THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
The subjugation and colonization of Chile was due to two causes. Pedro
de Valdivia, who had distinguished himself in Peru, wanted an empire for
himself, and Francisco Pizarro was desirous of ridding himself of so
formidable a rival. Valdivia was therefore graciously permitted to march
into and conquer at his own expense the country south of Peru. After many
months of preparation Valdivia set out on his expedition with one hundred
and fifty Spaniards, provided with horses and arms, one thousand Indians,
mostly carriers, and a supply of cattle, pigs, poultry and seeds of many
European plants. Thus equipped this cavalier set out from Lima, and
marched across the deserts of Arequipa, Tacna, Tarapacá and Atacama. He
reached the central valley of Chile without the loss of a single Spaniard
through sickness or desertion—a remarkable record.
The first few years were hard ones for these colonists. Santiago was
founded and made the capitol. The Indians were hostile, and dissensions
soon arose among Valdivia’s followers. Several small parties of
reinforcements arrived, but the Spaniards’ position was always precarious
because of the fierce Araucanians. After Valdivia’s death in 1551,
misfortune followed misfortune in the new colony. Garcia Hurlado de
Mendoza, one of the viceroys of Peru, succeeded him as governor. This
man was a mere youth with no experience, and his rule was fraught
with disaster. He established churches and monastic orders, provided
magnificent shows and spectacles, but did not materially improve the
condition of the colony. Then came Francisco and Pedro de Villagran and
a number of other governors,—some good and more of them bad. The colony
slowly increased in numbers, but constant war with the Indians prevented
it from growing rapidly. The coast was swept several times by Dutch and
English pirates. Earthquakes and plagues reaped their harvests from
the inhabitants. But wealth was increasing. Thus passed the sixteenth,
seventeenth and part of the eighteenth centuries. It would be impossible
within the limits of this volume to detail all events, but some of the
Indian wars are mentioned in another chapter.[3] The usual narrow-sighted
policy of Spain toward all her dependencies was followed, and the local
disaffection grew more acute each year.
It was Voltaire who said that “cruelty leads to independence.” The
colonial system of Spain in South and Central America, of which the
writer has had occasion to treat before, was one of selfishness, cruelty
and tyranny. Only the merchants of Cadiz were allowed to sell goods to
the colonists, and the colonists were permitted to sell their products
only to the same traders, who managed to reap a profit, owing to the
monopoly granted them, of as much as three hundred per cent. Local human
rights were not recognized by the government of Spain. It was treason
for a man to assert his freedom, or to seek a free field for his labour.
The natives were compelled to labour for the conquerors without profit.
Imposing buildings were constructed, cities were encircled with massive
walls, great monasteries, churches, and convents rose on the hills,
all by the unrequited toil of generations of these impressed natives.
Education was denied, and the local government, including the church
officials, united in this system of repression and disregard of human
rights.
There was, however, another element which entered into final
independence. For this we must hark back to Spain for a moment. Charles
IV had resigned his throne in favour of his son, Ferdinand VII. The
colonists accepted this change because of their loyalty to the heredity
in line of succession, which had to them a religious as well as political
significance. Charles IV afterwards regretted his abdication and appealed
to Napoleon, who was then in the height of his power, alleging that the
abdication had not been voluntary. Napoleon poured troops into Spain,
and it was not long until Ferdinand VII was compelled to yield. Napoleon
then placed his favourite brother, Joseph, upon the throne of Spain.
Joseph was a well-meaning monarch, a man of far more principle than
his brother, who, perhaps, would have done well by the colonists, had
he been permitted to work out their destinies. The colonists, however,
felt no loyalty toward him, and would not recognize his authority. When
Ferdinand VII was finally restored to the throne after the downfall of
Napoleon, he became a tyrant, and violently opposed all liberal ideas.
The despotism that Napoleon had overthrown was reestablished. These
mistaken moves on the part of Ferdinand, a period of a few years during
which the Crown had been opposed, and the free air of America all had
tended to induce a spirit of liberalism and opposition to monarchy in the
New World. It was not long before Chile was caught in the same whirl as
the rest of the Spanish-American provinces.
The approach of the end of almost three centuries of the colonial system
in Chile does not speak well for Spain. Trade was still restricted. The
post-office was a monopoly that had been farmed out to a private person.
A mail vessel arrived at Montevideo from Spain once in two months, and
from there the mails were transported across the Andes. There was a post
once a month between Concepción and Santiago, and twice a week between
Santiago and Valparaiso. Most people used private couriers or travellers
for their despatches. The only manufactures were the making of brandy and
wine, drying beef and tanning hides.
No city, except Santiago, had more than six thousand people, and
that city had perhaps thirty thousand. Horse racing, cock-fighting,
bull-fighting and cards were the only amusements. The buildings were
creditable, but the streets were dirty, unlighted, and unsanitary. People
who went abroad at night had their servants carry lanterns before them.
Vice and disorder was everywhere. Robbery, brawls and assassination were
frequent. Begging was an intolerable curse. Titles of nobility were
common, and had been purchased by many unworthy persons. Decorations of
membership in orders of nobility had been scattered broadcast. There
was not even a school for girls in Santiago. The majority of the people
still lived in the country in homes that were without conveniences. They
had little furniture, but all were provided with an oratorio in which
each wandering missionary was expected to celebrate mass. The Indians
were held in practical slavery, and the landlords administered justice
over their tenants. A sentimental attachment, and also fear that a bad
condition might be made worse, kept these poor humans from leaving.
Diseases often became epidemic through the unsanitary conditions, so that
thousands were at times swept away. Concepción lost a fourth of its
population one year through the ravages of smallpox. It is probable that
at the beginning of the nineteenth century the total population of Chile,
exclusive of the Araucanian Indians, did not exceed a half million.
There are two men by the name of O’Higgins prominent in Chilean history.
The first, Ambrosio O’Higgins, was born in Ireland in 1730, of humble
parentage. His uncle, a Spanish priest, sent the youth to South America,
and he finally landed in Chile. He first became a trader and peddler,
and then an engineer. During this latter employment he built the
_casuchas_, as the rest houses in the Uspallata pass are called. He also
distinguished himself in fights with the Indians, so that he received
government recognition. Plain Ambrose became Don Ambrosio. Then the Irish
youth, once a ragged, barefooted urchin, became successively Marquis of
Osorno, governor of Chile, and, finally, Viceroy of Peru. He died at
the age of eighty, in Peru, while he was filling the latter office. His
administration was marked by indefatigable activity. It was not until he
was sixty-eight years of age that he became captain-general of Chile,
which position he held for eight years. He introduced a number of
agricultural reforms and set aside many of the abuses on the plantations.
He constructed a passable road between Valparaiso and the capitol, where
none had hitherto been built, as the Spaniards were content to ride on
mules and carry their goods the same way. He improved the road over
the Andes via the Uspallata pass, as trade by this route had greatly
increased. Altogether the things accomplished by this energetic Irishman
were remarkable; his efforts and talents worked a great deal of good for
Chile and Peru. Had all the governors and viceroys been men of similar
character history would probably read differently.
The year 1810 was fraught with direful consequences for Spain. In that
year Hidalgo sounded the _grito_ of independence in Mexico, and the
memorable assembly met in Buenos Aires, which was the forerunner of a
successful revolution. The news of the latter event, which happened
on the 25th of May, soon reached Santiago and fanned the fires of
revolution. On the 18th of September three hundred and fifty electors met
in that city and elected a _junta_ to take charge of the government. A
quiet submission to the new order of things followed for a few months.
A Congress was elected and opened with solemn religious ceremonies and
many eloquent speeches. But jealousies soon arose over the personnel of
the government _junta_, and several years of conflict with Spain and
internal dissension followed. The leaders of the patriot forces were
Bernardo O’Higgins, of Irish descent, Lord Cochrane, an Englishman, and
San Martin, an Argentinian. The disturbing element was contributed in the
main by three brothers, named Carrera. Though leaders for a while these
brothers, of whom José Miguel Carrera was the ablest one, all met violent
deaths at the hands of their indignant countrymen.
[Illustration: JOSÉ DE SAN MARTIN.]
Bernardo O’Higgins was born in Chillan, Chile, in 1776, an illegitimate
son of Ambrosio O’Higgins. He was educated in England, where he
imbibed republican sentiments. He returned to Chile a few years before
his father’s death, and immediately identified himself with the
revolutionists. By the year 1813 he was at the head of their forces.
He proved to be a man of wonderful activity, although not of military
training. Troubles between the Carreras and O’Higgins were unfortunate
for the patriot cause, but the latter was in the right and the
jealousies of the former thwarted him at every turn. After several years
of possession of the capitol by the revolutionists the loyalist forces
under General Osorio recaptured Santiago, and O’Higgins was compelled
to flee. The general fled to Mendoza and there joined General San
Martin, who was greatly impressed by the Irishman. For several years the
destinies of these two men were linked and intertwined.
José de San Martin was a noble character, and his life was actuated by
unselfish principles. There was, according to the best accounts, a moral
grandeur in his character, which places him in the rank of the world’s
great leaders and patriots. No doubt he had his faults, which may have
been serious enough, but his life was far above his contemporaries,
and he has given us a sample of self abnegation which is well worth
remembering. He gave his sword to the best interests of the human race,
and when he found that his presence might not serve the cause of humanity
in the nations he had liberated, he went into exile and poverty.[4]
Here is a pen picture of San Martin written by one who interviewed him
at Lima: “On the 25th of June I had an interview with General San Martin
on board a little schooner anchored in Callao Roads. There was little
at first sight in his appearance to engage attention, but when he arose
and began to speak his great superiority over every other person I have
seen in South America was sufficiently apparent. He received us in a very
simple style on the deck of his vessel, dressed in a surtout coat and a
large fur cap, seated at a table made of a few loose planks laid along
the top of two empty casks. Upon this occasion his views and feelings
were decidedly stated. ‘The contest in Peru,’ said he ‘is not a war of
conquest and culture, but entirely of opinion. It is a war of new and
liberal principles against prejudices, bigotry and tyranny. I do not want
military recognition; I have no ambition to become conqueror of Peru; I
want solely to liberate the country from oppression.’”
In 1822 San Martin decided that he wanted to meet Bolivar. A meeting
was arranged between the two to take place at Guayaquil, on the coast
of Ecuador. Bolivar had driven the Spaniards from Venezuela, Colombia
and Ecuador, but had not proceeded farther south. San Martin wished
to cooperate with him in the subjugation of Peru. Bolivar came to the
city with some fifteen hundred men, and entered the city under arches
of triumph. San Martin arrived by sea on a little vessel called the
Macedonia. He landed and passed through files of soldiers who had been
drawn up to do him honour. When the two heroes met they embraced, entered
the house arm in arm and were left alone. What actually occurred no one
knows, as neither of the principals ever revealed the conversation. It is
known, however, from subsequent events, that San Martin decided upon self
abnegation, which, he believed, would be best for the cause of liberty. A
great ball was given to the two heroes, which was preceded by a banquet.
Bolivar loved these festive occasions, but San Martin avoided them
whenever possible.
After his return to Peru San Martin wrote to Bolivar as follows: “My
decision is irrevocable. I have convened the Congress of Peru; the day
after its meeting I shall leave for Chile, believing that my presence is
the only obstacle that keeps you from going to Peru with your army.”
Upon his resigning his office San Martin delivered a speech, of which the
following is a part. “I have witnessed the declaration of independence
of the states of Chile and Peru. I hold in my possession the standard
which Pizarro brought to enslave the empire of the Incas. I have ceased
to be a public man. Thus I am more than rewarded for ten years spent
in revolution and warfare. My promises to the countries in which I
warred are fulfilled—to make them independent and leave to their will
the elections of the governments. The presence of a fortunate soldier,
however disinterested he may be, is dangerous to newly constituted
states. I am also disgusted with hearing that I wish to make myself
a sovereign. Nevertheless, I shall always be ready to make the last
sacrifice for the liberty of the country, but in the class of the
private individual, and no other. With respect to my public conduct, my
compatriots (as is generally the case) will be divided in their opinions.
Their children will pronounce the true verdict. Peruvians! I leave your
national representation established. If you impose implicit confidence in
it, you will triumph. If not, anarchy will swallow you up. May success
preside over your destinies, and may they be crowned with felicity and
peace!”
There were at least five great battles that decided the liberty of South
America. One of the greatest of these was that of Maipo, or Maipu, which
was fought on Chilean soil. Although this battle lasted only a few
hours, it was the result of years of careful preparation by San Martin.
In 1814 San Martin, who was then in Buenos Aires, decided that the best
way to free Argentina was to drive the Spaniards from the West Coast,
as that was the principal seat of their power. He accordingly sought
the governorship of the province of Cuyo, which bordered on Chile, and
repaired there to begin his real preparation. The _junta_, that governed
Buenos Aires, gave him a small body of troops, which San Martin had
already drilled and made effective soldiers. To these were added Chilean
exiles, slaves who had been freed, and others whom he could gather at
Mendoza, in the foothills of the Andes, which was his capitol. For two
years he trained these men, gathered his artillery and ammunition and
made his preparation to cross the passes of the Andes. No detail had
been omitted by this careful organizer. To no one did he reveal his
plans until he was ready for the start, then his army, which numbered
about four thousand, was divided into two bodies, which proceeded through
different passes across the border into Chile. More than seven thousand
mules had been collected for the soldiers to ride, and every mule was
shod. Specially designed sledges had been constructed on which to carry
the guns. Jerked beef, parched corn and other supplies had been prepared
for food in large quantities.
The lonely and desolate passes of the mountains suddenly disgorged a
well-equipped and disciplined army on Chilean soil. The royalist forces
were taken by surprise, although reports had from time to time reached
the commander. General Maroto concentrated his forces on the ridge of
Chacabuco, whose yellowish-brown hills are almost devoid of vegetation.
There was no definite road over this ridge, which consisted of an
intricate complexity of steep-sided little valleys, or barrancas. General
San Martin divided his forces, the command of one section being given to
O’Higgins. Both sections attacked the Spanish forces vigorously, and the
latter soon gave way through the very force of the onslaught.
O’Higgins formed his infantry in a solid column, and with drums beating,
advanced against the enemy’s front. The men were greatly fatigued by
their march, and the sun was beating down fiercely. After a slight
repulse O’Higgins and his infantry made a bayonet charge. The shock was
terrible, and the Spanish lines first wavered and then broke and ran.
The defeat was decisive for the royalist forces. The Spaniards left
two-thirds of their number on the field of battle or in the hands of the
victors. The loss of San Martin was insignificant, for his casualties did
not exceed one hundred and fifty. The Spanish governor abandoned Santiago
that same night, and General San Martin and his army entered it two days
later, on the 14th of February, 1817, in triumph.
When the army reached Santiago a popular assembly was convened. The
dictatorship was offered to San Martin, but he declined. O’Higgins was
then selected and accepted. The country, however, was in a deplorable
condition. The new dictator exiled a bishop and many priests, shut up
traitorous women in convents and began vigorous measures to preserve
order. But the war was not yet over. Several sanguinary engagements
followed.
General Osorio landed with an army at Talcahuano and slowly proceeded
northward. San Martin and O’Higgins endeavoured to entice him as far
as the river Maule, after the country had been thoroughly devastated.
General Osorio made an unexpected night attack at Cancha-Rayada and
inflicted a terrible defeat on the patriotic forces. San Martin retreated
in good order, and took up his position along a ridge of low hills about
two miles from Santiago. Osorio established himself on a similar ridge.
Between the two forces was a plain about half a mile in width. On this
plain was fought the battle of Maipo on the 5th of April, 1818.
The day was exquisitely beautiful, and the sky was clear and serene. San
Martin opened with a strong artillery fire from both his right and left
flank. He then ordered a general advance. The horse grenadiers, who had
accompanied him from Argentina, charged the Spanish lines furiously.
Other battalions charged the royalist right, which was made up of
veterans of the Peninsular wars. The Spanish cavalry were driven from the
field. San Martin brought his reserves into action and the Spaniards
began an orderly retreat. They withdrew to the buildings and walled
enclosures of a _hacienda_. These were soon broken down by the patriot
guns. The closing scenes were horrible. The infuriated patriots showed no
mercy, and the _patios_ and gardens were soon littered with the dead. The
result, after several hours of fierce fighting, was of a most decisive
character. The Spaniards’ loss was nearly three thousand. The remainder
were flying in every direction, with the enemy in close pursuit. Osorio
finally reached Talcahuano with only ten men, the remnant of the
original force of five thousand that entered the battle of Maipo. The
revolutionists’ loss was eight hundred killed and one thousand wounded.
Spain at last realized the strength of her opposition.
The war for liberty now turns toward Peru. Soon after the decisive battle
of Maipo San Martin reverted to his original plan to invade Peru. The
_junta_ at Buenos Aires commanded him to return to Argentina and aid them
in that city. But he refused to be drawn into the local struggle between
the different factions that were seeking to obtain control of the
government. He began work on his new expedition with the same careful
and methodical plans to gather about him an effective army as he had at
Mendoza. The survivors of that army were loyal to their commander, and
they willingly volunteered for this new enterprise. Others were added,
and all were carefully drilled. Supplies and ammunition were gathered. It
was not until 1820, however, that San Martin was ready to embark for Peru
with an army of four thousand one hundred men. This force was conveyed to
the Peruvian coast by the Chilean navy under command of Lord Cochrane,
who played an important part in driving the Spaniards from this coast and
liberating Chile and Peru from their domination.
The name of Lord Cochrane is an honoured one in Chile, and the visitor
will find numerous monuments and memorials to that British soldier of
fortune. Thomas Cochrane was the tenth Earl of Dundonald, and was born in
Armsfield, Scotland, on the 14th of December, 1775. He became a member of
the House of Commons, and was an officer in the royal navy. One writer
says of him: “He was, after the death of Nelson, the most notable naval
commander in that age of glory.” He had made a reputation for himself as
a daring officer during the Peninsular War. In 1814 he was accused of
spreading a report of the death of Napoleon, and was fined, and expelled
from the navy and Commons. He was also sentenced to a year in prison,
which he served.
Angered and embittered by what he considered the unjust treatment of his
country, Lord Cochrane accepted a commission from the revolutionary party
of Chile to take charge of their little navy. He arrived in that country
on the 28th of November, 1818. For the construction and equipment of
this little fleet ladies had given their jewels, and even church plate
had been contributed. He arrived in time to cooperate with San Martin in
the movement that was then being formulated for the advance against the
Spaniards in Peru. Maipo had already been won. With four little vessels
conveying the transports Cochrane started for Callao and arrived there
safely. The Spanish gunboats were anchored under the protection of the
batteries on shore. A terrific fire was opened on the _O’Higgins_, which
was the flagship, as the other boats were not able to get within range
because of a calm. Cochrane’s enthusiasm was caught by the crew, and
they successfully withstood the onslaught of several hundred guns. The
_Esmeralda_, the best ship of the Spaniards, was captured by strategy.
Cochrane always led his men in person, and was ever in the midst of the
greatest danger. His courage and recklessness soon won for the doughty
admiral the name of “El Diablo.” He declared and maintained a blockade
of the entire Peruvian coast. He used fire-ships which scattered terror
amongst the enemy. His vigorous tactics made his name feared by the
Spaniards and Peruvians, so that the battle was half won before it was
begun. And yet his crews and officers would be generally considered
unsatisfactory, for they were composed for the most part of adventurers.
He captured Valdivia by a clever ruse, which was the strongest fortified
place on the Pacific coast.
Cochrane had the misfortune of a bad temper, and quarrelled with nearly
every one in authority. He could not understand San Martin’s deliberation
in attacking Peru, so that these two men, both able and honest, could
not work together. He quarrelled with O’Higgins and others. He drove the
Spanish fleet off the Pacific waters from Guayaquil south. He cleared
the waters of pirates, and to him in great part was due the emancipation
of Chile and Peru—all of this in two and one-half years. Cochrane finally
left Chile and commanded the Brazilian navy from 1823-5, which position
he resigned because of charges of insubordination. He then went to Greece
and commanded their army for two years. Finally his good name was cleared
in England and he returned to his native country, and had achieved the
high rank of rear-admiral in the British navy when he died at the ripe
old age of eighty-five.
The victory of Maipo, although won at great loss, forever settled the
Spanish power in Chile. Absolute independence from Spain was at once
proclaimed. O’Higgins managed to introduce a few reforms, but the country
was still lawless, disturbed and unsettled. Armed bands of robbers,
calling themselves royalists, attacked haciendas and villages, and
murdered travellers. The dictator did the best he could and introduced
many reforms in procedure. Even these improvements seemed to bring
discontent. He was always optimistic, which was not for the best. Some
men in whom he placed confidence betrayed it. The priests were insidious
in their preaching, as they favoured the royalty. The Indians were
incited to rebellion whenever possible.
Traitors arose among the malcontents. Others were jealous of O’Higgins.
San Martin and Lord Cochrane were both appointed to head the opposition,
but each declined. One General Freire consented. An assembly was
convened, which the dictator attended. After a stormy scene O’Higgins
resigned his office rather than plunge the country into civil war. The
withdrawal of his firm but kindly hand was a great loss to Chile. He went
to Peru, where he died an exile at Lima in 1842.
The long struggle with Spain had accustomed the Chileans to military
service, and the control of the country naturally fell into the hands of
the military element. Once the common danger disappeared, intrigue and
personal ambition ran riot and led to a condition of affairs bordering on
anarchy. Chile, however, never acquired the revolutionary habit to such
an extent as its neighbours, for there was a powerful landed aristocracy
whose interests lay in the cultivation of the soil, for which peace was
necessary. Anarchy lasted only for a few years, and then followed four
decades during which time four successive presidents ruled the country
for two terms of five years each.
After the resignation of O’Higgins, in January, 1823, Congress offered
the dictatorship to General Freire, who was then marching against the
capital with a considerable force. A constitution was promulgated, but it
proved to be only so much waste paper, for Freire soon suspended it. He
quarrelled with the Church authorities, banished the Bishop of Santiago
and issued decrees confiscating ecclesiastical property. Congress was
dissolved. A new election was ordered, but only a few members were
chosen. Political confusion followed, but another Congress was elected
that limited the dictator’s powers. He maintained his position only by
the use of sheer force.
In 1826 Freire succeeded in driving the Spaniards from the island of
Chiloé, which was their last stronghold. This victory temporarily
strengthened his prestige somewhat, although the liberals were daily
becoming stronger. A financial crisis was impending as the expenses
exceeded the revenues. Freire was temporarily replaced by Manuel
Blanco Encalada. But things became worse and Freire was recalled.
This restoration lasted only a few months when he resigned in favour
of General Pinto. Pinto succeeded for a while in suppressing the
disturbances, and endeavoured to introduce some reforms in the army
and finances. A new Congress wrestled with the constitutional problem.
Rivalries among the leaders were too much for him. It was too easy for
the aristocratic landlords to get up an army from among their peons,
or inquilinos. A whole series of presidents and dictators followed in
the next couple of years. Social as well as political anarchy reigned
supreme. Disorders were prevalent, robberies occurred daily and life was
unsafe.
Order was gradually coming out of chaos, however, for peace began to
appear above the political horizon. With the battle of Lircay the
conservatives, under General Prieto and Bulnes, won a decisive victory
over the other elements. Freire fled and a horrible slaughter followed,
for the victors were merciless. Freire himself and his partisans were
banished to Peru, and his sympathizers removed from the army.
[Illustration: CONGRESS PALACE, SANTIAGO.]
At the election in 1831, General Don Joaquin Prieto was chosen chief
magistrate. Although he owed his elevation to the military power, the
new President did not attempt the role of dictator at first. He was
ably seconded by his chief cabinet officer, Señor Portales, one of the
ablest statesmen that Chile has produced. After two years of careful
preparation a new constitution was promulgated in 1833. Although it has
been amended from time to time to meet new conditions, just as has our
own constitution, this instrument has remained the fundamental law of the
land. It gave to Chile a strong and stable government. The foundation of
the government, under the franchise conditions, was the property-holding
class. Political power originated in an oligarchy which obtained control
of Congress. Although such a possibility was not designed in the
constitution, it gradually developed a government by dictators. This was
due to the turbulent character of the people. Extraordinary powers were
granted from time to time in order to suppress revolutionary outbreaks.
These powers included the right to suspend the constitutional guarantees,
to imprison and exile political suspects without trial, and to adopt
such other arbitrary measures as the executive might deem advisable. All
of these powers were invoked by President Prieto before the end of his
first term.
As there was no constitutional inhibition against a second term Prieto
was reelected in 1836, and Portales retained his portfolio. All branches
of the government had been reformed over the former chaotic conditions,
and industrial progress had been rapid. The credit of the country was
good, and interest was paid promptly. Life in the new republic, however,
was not dull. It was sometimes necessary to put down disorders with a
firm hand. Opponents were banished without mercy. Peru seemed to have
favoured those who sought refuge on her soil, and war was declared
against that republic. Several battles were fought, and Chile captured
the entire Peruvian navy, consisting of three vessels. Portales was
killed, and a serious repulse finally compelled Prieto to make peace.
This caused trouble at home, and it gave Prieto’s enemies a chance to
denounce the war and its outcome. A new expedition was sent against
Peru under General Bulnes, and this expedition was successful. The
Bolivian-Peruvian dictator was overwhelmingly defeated, and this success
made Chile the dominant power on the Pacific Coast, a position which it
has retained ever since.
At the election in 1841 General Manuel Bulnes was chosen president. He
was a very distinguished soldier. Owing to his training as a soldier,
President Bulnes had little idea of any method of administration other
than by force. His course toward political opponents was severe, and
all attempts to dispute his authority were crushed with an iron hand.
Nevertheless, during the ten years administration of Bulnes, prosperity
made great strides and Chile became a nation of influence and importance.
The growth of the customs revenues placed the government finances on a
sound footing. The President fostered education and other reforms. A more
liberal religious atmosphere began to grow up. Mines were discovered and
opened. The Liberals began to be more numerous, but Bulnes was outspoken
in his opposition to them. In spite of their opposition he succeeded in
selecting Manuel Montt as his own successor in 1851.
The new President was a civilian and had been a member of the Supreme
Court, and many reforms were expected from him. More would probably have
been granted by him, for his standing was of the highest, had not a
serious disturbance broken out just a few days after his inauguration.
The headquarters of the revolutionists were at Concepción. Proceeding
toward the capital they won several small victories. The decisive
battle of Loncomilla followed, however, in which the government was
victorious, but not until five thousand Chileans had lost their lives
in this internecine warfare. Peace and general amnesty followed this
victory, and equilibrium was quickly established. Montt welcomed liberals
among his followers. A number of administrative reforms were adopted,
although the liberal program was strenuously opposed. New treaties with
the leading commercial nations were negotiated. Nevertheless the policy
of centralizing the entire government with the bureaucracy of Santiago
was followed up. Many leading liberals were exiled. During his second
term Montt attempted to grant a greater degree of political liberties,
but insurrections broke out in the north and south, and there was bloody
rioting in Valparaiso. This led to a renewal of drastic measures. Montt
finally came into open rupture with Congress, because it favoured the
return of his political enemies, among whom were some of the ablest
men in the republic. The clergy were angry because they were compelled
to submit their decisions to the civil tribunals. He became more and
more dictatorial in his methods. Newspapers were suppressed, meetings
dispersed, and agitators imprisoned. President Montt succeeded in putting
down the various insurrections. In spite of defeat on the field of battle
the liberals in fact won a victory, for their cause was forced on the
government. It was obliged to make some concessions in order to prevent
a renewal of the conflict. The government was in this condition when
Montt’s second term reached an end in 1861.
José Joaquin Perez, a man of high personal prestige, was unanimously
chosen as Montt’s successor. From the very commencement of his
administration Chile began to enjoy a freedom unknown in the preceding
thirty years. Criticism of the government was encouraged, instead of
being treated as a crime to be punished by imprisonment or banishment.
The policy of President Perez was one of conciliation, in order to unite
the discordant elements. A law was at once passed granting amnesty to
political offenders. The extraordinary powers heretofore granted to
dictatorial presidents was not even asked for by Perez, nor did he
need it. Railroads were opened up, and colonists began to come in.
Fierce parliamentary struggles over certain reform measures followed in
Congress, and there were many changes of ministry.
The only serious disturbance of the Perez administration was a brief
war with Spain, which occurred in 1864-5. The dispute was primarily
between Spain and Peru, but Chile took the part of the latter, for fear
that Spain might seek to reestablish her authority in South America.
As a result Valparaiso was blockaded by the Spaniards and bombarded.
Millions of dollars worth of property were destroyed in a few hours,
but the Chileans would not yield and grant the apology demanded. Public
feeling ran very high for a few months. Chile had only one war-ship, but
this boat captured a Spanish gunboat. This so humiliated the Spanish
commander, Admiral Pareja, that he suicided. Although the war did not
officially end for many years, nothing hostile was done by Spain after
the bombardment of Valparaiso. Perez was reelected as a matter of course
in 1866, and finished his second term. Pressure for amendments to the
constitution had become very strong, for the foreign influences were
becoming noticeable. A measure was passed forbidding a president to be
reelected to succeed himself, and this marks an important step in the
evolution of political ideals. A desperate effort was made to enfranchise
all who could read and write. This measure, although favoured by Perez,
was defeated, but the property qualification was greatly reduced. In
every way the two administrations of President Perez marked the beginning
of a new era in Chilean affairs. The rights of the people began to
receive greater consideration from politicians.
The election of 1871 was hotly contested. The liberals were very
aggressive. The conservatives united with the moderates, and Federico
Errázuriz, an astute politician, was chosen. This election practically
marks the elimination of the conservatives as an important element for
several presidential terms. It was not long after this election until
more radical elements controlled Congress, and Errázuriz sided with the
liberals in their program of reforms. The great issue was the amenability
of the clergy to the civil law. The anti-clerical party forced through
this law, and made concessions to Protestant worship. The requirement of
obligatory teaching of the Catholic religion in the public schools was
greatly modified. The Archbishop promptly excommunicated all who voted
for these laws, and the breach between the liberals and clericals was
further widened. The administration of President Errázuriz was marked
by considerable internal improvement and the beginning of a greater
navy, which was soon to be very useful. Political reforms went forward
with increasing momentum, but not without the usual results. As soon as
the liberals had things in their power, the various factions into which
they were divided began to intrigue among themselves for congressional
majorities. Material prosperity had continued until the great world panic
of 1873. The government customs fell and financial troubles followed, but
the debt was successfully refunded. One of the most remarkable features
of this administration was that the same Prime Minister held his office
during the entire term of four years without interruption.
The election of 1876 brought out several candidates. In former years the
retiring President had practically selected his successor. More liberal
ideas now prevailed, and the Chileans were called upon to decide for
themselves who should be their chief magistrate. There were three active
candidates, among whom was Señor Anibal Pinto, who was nominated by the
moderates and elected. President Pinto was a man of studious habits and
a strong advocate of peaceful measures. And yet this man of peace was
called upon to preside over the nation during one of its most severe
trials. Never did he falter, even when war became necessary, and never
did he waver in his determination to protect Chilean interests.
The dispute with Argentina over the southern boundary had by this time
become acute. Public feeling in both republics had reached such a stage
that peace was threatened. A previous treaty had declared that the
boundary should be the same as in colonial times. This was hazy and
uncertain, because that section had been and still was uninhabited. No
one had ever been concerned about it. Chile had always claimed the Andes
to the east and Cape Horn to the south. Punta Arenas had been founded
thirty-five years previously without serious opposition from Argentina.
For years this controversy continued between the two countries, but
impending war with Peru hastened a treaty. The territorial limitations
were finally decided upon and Chile practically got all that she had
contended for. Chile obtained practical control of both ends of the
Straits, although the channel was declared neutral and neither nation can
erect any fortifications along it.
A severe economic crisis, due to the depression in the mining industry,
also disturbed this administration, but this situation was met as well
as it could be. But all the troubles of President Pinto pale before the
sanguinary war conducted against the combined forces of Peru and Bolivia,
in which the lives of twenty thousand of his subjects were sacrificed.