for the popular discontent and agitation which now
disturb the peace of the country, and threaten the stability of its
institutions: Therefore,
"1. _Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America_, in Congress assembled, That the laws now in force,
for the recovery of fugitives, are in strict pursuance of the plain
and mandatory provisions of the constitution, and have been sanctioned
as valid and constitutional by the judgment of the Supreme Court of
the United States: that the slaveholding States are entitled to the
faithful observance and execution of those laws, and that they ought
not to be repealed, or so modified or changed as to impair their
efficiency; and that laws ought to be made for the punishment of those
who attempt, by rescue of the slave or other illegal means, to hinder
or defeat the due execution of said laws.
"2. That all State laws which conflict with the fugitive slave acts of
congress, or any other constitutional acts of congress, or which in
their operation impede, hinder or delay the free course and due
execution of any of said acts, are null and void by the plain
provisions of the constitution of the United States; yet those State
laws, void as they are, have given color to practices, and led to
consequences, which have obstructed the due administration and
execution of acts of congress and especially the acts for the delivery
of fugitive slaves, and have thereby contributed much to the discord
and commotion now prevailing. Congress, therefore, in the present
perilous juncture, does not deem it improper respectfully and
earnestly to recommend the repeal of those laws to the several States
which have enacted them, or such legislative corrections and
explanations of them as may prevent their being used or perverted to
such mischievous purposes.
"3. That the act of the 18th of September, 1850, commonly called the
fugitive slave law, ought to be so amended as to make the fee of the
commissioner, mentioned in the 8th section of the act, equal in
amount, in the cases decided by him, whether his decision be in favor
of or against the claimant. And to avoid misconstruction, the last
clause of the 5th section of said act, which authorises the person
holding the warrant for the arrest or detention of a fugitive slave,
to summon to his aid the _posse comitatus_, and which declares it to
be the duty of all good citizens to assist him in its execution, ought
to be amended so as to expressly limit the authority and duty to cases
in which there shall be resistance or danger of resistance or rescue.
"4. That the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade, and
especially those prohibiting the importation of slaves in the United
States, ought to be made effectual, and ought to be thoroughly
executed, and all further enactments necessary to those ends ought to
be promptly made."
The above is unblushingly urged upon the people by some portions of the
Democracy as being eminently conservative, and, above all, a middle
ground, upon which all patriots should be willing to stand or fall for the
Union; but as for me I am entirely unable to see that there is any middle
ground about it. What can we understand by this proposition? Is it not
granting all the South have ever asked? When, and wherein, have they asked
more? Could Mr. Yancey himself have made out a stronger document? And
yet, we are told that the South are making great concessions when they
submit to this measure, and cease to commit treason against the
government. In the name of enlightened reason, I ask, could there be a
greater insult offered to the free men of this nation, than to demand of
them the sanction of the above proposed amendment, and thus engraft it
into the Constitution of this government, claiming, as we do, to be the
freest government in the world.
Upon an examination of Mr. Crittenden's proposition, it will be perceived
that he irrevocably consigns to slavery all the Territory that we now
have, or may hereafter acquire, south of thirty-six degrees and thirty
minutes, north latitude, and north of that line he leaves the matter for
the people to decide when they come to form a State government. By
comparing this measure with the Missouri Compromise, it will be perceived
that Mr. Crittenden proposes to leave the northern territory in the same
condition that the Missouri Compromise left the territory south of said
line.
But let us view this beautiful document of Mr. Crittenden's a little
further, and see how modestly the people of the free States are asked to
pay for Sambo whenever he gets it into his head to emigrate northward,
provided some one or more of his sable brethren should chance to advise
those whose duty it may be to invite Sambo to return to the "Sunny South,"
to make tracks with the heels towards the shanty, and allow Sambo to
remain where the winters are longer. Yes, we are asked by Mr. C. to pay
for Sambo whenever the marshal, whose duty it is to arrest him, is
_intimidated_. This sounds most beautiful. Let the people once agree to
this and we would soon have the privilege of paying for hundreds of
thousands, I might say millions, of the refractory portion of the slave
population, and in order to understand these fully, the consequences of
adopting Mr. Crittenden's amendment, it will be well for us to estimate
the probable number of the slave population in the future, as well as
their inclination to escape.
It is a well known fact, that if the slave population should increase for
the next eighty years as fast as they have for the past eighty years, they
will amount to between forty and fifty millions of inhabitants. Now let
us imagine that number of slaves, with the natural increase of
intelligence, together with a corresponding decrease of the preponderance
of African blood in their veins, and it will not take a very strong
imaginative individual to perceive that the number of fugitives will
increase at a fearful rate, and to such an extent that it would impoverish
the whole nation to pay for them. By a careful examination of Mr.
Crittenden's amendment it will be perceived that it provides for
recovering the value of the slave, by the United States, of the county in
which said violence, INTIMIDATION, or rescue was committed.
Now let us suppose that this should become a part and parcel of the
Constitution of the United States, and some one or more of the States
should pass laws nullifying said provision, and at the same time demand a
revision of the Constitution in such a manner as to annul said clause, as
a condition that they would remain in the Union, will our Union-saving
friends be willing to meet the case by granting the demand, or will they
stand up for the enforcement of the laws and the preservation of the
Union? If so, then why not assist in enforcing the laws against South
Carolina or any other State that proposes to nullify the Constitution and
the laws made in pursuance thereof. Partisan prejudice cannot prevent any
person from seeing that if one portion of the people have the right to
make a demand for concessions, then any and all other portions are
entitled to the exercise of the same right, and where such demands have
been complied with in one case, there is no rule whereby they could justly
be denied in another. Is there not great danger that by granting the South
what they are now demanding, especially since the demand is accompanied
with threats of such a grave character, we will establish a precedence
that will sap the very principle upon which our government is based? In
all Democratic governments it is the duty of every individual to submit to
the laws duly enacted by a constitutional majority; and whenever one
portion of the people rebel against said laws they become not only
traitors to their country but to the very principles upon which self
government is founded. In view of this, it is clear to me that to make any
concession, under the existing menacing threats, would be to offer a
bounty to all future conspirutors against the government, and thus
endanger the peace of our country for all time to come. Such being the
case, why talk about compromises and concessions. Let us enforce obedience
to the present government before we talk of compromises. To treat with men
who bid defiance to the supreme law of the land, who are now engaged in
open and active treason against the government, would be humiliating to
every true American citizen, and a disgrace to us as a nation, besides
showing to the world the most _positive_ evidence of our weakness; but on
the other hand let firmness and justice be the order of the day, and
although war may ensue let the consequences rest with those who are trying
to overthrow this great temple of freedom, and we shall outride the
threatend storm and transmit to posterity, unimpaired, this sacred legacy,
bequeathed to us by our forefathers and sealed by their blood. We will
then have shown ourselves worthy of the free institutions we have
inherited, and our children's children will be stimulated by our example
to extra exertions to perpetuate and strengthen the bonds that is to
preserve this nation in all its destined magnificent grandeur.
In conclusion, let me exhort my fellow-countrymen to stand or fall by our
country. Let us not forget that our fathers, as well as we, loved peace
and abhorred the calamities of war; and although the most of them have
long since "gone to that bourne from which no traveler returns," yet when
they were called to their country's service, they were surrounded by all
the endearing ties which we now enjoy. Many a son received the mother's
last parting blessing, and bid her his last farewell this side of the
grave. Husbands bid their wives an affectionate adieu, to meet no more on
earth; and many a bitter tear has flown from the weeping eyes of the loved
ones in that lonely home, bereft of a father, husband, or brother who has
fallen in the deadly struggle for the liberties we have inherited. And
should we prove recreant to our trust, the immortal spirits of those
noble-hearted, self-sacrificing patriots who fell while struggling with a
powerful tyrant in front, and a deadly savage foe in the rear, to gain the
freedom of this our beloved country, would rise up from their graves and
rebuke us for our low, cringing cowardice. No, my fellow-countrymen, you
will not be found wanting for courage--you will not allow this temple of
freedom to be destroyed--you will stand by the Constitution and the Union,
and prove yourselves worthy of your noble ancestry.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Spirit of Laws, Vol. I, Book IX, Chapter I.
[2] I mean for the Union.
[3] Joseph Story, LL. D., although a most bitter political opponent of
Gen. Jackson, in his commentaries on the constitution of the United
States, thus refers to the proclamation:
"While this sheet was passing through the press, President Jackson's
proclamation of the 10th of December, 1832, concerning the recent
ordinance of South Carolina on the subject of the tariff, appeared. That
document contains a most elaborate view of several questions, which have
been discussed in this and the preceding volume, especially respecting the
supremacy of the laws of the Union; the right of the judiciary to decide
upon the constitutionality of those laws; and the total repugnancy to the
constitution of the modern doctrine of nullification asserted in that
ordinance. As a State paper it is entitled to very high praise for the
clearness, force and eloquence, with which it has defended the rights and
powers of the national government. I gladly copy into these pages some of
its important passages, as among the ablest commentaries ever offered upon
the constitution."
[4] We are happy to say that within a few days he has dismissed some, and
others, disgusted with their own acts, have withdrawn.
[5] John Fries was a noted leader in what was called the Whisky Rebellion,
which became so formidable in 1794 that President Washington issued a
proclamation exhorting all persons to desist from any proceedings tending
to prevent the execution of the laws. This did not have the desired
effect, however, and it became necessary for the President to order out a
strong force, numbering some 15,000 men. This argument seemed conclusive
and convincing to the rebels of that day, consequently they returned to
their several avocations, and by this means quiet was restored. But at
that time, as well at the present, there were numerous sympathizers with
the traitors, which created a strong and powerful party against the
administration of General Washington; but he knew his whole duty, and
performed it unhesitatingly, regardless of the denunciations of those who
were ever ready to excuse the turbulent for committing treason.
AGENTS WANTED TO INTRODUCE THE AMERICAN FAMILY PHYSICIAN, BY JOHN KING, M.
D. PREPARED EXPRESSLY FOR FAMILY USE.
This valuable work is a large, royal octavo volume of nearly 1,200 pages;
containing nearly twice as much matter on the subject of health and
disease, as can be found in any similar work ever before offered to the
American people. Instead of describing diseases and remedies in the
mysterious and incomprehensible terms of the profession, the author has
used language such as the people understand. No less than _three hundred
and seventy forms of disease_, including diseases of women, diseases of
children, chronic diseases, as well as those of a surgical nature are
accurately described and the most successful methods of treatment made
known.
Nearly _five hundred simple medicines are described_, together with their
virtues and medicinal uses. And the recipes for some _two hundred and
fifty valuable and successful compounds and preparations_ are given.
The following are some of the numerous notices and recommendations the
work has received by those who have given it an examination.
The following is from the justly celebrated Dr. Burnham, proprietor of the
Chronic Disease Infirmary of this city.
INDIANAPOLIS, IND., JAN. 14TH, 1861
A. D. STREIGHT, ESQ.: _Dear Sir_--Having carefully examined a work of your
publication entitled, "New American Family Physician," by John King, M.
D., I find in point of style that it is concise, couched in plain
language, and free from technicalities. Voluminous in variety of topics
discussed, it comprises an amount of practical matter pertaining to the
preservation of health, the history and treatment of disease unequaled in
adaptation for popular use. A more general diffusion of knowledge upon the
topics therein discussed, will serve as one of the greatest protections
against the intrusions of ignorant pretenders who propose to tamper with
human health and life. And I trust will be cordially hailed by every
intelligent physician appreciating the fact that the stupid credulity of
ignorance is much more forminable to encounter than the wisdom of an
enlightened intelligence. In fine, the volume is worthy of the well earned
reputation of its author, and I cheerfully commend it as highly deserving
a promient place in the library of every family.
Truly yours,
N. G. BURNHAM, M. D.
[_From Dr. G. M. Thompson, Agent for Kansas_]
Tell Dr. King that I have had the pleasure of selling a copy of his
"Physician" to Ex-Governor C. Robinson, Ex-Governor F. P. Stanton,
Ex-Governor Wilson Shannon, and all the principal men in the Territory, as
far as I have been able to canvass.
JANESVILLE, WIS., OCT. 23D, 1860.
_Dear Sir_--I have examined the medical work of John King, M. D., entitled
the "American Family Physician," &c. I am highly pleased with it. In fact
it supplies a long needed want, in the field of domestic medicine. It is
written in a plain, easy style and readily comprehended by the
non-professional reader, to which it will be a valuable aid in the
treatment of the diseases incident to their own families. In truth, any
one with a family will save double the cost of the book yearly, besides
much useless and pernicious drugging. The remedies recommended are
principally selected from the vegetable kingdom, many of which may be
found at home. From my examination of this work and my acquaintance with
the author, I can sincerely recommend it to both the professional and
unprofessional reader, as a highly useful book and one that should be
found in the library of every person.
R. B. TREAT, M. D.
(Dr. Treat is mayor of the City of Janesville.)
[_From Prof. A. J. Howe. M. D._]
I am acquainted with all the works on Domestic Medicine of any account,
and unhesitatingly pronounce "King's American Family Physician" _the
best_.
A. JACKSON HOWE, M. D.,
Cincinnati, O., 1860. Professor of Surgery.
[_From the Indianapolis Journal._]
* * * As to its origin, it comes from one who certainly stands at the head
of the medical profession in the West, John King, M. D., and Professor of
Medicine, Cincinnati, is a man of more than twenty years' experience in
the healing art, and stands pre-eminent as an educator in the same. The
book deserves much credit for its simplicity of style. It is not written
for the purpose of scientific display, _but for the good of the people_.
It goes further toward redeeming those practical facts contained in
medical science from the dead masses of technical lumber, by which they
have heretofore been secluded from the comprehension of those who have the
best right to understand them, than any work extant which it has been our
privilege to review. Any man of common sense may * * * fully understand
it; and by still further application of his mother wit, may successfully
treat almost all forms of disease peculiar to this country, and thereby
_save much of his hard earnings_. * * * We commend it to the people
generally.
JANESVILLE, WIS., OCT. 20, 1860.
I have examined with care the "New American Family Physician," by John
King, M. D., and I am free to say that it contains a great amount of
medical information which ought to be put into the hands of every family
in the land. Its household suggestions are invaluable. Its circulation
will do much in the physical education of the people.
REV. H. C. TILTON.
Presiding Elder of Janesville District Conference.
This work is sold only through Agents duly appointed by the publisher, or
his General Agent.
ADDRESS, A. D. STREIGHT, Publisher, Indianapolis, Ind.
N. B. A General Agent wanted. One who is competent to take charge of a
portion of territory and employ canvassers.
THE CRISIS OF Eighteen Hundred and Sixty-One, IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
UNITED STATES, ITS CAUSE, AND HOW IT SHOULD BE MET.
BY A. D. STREIGHT.
The intention of the author in bringing this work before the people at
this time, is to promote unity of action in sustaining our country from
the dangers that seem threatening to not only destroy our government, but
the very principles upon which our liberties are based. And, for the
purpose of giving it a wide spread circulation, we have put the wholesale
price within a fraction of the cost of manufacturing.
PRICES.--25 cents per single copy; $2.25 per dozen copies; $7.50 for fifty
copies, and $12.50 per hundred.
Orders from the friends of the Union, and the trade generally, are
solicited, and will receive prompt attention. Address
A. D. STREIGHT,
Indianapolis, Ind.