_FLORENCE THE DOMINANT POWER IN TUSCANY._[299]
I.
After the death of Frederic II., the Imperial throne long remained
vacant. For twenty-three years no king of the Romans was definitively
proclaimed in Germany, and sixty-two years elapsed before any prince
came to Rome to assume the crown of the Empire. Therefore during this
interval the Ghibelline party was left to its own resources, and its
leaders tried to maintain their feudal rights by employing their
forces and prestige against all communes and small potentates enjoying
no chance of gaining the Imperial protection. Hence petty tyrants
began to arise on all sides, Ghibelline lords for the most part, who,
notwithstanding the many defeats endured by the aristocracy in Italy,
derived new and unexpected advantages from the changed conditions of
the times. Another factor of this result was the new mode of warfare.
Men-at-arms were now the chief strength of an army, and these mounted
soldiers, cased as well as their horses, in heavy armour and armed with
long spears, were able to overcome infantry before the latter's
halberds could come into play. But a lengthy training was required
for cavalry service, and it was increasingly difficult for artisans
or merchants to pursue the military career to any effect, whereas war
was becoming the chief occupation of the nobles. In fact, many of the
leading patricians were acquiring a reputation in the new mode of
war, gaining followers, and by taking the command of small companies
gradually rising to power, and aspiring to become tyrants. For this and
other reasons, to be made clearer farther on, nearly all the Lombard
cities, and some of those in Central Italy, were now losing their
independence.
[Illustration: PALAZZO VECCHIO, FLORENCE.
[_To face page 241._]
The same ambitions doubtless existed among the Guelphs, but the feudal
aristocracy had far less influence in their party, the majority of
which consisted of merchants and wealthy men of the people. Besides,
the Pope was a near neighbour during the interregnum of the Empire,
the Guelph cities were at the same time under the dangerous protection
of an ambitious pontiff, and that of the equally ambitious Charles I.
of Anjou, peacemaker and vicar-imperial of Tuscany. Charles nominated
the Podestà of every Guelph Tuscan city, and whenever he failed to
appear in person, sent a representative, called by the chroniclers a
royal _maliscalco_, with an escort of some hundred horse and foot.
Pisa, Arezzo, and all other Ghibelline cities refusing to acknowledge
his authority, were exposed to continual threats from without, and
lacerated within their walls by the attacks of would-be tyrants. On
the other hand, the Guelph cities lived in continual terror of the
king's ambitious designs; but Charles's position was not sufficiently
assured for him to be able to use his temporary and limited office as a
pretext for asserting sovereign power over Tuscany, although such was
his secret aim. For the moment it was enough to play the part of high
protector of all civic rights and privileges, so that the Guelph cities
might be tricked into counting on his help both against Ghibelline
attacks from without and internal treason in favour of tyranny.
The Florentines, however, were not easily hoodwinked regarding either
future or present events. They had asked Charles to accord them his
protection, but only within certain limits, which, at any cost, they
were determined should not be overstepped. They too nourished a
secret aim--namely, to use the king's forces, not for the increase of
his power, but towards the establishment of their own supremacy in
Tuscany. The authority of the Empire was much diminished in Italy;
the temporal strength of the Papacy was also on the wane, and the
Communes, realising their greater independence, hastened to enlarge
their respective territories. All Italian cities now had this end in
view. But if one city waxed powerful, all its neighbours had either to
pursue the same course or become its prey. Thus there was continual war
between this and that city, less from party strife or jealousy than in
necessary defence of their own interests. Besides, with the new custom
of hiring foreign soldiers and captains of adventure, any one with
gold at his command could quickly collect a powerful force and attack
some of his neighbours. Hence every city or state had to be always on
the alert and continually enlarging its strength and power. It was for
this purpose that the Florentines now resolved to turn to account the
authority, prestige, and forces of King Charles.
Accordingly when (1267) his mandatories, the Podestà Emilio di
Corbano,[300] and Marshal Philip de Montfort,[301] with eight hundred
French knights, arrived in Florence, a Florentine army, composed of
recruits from two _sestieri_ of the city, in junction with the French
cavalry under Montfort, immediately marched to the siege of St. Ilario,
or St. Ellero, in which castle a number of Ghibellines had sought
refuge with their leader, Filippo da Volognano. The castle was taken,
and its eight hundred Ghibelline defenders were all either killed or
captured.[302] They comprised many members of the highest Florentine
nobility, Uberti, Fifanti, Scolari, &c., and party hatred was then
so fierce that a youthful scion of the Uberti, finding surrender
inevitable, threw himself from the top of a tower to avoid falling into
the hands of the Buondelmonti.[303] In the course of this campaign the
castles of Campi and Gressa were captured; and many cities, including
Lucca, Pistoia, Volterra, Prato, San Gimignano, and Colle, being won
over to the Guelph cause by the expulsion of their Ghibellines, joined
the Florentines in the League, or _Taglia_, commanded by the French
marshal.
Pisa and Sienna still remained Ghibelline; the former had always
been and still continued to be the strongest bulwark of the party
in Tuscany; the latter had, as usual, given refuge to the banished
Ghibellines of Florence, and also to some of Manfred's Germans who
had escaped the massacre of Benevento. The Florentines had not yet
succeeded in revenging the rout of Montaperti, and were burning to
pluck this thorn from their side; while King Charles, equally eager for
the destruction of all surviving friends and supporters of the Suabian
line, was preparing to come to Tuscany to lead the war against Sienna
in person. Pending his arrival, the Florentines, after an abortive
attack on the city, laid waste the surrounding territory, and finding
that the exiles, the Germans and other Ghibellines, were entrenched
at Poggibonsi, marched against that town with the French contingent
and the Guelphs of the _Taglia_, and began preparations for a regular
siege. At the same time King Charles entered Florence, and was
naturally welcomed with great joy. All the chief citizens went forth to
meet him, with the _Carroccio_, as a sign of the highest honour, and
after spending a festal week in the city and raising several persons to
the knighthood, the king repaired to the camp before Poggibonsi. The
siege lasted four months, and then, towards the middle of December,
1267, the stronghold was driven to surrender by famine. Charles left
a Podestà there to govern in his name, and began to build a fortress,
providing for that expense, in his accustomed way, by levying heavy
taxes from the cities of the League. Florence had to contribute 1,992
_lire_. After this, the army was immediately marched against Pisa.
The reduction of this powerful and warlike republic proved no easy
task; the king had to be satisfied for the time with humiliating it,
by seizing Porto Pisano and levelling the towers there. In February,
1268, he repaired to Lucca, and marching thence to the siege of
Mutrone, captured that castle and gave it to the Lucchese. Thus, by a
series of small victories, which, although of slight importance, were
achieved with dazzling rapidity, he greatly raised the authority and
prestige of the Guelph party, which had not only contributed troops to
the war, but borne its entire expense, granting all the large sums of
money continually demanded by their imperious protector. In fact, by
the end of February, 1268, Florence alone had disbursed no less than
seventy-two thousand _lire_, twenty thousand of which were devoted to
the reduction of Poggibonsi, although Charles had not fulfilled his
promise of erecting a fortress there. But at this moment a war-cry
was raised, stirring all Italy to alarm, and the monarch was suddenly
threatened by so imminent a peril, that after some hesitation he was
compelled to decide on flying to the defence of the Neapolitan kingdom.
II.
Prince Conradin, son of Conrad, and grandson of Frederic II., was
the last representative of the Suabian line in Germany, and the last
hope of the Ghibellines in Italy. He was rightful heir to the crown
of Naples that Charles of Anjou had forcibly usurped; and in many
quarters he was regarded as the future emperor of Germany. On attaining
the age of fifteen years, numerous exiles, from Naples, Sicily and
other parts of Italy, sought his presence, imploring him to reconquer
his kingdom and restore the Imperial party in Italy. Conradin was a
youth of precocious intelligence, full of ardour and ambition; so,
fired by this flash of hope, he instantly resolved to cross the Alps.
Selling what little property remained to him, and collecting the most
devoted of his adherents, he gathered a small army and entered Verona
on the 20th of October, with three thousand horse and a considerable
number of infantry. From this city he despatched letters to all the
Christian powers, recounting his misfortunes: the injuries inflicted
on him by the usurpation of King Charles and the hatred of Pope Urban
IV., who, not content with summoning a French pretender to trample on
the Imperial rights, had gone to the length of excommunicating the
legitimate heirs of the Empire itself. By way of reply, Pope Clement
now renewed the sentence of excommunication on Conradin, tried to stir
all the powers against him by means of violent and venomous epistles;
and wrote pressingly to Charles, now waiting to give battle in Tuscany,
bidding him hasten to defend his kingdom from the threatened and
imminent danger. In fact, the Ghibelline movement was now spreading
throughout Italy. Pisa and Sienna were roused to great hopes, for the
cities of Romagna, Naples, and especially of Sicily, had all risen
against the French. By April, 1268, Conradin was already in Pisa with
his army, and numerous adherents flocked to his standard, although
the emptiness of his purse had caused some of the Germans to desert.
By this time Charles had reached Naples, was making preparations for
defence, and laying siege to Lucera, where Manfred's Saracens had
hoisted the Suabian flag. Conradin was ready to fly thither, without
even halting in Tuscany to encourage the cities revolted in his favour.
Pisa and Sienna openly sided with him; Poggibonsi had promptly thrown
off the Florentine yoke; and other places were preparing to do the
same. Meanwhile, the German troops at once directed their march on
Rome, where the Senator Errico of Castile was awaiting them. The French
in Florence sallied forth to intercept their passage, but were driven
back with heavy loss, to the great encouragement of Conradin and his
followers.
But the prince's fate was to be decided by the battle of Tagliacozzo,
fought near the banks of the Salto on August 23, 1268. At the beginning
of the engagement Charles's inferior forces seemed almost routed, so
that the German horse rode forward on all sides in pursuit. But while
all were scattered, riding down and pillaging their retreating foes,
Charles suddenly fell on them with the reserve of eight hundred horse
he had kept in ambush, and quickly turned the fortunes of the day. The
same evening, in a frenzy of delight, he announced his victory to
the Pope, who was equally exultant. The prisoners were treated with
unparalleled cruelty, being mutilated, beheaded, or even burnt alive.
Conradin escaped with about five hundred men, and escorted by Henry of
Austria, Galvano Lancia, Count Gherardo Donatico of Pisa, and other
devoted friends, made for Rome. But being then deserted by most of his
followers, he had to fly to the Maremma and seek shelter in the Castle
of Astura. But here, by the sea, when on the point of embarking for
Sicily with a handful of friends, he was seized by Giovanni Frangipani,
lord of Astura, who handed him over to Charles, and was rewarded by
grants of land.
The French monarch hastened to manifest his joy by renewed acts of
cruelty. It is said that one of the towers of Corneto was garlanded
with the corpses of some of the most distinguished and valiant
Ghibellines. In all the Neapolitan cities he excited the populace to
the fiercest excesses against the nobles of Conradin's party. And
his ministers in Sicily outrivalled one another in ferocity, for it
is said that, among other barbarities, so many unhappy Sicilians
were put to death in one day at Augusta, that the executioner became
exhausted with fatigue, and wine was poured down his throat to give
him strength to continue the slaughter. But the king's ferocious mind
was chiefly devoted to considering what should be Conradin's fate. To
murder thousands of fellow Christians, and let them die amid the worst
torments, was a matter of very slight consequence to him; but where a
victim of royal and Imperial blood was in question, he felt obliged to
hesitate a little. In fact, it is said that he sought counsel from the
Pope; but then, without waiting the reply, he sought to give an honest
colour to his revenge by investing it with a false air of legality. He
presumed to treat the rival whose throne he had usurped as one who
had rebelled against a legitimate sovereign, and to treat a prisoner
of war as a criminal guilty of high treason, and justly responsible
for all the excesses of the German soldiery during the campaign. Yet,
although the tribunal consisted of foes of the Hohenstauffen selected
by the king, some of its members spoke nobly in Conradin's defence. It
was affirmed that Guido du Suzzara, a juris-consult of Emilia, renowned
in his day, pleaded the youthfulness of the accused, his belief in his
own right to the Neapolitan crown, the motives of the campaign. It
was also reported that many of the judges remained silent, and that
one alone openly declared against the prisoner. But all was in vain.
Charles, who had already put some of the barons to death, and forced
one of them, Count Galvano Lancia, to witness the strangling of his own
son before being executed, never intended the trial to be more than
a sham, so, choosing to interpret the judges' silence as a sign of
consent to the prince's death, gave sentence accordingly. The verdict
was communicated to Conradin in prison while he was playing chess with
his cousin Frederic of Austria. On October 29, 1268, both were led to
the scaffold on the Market Place at Naples. The protonotary Roberto
di Bari, counsel for the prosecution, read the sentence aloud, in the
presence of the exultant King Charles. It is asserted that even many of
the French were stirred to rage and humiliation by this cruel scene. An
immense throng filled the Piazza, and many fell on their knees touched
with pity. Conradin removed his cloak, glanced at the silent people,
threw his glove to them, as an augury of vengeance in time to come, and
then submitted his neck to the axe. Thus died the Emperor Frederic's
heir, the last of the Suabian line. Frederic of Austria tried to kiss
his cousin's head, but was instantly seized by the executioner and put
to the same death. Many details, either historical or legendary, are
added by the chroniclers in describing this dismal tragedy. Although
a Guelph, Villani believed the false rumour (vii. 29) to the effect
that Count Robert of Flanders, son-in-law to Charles, on hearing the
sentence read by di Bari, was moved to such fury that he drew his sword
and slew the protonotary forthwith before the king's eyes. At least,
this tale serves to show what was the general impression produced by
the deed. Opinions vary as to the Pope's share in the tragedy. It is
certain that he beheld it in silence.[304]
III.
Although these events excited general and very severe condemnation in
Italy, they wrought immediate benefit to Charles and the Guelphs. The
Florentines profited by the opportunity to launch new sentences against
the Ghibellines, and shortly afterwards prepared to make fresh attacks
on their neighbours, and particularly on Sienna. For they still yearned
to avenge the defeat at Montaperti, and were now additionally irritated
by seeing their exiles again flocking to Sienna, and heartily welcomed
there. They also held that city responsible for the recent revolt of
Poggibonsi, and their action in devastating the latter's territory
sufficed to start hostilities afresh. The hopes of the Siennese had
been greatly inflamed by Conradin's passage, and even now they were
not disposed to be easily worsted. The chief ruler of the city was
still Provenzano Salvani, one of those who had advised the battle of
Montaperti and given notable proofs of valour in the fight. Since then
his fame had been increased by many noble deeds. It was said that when
a friend of his was seized by King Charles and condemned to pay a fine
of ten thousand crowns in exchange for his life, Provenzano came to the
rescue, and as neither he nor the prisoner's kindred could contrive to
pay the ransom, he stretched a carpet on the Piazza and stood there,
asking public alms for his friend until the required sum was collected.
Consequently he had great influence with the people, was a Ghibelline
and the declared enemy of Florence. Sienna likewise contained a
considerable number of Spaniards and Germans, old soldiers of the
Ghibelline wars, and there was also Count Guido Novello, who, although
of little worth, continually agitated in favour of hostilities. Thus an
army was recruited, consisting, Villani says, of fourteen hundred horse
and eight thousand foot, and this force besieged the Castle of Colle in
Val d'Elsa, as a reprisal for the devastation of Poggibonsi. Thereupon
the Florentines took the field with a small body of infantry, led by
the vicar of King Charles, and eight hundred horse, and notwithstanding
their inferiority of numbers advanced against the Siennese, gave
them battle (June 17, 1269), and achieved their defeat. Count Guido
Novello secured his safety, as usual, by flight; but Provenzano Salvani
justified his fame by dying sword in hand. His head was carried
round the field on the point of a spear. This was the fulfilment of
a prophecy made to him before the battle: "Thy head shall be the
highest in the field," although he had interpreted the saying as an
omen of success. The Siennese received no quarter from their foes, who
returned home in triumph, and thinking they had now avenged the rout of
Montaperti, began negotiations for peace. The first condition exacted
was that Sienna should no longer harbour Ghibelline refugees, who, in
fact, were soon compelled to depart and wander from place to place,
everywhere exposed to persecution and cruelty. Among others were the
Pazzi, who, having excited the Castle of Ostina to revolt, were seized
and hacked to pieces.
After a devastating raid on Pisan territory, executed by the
Florentines and Lucchese, Pisa signed a treaty of peace with Charles in
April, 1270. Florence herself concluded an alliance with that republic
on the 2nd of May, stipulating almost the identical terms and the same
politico-commercial agreements previously arranged by the peace of
1256.[305] Just at that time Azzolino, Neracozzo, and Conticino degli
Uberti, together with a knight named Bindo dei Grifoni, left Sienna
to take refuge in the Casentino, and were captured by the Florentines
on the way. The latter asked Charles what should be done with these
prisoners, and he replied, that they were to be punished as traitors,
save Conticino the youngest, who was to be sent to him. The others were
speedily beheaded, by order of the Podestà Berardino d'Ariano (May 8,
1270). It is related that on nearing the scaffold Neracozzo said to
Azzolino: "Whither are we going?" To which his kinsman quietly replied:
"To pay a debt bequeathed us by our fathers." Conticino perished in
a Capuan dungeon. This instance clearly proves the great supremacy
exercised by Charles over the Commonwealth. But the Florentines
were willing to tolerate anything from him in order to assure their
predominance in Tuscany by his help, and restore the prestige of the
Guelph party. The latter aim was already practically achieved, for all
Tuscany now adhered to the Guelphs, and both old and recent injuries
had been avenged. At this time Florence also demolished the Castle of
Pian di Mezzo in the Val d'Arno and razed the walls of Poggibonsi.
Meanwhile, however, the power of the Angevins had swelled to a
formidable extent. Charles was firmly established on the Neapolitan
throne; and during the interregnum had been nominated by the Popes
senator of Rome and vicar-imperial of Romagna as well as Tuscany.
Accordingly, while restoring the strength of the Guelph party, he
had notably aggrandised his own authority. His lurking ambition to
be master of all Italy was now clearly discernible, and accordingly
the Florentines began to kick against his perpetual interference, and
to object to every commune being subject to a Podestà of his choice
exercising absolute judicial power in his name and under his authority.
And as though this were not enough, there was also a royal marshal or
vicar in Tuscany who jointly with the rest perpetually harassed the
city by threatening demands for fresh subsidies. But even greater than
elsewhere was the jealousy excited in Rome. The Popes had summoned
the Angevins to the overthrow of the Suabians, less on account of
these being Ghibellines, those Guelphs, than because the Suabians had
entertained the identical ambition that Charles was now beginning to
conceive. Accordingly, there was now the same motive for combating him.
Niccolò Machiavelli has often repeated that the Popes "always feared
every one who rose to great power in Italy, albeit his power was
exercised by favour of the Church. And inasmuch as they [the Popes]
sought to lower that power, frequent tumults would arise and frequent
changes of power, since fear of a tyrant led to the exaltation of some
feebler personage, and then, as his power became increased, he in turn
was feared, and, being feared, his overthrow was desired. Thus, the
government taken from Manfred was conceded to Charles; thus, later,
when he excited fear, his ruin likewise was planned."[306] In fact,
Urban IV. had invited Charles to seize the kingdom of Naples; Clement
IV. had named him his vicar; Gregory X. was now beginning to oppose
him, and succeeding pontiffs followed his example. Thus three different
political games were now being played in Central Italy: the Angevins
already yearning for the dominion of Italy; the Florentines scheming
to use the French monarch's power to assure their own predominance in
Tuscany; and the Popes seeking to check the king's ambition and resume
their former supremacy over that state.
IV.
The first sign of this alteration in the Papal policy was quickly
detected by Florence, although Rome used every device to conceal the
real cause and object of the change; and, indeed, to prevent its
change of purpose from appearing on the surface. Gregory X. began by
expressing regret that a city so rich and powerful as Florence should
still be divided by the party strife of the Guelphs and Ghibellines.
He desired to see them at peace. No wish should have seemed more
natural on the part of the Head of the Church; but it roused the
king's suspicions to find the Pope suddenly inflamed by such unusual
compassion towards the Ghibellines. His distrust was heightened on
seeing how cheerfully the Florentines accepted the proposals of
the Pope. They had already shown signs of wishing to shake off the
royal yoke by requesting the king to give them an Italian Podestà,
as their statutes required, and already in January, 1270,[307] he
had felt obliged to make this concession in a graciously worded
decree. Instantly divining the real intention of Rome, the Florentines
now understood that the moment had come to second it for their own
advantage. They were all the more willing to do so not only to impose
a check on the growing tyranny of the king, but in order to remedy
another evil wrought by his supremacy in Florence. Charles was always
surrounded by his own barons and captains, whose foreign presence was
unwelcome, and by Guelph nobles and knights not only of Tuscany, but
from other parts of Italy as well. In Florence he constantly favoured
the old Guelph nobility, and on every visit to the city created new
knights. Thus, ennobled Guelph merchants were joined to the other
aristocrats, and assuming the rank of _grandi_, soon became opposed to
the people, and revived the old antipathy of the Florentine democrats,
who, just as they had rebelled in past times against the feudal pride
of the Ghibellines, now refused to tolerate that of the old and new
Guelph patriciate. Therefore it was necessary to curb the _grandi_ at
any cost, and it seemed the wisest plan to recall the Ghibellines,
who were equally opposed to them and the king. Thus the people would
be strengthened by the division of the nobles, and the latter, by
quarrelling among themselves, would lessen the number of those most
subservient to Charles. The king, however, could not be blind to the
hidden purpose of these intrigues, and was quite awake to the Pope's
real intentions. He knew that the latter was now urging the Germans to
elect Rudolf of Hapsburg as King of the Romans, in order to put an
end to the Imperial interregnum, and consequently to his own tenure of
the vicariate. Why should the Pope desire the election of an emperor
save for the purpose of weakening the Angevin power? Meanwhile both
pontiff and king preserved a feint of amity, and seemed to be on the
best possible terms, although their mutual distrust continually flashed
forth.
Gregory X. had decreed the convocation of a Council at Lyons in 1274 in
order to promote a crusade against the infidels; and reaching Florence
on June 18, 1273, suspended his journey for awhile for the purpose,
as he said, of re-establishing the general peace. He arrived with his
whole train of cardinals and prelates, accompanied by the Emperor of
Byzantium, Baldwin II., who came to ask Christian aid against the
Infidel, and escorted by Charles of Anjou, whose sense of the honour
due to the pontiff, so he said, forbade leaving him alone in Florence.
And as the Pope found the city to his liking, he decided to spend the
whole summer there. The 2nd of July was the day fixed for the solemn
reconciliation of the Guelphs and Ghibellines, and the syndics, or
leaders, of either party were gathered in the town. On the waste
of dry sand in the bed of the Arno by the Ponte alle Grazie wooden
platforms had been erected, and here the Pope, the Emperor Baldwin,
and Charles of Anjou were seated in state. The oath of peace was sworn
in the presence of a great throng of spectators; the syndics exchanged
kisses, and the Pope gave his benediction, threatening excommunication
on all who should dare to break the peace. Both sides gave hostages
and yielded castles as pledges of faith, and everything seemed to be
arranged in accordance with the benevolent intentions of the Pope. The
Holy Father was lodged in the palace of his bankers, the Mozzi, Baldwin
in that of the bishop, while Charles occupied several houses in the
Frescobaldi gardens. There was now time to enjoy life in Florence
before the return of the banished Ghibellines and the festivals to be
given in their honour. But suddenly it was learnt that the Ghibelline
syndics, instead of carrying out the concluding terms of the peace, had
hastily fled from Florence. And the reason alleged for this was, that
the king's vicar had sent them an intimation that unless they left the
city without delay, he would have them all cut to pieces at the request
of the Guelph nobles. Thereupon the Pope instantly set out for the
Mugello, much enraged not only with the king, but even more with the
Florentines for their indifference to the whole farce, and he punished
their violation of the oath by pronouncing an interdict on the city.
Meanwhile Charles continued his aggressive policy with regard to the
Ghibellines, and was seconded by the Florentines, who marched out under
the banner of the Commune, sometimes alone, but oftener in junction
with the French cavalry, to impose peace and assure the triumph of
their party in all the neighbouring towns. But their arrogant daring
was sometimes pushed too far. When the Ghibellines were expelled
from Bölogna, the Florentines immediately set out to proffer their
unrequested aid to that city. But, much to their amazement, on reaching
the banks of the Reno, they found the Bölognese waiting to drive
them back. The latter had achieved their purpose of banishing the
Ghibellines, but had no intention of allowing the haughty Florentines
to come to disseminate their own party rancours under pretence of
assisting the city. The Podestà of the Florentines was killed in trying
to push through the opposing force, and the humiliated expedition had
to retrace its steps (1274).
They were more fortunate with regard to Pisa. That city, being torn
by party strife, had banished Giovanni Visconti, judge of Gallura,
and Count Ugolino della Gherardesca di Donoratico, two ambitious
Ghibelline nobles, who, deserting their own for the Guelph cause,
applied to the Florentines for help. They immediately granted it, and
joining forces with their new friends and the French, invaded the
territories of their old rival, capturing the Castle of Asciano in
September, 1275. The following June, at the instigation of the same
exiled nobles, they resumed hostilities with a larger army, aided by
the Lucchese and other Guelphs, and accompanied by the king's marshal.
Again victorious, they compelled Pisa to make peace on June 13, 1276,
and recall her exiles, especially the Count Ugolino, whose ambition was
destined to bring fatal consequences on himself and his native town.
Meanwhile Pope Gregory had returned from Lyons and reached Tuscany in
December, 1275. Still highly irritated against Florence, he refused
to enter its gates; but as the Arno was too swollen to be fordable,
he was obliged to cross one of its bridges, and therefore raised the
interdict from the city, although only during the time required for
his passage. His death took place shortly afterwards, January 10,
1276, and in a single year three new Popes rapidly succeeded him:
Innocent V., Adrian V., and John XXI. Then, on November 25, 1277,
Nicholas III. was elected to the pontifical Chair, and during his three
years' reign followed the same policy pursued by Gregory X., and with
even greater zeal. Full of haughtiness and ambition, Nicholas sought
to aggrandise his own family as well as the Papal power. He renewed
the scandalous practice of nepotism and simony by making some of his
kinsmen cardinals and appointing others to high offices of the State.
But on trying to negotiate the marriage of one of his nieces with a
nephew of King Charles, the latter mortally wounded his pride by the
reply, that although the Pope had crimson hose, his blood had not been
sufficiently ennobled to be mixed with that of French royalty.[308]
Nicholas III., already disgusted with the king, and suspicious of
his motives, could not easily pardon this affront. Hence he seized
the first opportunity to let Charles know that although Rudolf of
Hapsburg had not yet been crowned emperor in Rome, he had been already
elected king of the Romans in Germany, and that accordingly it was
no longer needful for Charles to fill the post of vicar-imperial,
only granted him during the interregnum. Thus the French monarch was
finally compelled to resign the vicariate of Tuscany, the title of
Roman Senator, and even his jurisdiction over Romagna and the Marches,
that had been partly accorded to, partly usurped by him. Perceiving
that there was no possibility of evading this blow, the king instantly
yielded the point without showing the slightest resentment, so that
the Pope was driven to declare: "This prince may have inherited his
fortune from the House of France, his cunning from Spain, but his
shrewdness of address could only have been acquired by frequenting the
Court of Rome."[309] Nevertheless, he was not in the least deceived by
the king's apparent calmness, and neglected no chance of diminishing
his power and aggrandising that of the Holy See. Thus, when Giovanni
da Procida was going through Italy seeking help for the Sicilian
revolution that was soon to burst forth, he received encouragement
from the Pope. Then, after showing much favour to Rudolph of Hapsburg,
Nicholas profited by the occasion to obtain his sanction for extending
the states of the Church as far as the Neapolitan frontier on one side,
and for including the March of Ancona, Romagna and the Pentapolis
on the other. And down to our own day the states of the Church
preserved these boundaries almost unaltered. Although at the time,
the domination of the Popes was chiefly nominal over part of this
territory, yet by dint of insistence they gradually achieved practical
supremacy over the whole of it.
V.
As a first step in this direction, Nicholas III. sent his nephew,
Cardinal Latino de' Frangipani, to establish peace in Romagna. As a
Dominican monk, Frangipani had shown great powers of oratory, and
was therefore fitted to enforce the new authority of the Church.
Count Bertoldo Orsini was also sent with him. After a short stay in
Romagna, the cardinal was transferred to Florence to renew with better
success the reconciliation of hostile parties Gregory X. had failed
to conclude. Now, however, the Florentines themselves seemed really
desirous of peace. Although freed from the too oppressive protection
of King Charles, they still suffered from the evil results of his
policy. The _grandi_, turbulent as ever, and with increased numbers and
strength, were threatening division even among the Guelphs. Villani
says of them that, "Resting from victories and honours won in wars
abroad, and fattening on the lands of exiled Ghibellines and other
fruits of enterprise, they began from pride and envy to fall out with
one another; so that many quarrels and feuds arose among the citizens
of Florence, and much killing and wounding."[310] First the Adimari
began to stir riots from hatred against the Tosinghi, next the Pazzi
and Donati came to blows; and this was seen to be a prelude to greater
evils. Accordingly the Guelphs sent messengers to the Pope, praying him
to send some one to pacify the city, unless he wished to see the party
divided against itself. The Ghibellines seemed equally anxious for
peace. They were weary of prolonged exile and continual confiscation
of their property, and cherished hopes that the popular hatred, being
now inflamed against the Guelph nobles, would be softened towards
themselves.[311]
Accordingly Cardinal Latino entered Florence on October 8, 1279, with
three hundred knights and prelates in his train, and was received
with every token of honour. The Florentine clergy went to meet him in
procession, and the Republic sent forth the _Carroccio_ with a great
number of standard-bearers. Being a Dominican, he was lodged in the
monastery of Santa Maria Novella, and laid the first stone of the
celebrated church of that name. He immediately began the negotiations
for the arrangement of peace.
On the 19th of November platforms were raised in the Piazza of Santa
Maria Novella Vecchia, and the parliament being assembled there in
the presence of the magistrates and councils, the cardinal asked
and obtained the power of concluding peace with the same authority
possessed by the people--that is to say, the right of imposing fines,
decreeing confiscations, and occupying castles, to guarantee the
due performance of the terms about to be sworn. He next essayed to
reconcile the bitterest foes: Guelphs who had come to a rupture,
quarrelsome Ghibellines, and hostile Guelphs and Ghibellines. All
went well until he came to the Buondelmonti and Uberti, whose ancient
hatred was too deeply rooted. It was impossible to persuade them to
be reconciled, for some of them indignantly rejected the proposal.
Hence the Cardinal had to decree their excommunication, and banish the
more obstinate from the Commune. Finally, January 18, 1280, was fixed
for the conclusion of the general peace. Great preparations for the
ceremony were made in the Piazza of Santa Maria Novella Vecchia; the
platforms were hung with tapestries, and the whole square carpeted
with cloth. Hither came the Twelve, the Podestà, the Captain of the
people (then styled Captain of the mass of the Guelph party), and
their councils, together with all the rest of the magistrates, and
a great concourse of spectators. Lastly came the cardinal with his
attendant prelates, and the general excitement was heightened by the
expectation of his speech, since he was known to be one of the most
eloquent orators of his time. He gave an address on the merit and
necessity of making peace, and finally the treaty was read aloud. It
was to put an end to all the old hatreds; it stipulated the restitution
of confiscated property to the Ghibellines, with some interest on the
capital; all sentences, oaths, leagues, and associations made by the
one party to the hurt of the other were declared null and void, and
every clause of the statutes tending to the perpetuation of strife
was to be cancelled. Either party was to furnish fifty sureties, and
bound to forfeit the sum of fifty thousand silver marks, in case of
any violation of the peace. As an additional guarantee certain castles
were to be given up, and the right was reserved of demanding more
hostages should occasion require. Then came a long string of minute
stipulations, all directed to the same end. Many of the chief families
were to be confined to fixed places until they made peace with their
foes and gave money and hostages in pledge of good faith. The delegates
of both parties kissed one another on the mouth, the documents of the
treaty were solemnly registered, and party decrees of banishment and
other sentences cancelled or burnt. The exiles were authorised to
return; and, without prejudice to the functions of the Podestà, the
captains, and guild-masters, were charged with the strict maintenance
of the terms of peace. For this reason the Captain was no longer to
be entitled Captain of the Guelph party, but Captain of the city and
conservator of peace. Also, the office of vicar-imperial granted to
Charles having now lapsed, it was decreed that henceforward the Podestà
and Captain were to be nominated for two years by the Pope, and have
each the command of fifty horse and fifty foot soldiers. After two
years the right of election would be resumed by the people, provided
their nominees were not opposed to, but actually approved by, the Head
of the Church. Each Captain would then have the command of one hundred
horse and one hundred foot, but, for the better preservation of peace,
the said troops must neither be citizens nor natives of the territory.
The guilds were likewise sworn to assist in maintaining peace. It was
farther decreed that the statutes should be revised, the government of
the city reformed, and an estimate made of the property of all persons
who had been condemned to pay fines or damages.[312]
This would seem to show that the cardinal was almost in the position of
a provisional dictator, with arbitrary power of decision. But he first
consulted the magistrates as to many clauses proposed by him, while
regarding other conditions of the agreement the Florentines obeyed them
or not as they chose. The people desired peace for the reasons we have
already described and the cardinal was therefore given full powers
to conclude it on his own authority and that of the Church. But his
success was far more apparent than real. In fact, the constitution of
the Guelph party remained in force, and as soon as he had gone, the
city was again torn by faction strife. He left Florence on April 24,
1280, after receiving a recompense of "mille floreni auri in pecunia
numerata, et alie zoie empte pro Comuni Florentie."
Nevertheless, during February and the beginning of March, he was so
satisfied with his imagined success as to attempt the reconciliation of
many adversaries confined to fixed domiciles. He likewise tried to give
effect to the constitutional reforms prescribed by the peace; above
all, that of replacing the twelve worthies by fourteen "good men,"
composed of eight Guelphs and six Ghibellines. These functionaries, in
co-operation with the Captains and the councils, formed the government
of the city, and were changed every second month. Nevertheless,
the Podestà and Captain remained in office for one year more. The
authority of the Podestà, as the nominee of King Charles, had been much
diminished under the latter's rule; accordingly increased powers were
now conferred on the Captain and Twelve, and the latter being augmented
to fourteen,[313] constituted the supreme power or Signory of Florence.
This custom of changing the Signory every second month--a custom
maintained to the close of the Republic--has given rise to much
discussion. Certainly, this rapid mutation of the highest power in the
State could not be favourable to peace; but, as we have had frequent
occasion to note, the new constitution of the guilds had reduced
the attributes of the central government to a minimum. Besides,
the manifest tendency of all Italian republics to degenerate into
despotism made the Florentines distrustful of any Signory of longer
duration. Now, too, the Ghibellines having returned, there was special
cause to fear that the government might be induced to conspire in
favour of some ambitious personage disposed to play the tyrant at a
moment's notice. For these reasons, it was decided on the one hand to
lessen the authority of the Podestà, and on the other to frequently
change not only the heads of the government but even, as will be seen,
other political functionaries as well. Later on, election by ballot
was adopted as another means of preventing the carrying out of any
prearranged design against freedom.[314]
VI.
Meanwhile the King of the Romans was sending his vicar to Italy, with
an escort of three hundred men only, to ascertain the temper of the
land, and whether the cities still acknowledged the suzerainty of the
Empire. On arriving in Tuscany, the vicar made halt at San Miniato al
Tedesco, and found the Pisans still Ghibellines, and eager to swear
fealty. But when the other Tuscan cities refused to recognise the
rights of the Empire the Florentines corrupted the vicar with bribes,
and, showing him the futility of his mission, persuaded him to depart
acknowledging the force of the privileges granted them by the Pope.
Thus they dexterously contrived to make the altered policy of Rome
a means of advancing their own interests and damaging those of King
Charles, whose power over Central Italy was entirely lost. By once more
calling the Empire to the front, and encouraging Rudolph of Hapsburg
to assert himself against Charles, Nicholas III. succeeded in weakening
both, while giving new strength to the Papacy. So, too, with equal
sagacity, the Florentines had made use of the king to dominate Tuscany;
of the Pope to enfeeble the king; and, finally, of both to avoid
yielding submission to Rudolph.
Nicholas III. died in 1280. He had compelled Charles to leave Tuscany,
and be satisfied with receiving from Rudolph the investiture of
Provence and the kingdom of Naples. To render this agreement more
binding, by means of a family alliance, Rudolph gave his daughter
in marriage to a grandson of King Charles. But naturally the latter
accepted the arrangement most reluctantly, and took every opportunity
of secretly exciting the Tuscan Guelphs against the Ghibellines,
who were again coming to the front. Also, having learnt by his own
experience the serious difference between having the Popes as friends
or as foes, he hastened to Orvieto, where the new conclave was sitting,
determined to use every means to procure the election of some candidate
favouring his views. As usual, he pursued this purpose unhesitatingly
and without scruple. Perceiving that the cardinals were temporising,
and dreading the consequences of delay, he excited a revolt, during
which the populace captured two cardinals of the Orsini house,
relations of the deceased Pope, and decidedly opposed to the Angevin
interests. After this event the election took place, and on February
22, 1281, Martin IV. was proclaimed. The new pontiff was French, and
being very friendly to Charles, immediately undertook to forward his
policy and support the Guelphs.
But the general conditions of Italy were much changed, and therefore
the king's triumph at Orvieto failed to prevent the consequences
entailed by his cruelty in Naples, and by the policy of Nicholas III.
from producing their natural effect. The latter's agreement with
Rudolph was ratified by the new Pope, who counselled the cities of
Italy to accord a hearty welcome to the emperor's daughter, when she
came as the bride of the king's nephew. Even Florence was obliged to
give the princess an honourable reception, although she was accompanied
by an Imperial vicar, who, as usual, abode at San Miniato, in order
to attempt to resuscitate the rights of the Empire in Tuscany. But a
far graver change occurred in March, 1282, when the Sicilians, wearied
of misgovernment, at last snatched up the gauntlet thrown by Conradin
to the people, and with the sanguinary revolt of the Vespers began
the long and glorious war that was to free Sicily for ever from the
Angevin yoke. In order to keep faith with the Guelph party and avoid
unnecessarily irritating the Pope or the king, the Florentines sent
five hundred horse to the latter's aid; and this contingent, commanded
by Count Guido di Battifolle of the Guidi house, and bearing the banner
of Florence, took part in the siege of Messina. But the revolution was
everywhere triumphant; the Florentines shared in the general defeat,
and had to return, leaving their flag in the enemy's hands. The island
was inevitably lost to the French.
Even before the outbreak of the Sicilian Vespers the Florentines
had naturally begun to be on the alert and watchful of their own
interests. Noting that the vicar was only attended by a small force,
and gained few adherents, they soon tried to win him with gold, and
succeeded in persuading him to leave the country after confirming the
concessions previously granted to them. At the same time, profiting
by the emperor's weakness in consequence of troubles at home, and by
the fact of Charles being at a distance in Naples and already gravely
preoccupied concerning the approaching crisis in Sicily, they seized
the opportunity to make some constitutional reforms. First of all,
now that the Podestà and Captain were no longer elected by the king,
but named instead by the Pope, they decided to grant them ampler
powers, in order to keep the city quiet by checking the arrogance of
the Ghibellines and tyranny of the _grandi_. Both factions were daily
becoming more threatening; and particularly the latter, which cancelled
magisterial decrees by absolute force, prevented the laws from being
executed, committed murder either directly or indirectly for the sake
of party revenge, and kept the city in a perpetual turmoil. It was
therefore decreed to allow the Podestà greater freedom of action in
the general repression of crime, and give the Captain a larger force
with which to maintain order and punish criminals to whom the Podestà
might have been too lenient. The _grandi_ were not only bound to swear
obedience to the laws, but to give hostages for their good faith;
so that even should they succeed in escaping from the city after
committing any crime, those who had given surety, or stood hostage for
them, would have to suffer in their stead all punishments or fines to
which the contumacious were condemned. To ensure the execution of all
these decrees a thousand armed men were chosen among the citizens. Of
this number two hundred were contributed by the Sesto of St. Piero
Scheraggio, as many by that of the Borgo, the four other Sesti each
giving 150 men, and then the whole thousand being divided in companies
with the banners of the different quarters, or rather _sestieri_ of
the city, 450 men were placed at the orders of the Podestà, and 550
under the Captain's command. They bore colours given them by either
magistrate in the presence of the public parliament, and whenever the
bell rang the signal for their assembly no gatherings of the people
were allowed in the city.[315]
This reform seemed the more indispensable, seeing that under Charles's
rule the employment of citizen soldiers commanded by the gonfaloniers
of the guilds had fallen into disuse, and order was maintained by
means of foreign troops. Thus the Captain had forfeited much of the
authority that it was now sought to restore to him. Now, too, we find
the Fourteen empowered to conduct the government without summoning the
Council of One Hundred, of which the documents cease to make mention.
Owing to this, and also to the lack of concord between the eight
Guelph and six Ghibelline members, the authority of the Fourteen,
instead of being strengthened, suffered decline. Accordingly, another
reform was in course of arrangement, when the outbreak of the Sicilian
Vespers gave the Florentines more freedom of action. They had three
special objects in view. Firstly, to make the Republic independent
of Pope, emperor and king; secondly, to close accounts with the
Ghibellines, because they were nobles, and as constant adherents to
the Empire supported its pretensions in Tuscany; thirdly, to lower
the pride of the _grandi_, whether Guelphs or Ghibellines, because
their tyrannous deeds kept the city in continual disturbance. This,
indeed, was one reason why the terms of Cardinal Latino's peace were
no longer observed; and why, above all, the promised indemnities to
injured Ghibellines had never been paid. Also, on February 8, 1282, a
Guelphic League was concluded with Lucca, Pistoia, Prato, Volterra,
and Sienna, whose adherence was compulsory; and San Gimignano, Colle,
and Poggibonsi were also given permission to join. The members of
the League swore to remain united ten years for the common defence,
and were each pledged to hire five hundred horse with the customary
number of squires. Also, as usual, the allies joined in a species of
convention touching the exchange and passage of merchandise.
But the most important point for Florence was the internal reform of
the city. All the guilds, and especially some of greater, were becoming
more strongly organised, and acquiring increased political influence.
In fact, the _capitudini_, or guild-masters, figure more frequently
in the public records, side by side with the Fourteen, the Captain,
and Podestà. It is at this period (1282-3) that we even find mentioned
a _Defensor Artificum et Artium_, together with two councils, an
indubitable sign of the growing power of the guilds.[316] For, although
the _Defensor_ disappears later on, and his office is deputed to the
Captain, this change only occurred when the government of the Republic
was actually carried on by the guilds. Meanwhile they already shared
in the election of the Fourteen, and aided them with their advice. The
chroniclers tell us that by a reform enacted in June, 1282, the priors
of the guilds were finally raised to office in place of the Fourteen;
but in fact the change happened less suddenly than might be inferred
from their account of the matter. For we find that--as was always the
case with Florentine reforms--the Fourteen continued to govern in
co-operation with the new priors, until, overshadowed by the growing
importance of the latter, they gradually disappeared altogether. It
is certain that on June 15, 1282, three _Priors of the Arts_ were
made chiefs of the Republic--namely, the priors of the Calimala,
Money Changers, and Woollen Guilds. They were attended by six guards
(_berrovieri_), and had six heralds to summon the citizens to council;
they dwelt in the Badia, without leaving it during their whole term
of office, and generally deliberated in junction with the captain.
The Fourteen remained in office with them for some time longer, but
chiefly _pro forma_.[317] After the first two months it was deemed
necessary to increase the number of the priors, not only because three
were found to be insufficient; but also being necessarily chosen from
one or the other half of the six _sestieri_, they invariably seemed
to represent one division only of the citizens. Accordingly, to avoid
delay, in the August of the same year, the three guilds of Doctors
and Druggists, Silkweavers and Mercers, Skinners and Furriers, were
added to the original number. Other guilds also were subsequently
added, but the number of the priors remained restricted to six, one
for each _sestiere_. Compagni says that "their laws [or functions]
consisted in guarding the property of the Commune, and in seeing that
the signories did justice to every one, and that petty and feeble folk
were not oppressed by the great and powerful."[318] At the end of
their two months' term the priors, assisted by the guild-masters and
a few additional citizens, designated as _arroti_, elected their own
successors to office.
Villani affirms that the title of prior was derived from a verse of
the Gospel, where Christ says to His disciples, "Vos estis priores."
What is certain is that by means of this reform the guilds, or rather
commerce and trade, had the whole government of the Republic in their
hands; and it should also be noted that although the above-mentioned
guilds, together with that of the jurists and notaries, constituted the
seven greater arts, yet the legal guild--perhaps because it represented
neither industry nor commerce--is left unnoticed by the chroniclers
at this point. Henceforward the Commonwealth is a true republic of
traders, and only to be governed by members of the guilds. Every title
of nobility, whether old or new, becomes an impediment rather than a
privilege.
Consequently many of the principal families began to change their
names in order to disguise their former rank. The Tornaquinci divided
into Popoleschi, Tornabuoni, Giachinotti, &c.; the Cavalcanti
became Malatesti and Ciampoli; and others assumed fresh names.[319]
Nevertheless, many proudly clung to their ancient appellations and
titles; and when King Charles' son, the Prince of Salerno, was summoned
to Naples from Provence, he halted in Florence by the way on purpose
to imitate his father by creating new knights. By these artificial
devices it was hoped to give new strength to an aristocracy that was
doomed to decline by the natural course of events; but the means
employed were too utterly opposed to the political and social temper
of Florence to have the slightest success there. No longer fettered by
Pope and emperor, and emancipated from the oppressive patronage of King
Charles, who was now absorbed in Sicilian matters, the Florentines had
organised the constitution in the manner that suited them best, and by
entrusting the greater guilds with the management of the State gained a
real predominance in Tuscany that they turned most skilfully to account
for the extension of their trade. The politico-commercial league,
concluded in March, 1282, to which we have already alluded, proved most
beneficial to their interests, and the subjection of neighbouring towns
and territories was another means to the same end.
Nevertheless, the two Ghibelline cities of Arezzo and Pisa still
remained hostile to Florence. The former was a threatening presence in
the upper Val d'Arno, while the latter, with its wealth, power, and
command of the sea, was a danger to the lower valley, and, standing
on the road to Leghorn and Porto Pisano, was an obstruction to the
maritime trade of Florence. Hence it was obvious that sooner or later
the Republic would be forced to combine with friendly neighbours and
new allies against both these foes, and especially against Pisa.
Free access to the sea-board was more indispensable than ever to the
Florentine trade, and should Pisa continue to block the way, the
Republic would reap nothing from the successes it had already achieved.
Meanwhile the Florentines enjoyed the benefits of peace for two quiet
years. During this time Charles' son, the Prince of Salerno, and other
members of the royal house were received in the city with all due
pomp and parade. In March, 1283, the king came in person to Florence
on his way to Bordeaux, where he was to engage in single combat with
Peter of Aragon, who had been proclaimed Lord of Sicily by the people
of the island. By this much-talked-of duel, that never took place,
the war desolating Southern Italy was to be brought to an end. Even
on this occasion the king, although noisily welcomed in Florence, and
probably oppressed by grave anxiety, insisted on creating more knights,
regardless of the trouble he caused to the people. Nevertheless, after
he had gone, the merrymakings were continued with greater zest than
before. On St. John's Day, always a great festival in Florence, a
company was formed of a thousand young men, who, clothed in white robes
and led by one of their number representing the "Lord of Love,"[320]
inaugurated games and diversions of every kind, giving dances in the
streets and within doors to persons of all ranks--ladies, knights, and
common folk. This Court of Love was in imitation of certain French
customs first introduced into Florence by the Angevins. It now
numbered three hundred knights, so-called _di corredo_, chiefly created
by King Charles, according to the French mode. They gave banquets and
had a train of pages, courtiers, and buffoons imported from various
parts of Italy and France. But all this was a fruitless attempt to
introduce customs opposed to the city's traditions, a childish means
of asserting the existence of a new patrician order. The populace
was enchanted with these gay doings; but the thriftier citizens at
the head of the government, and constituting the real strength of
the Republic, highly disapproved of them, and were disgusted to find
that after struggling so long to repress the nobility fresh efforts
were needed to stamp out its remains. Throughout Tuscany, indeed,
fresh warfare was impending, for the Sicilian Vespers seemed to have
roused the Imperialists to new vigour. For this reason Corso Donati
had declared, at a _consulta_ held on February 26, 1285, that all
districts appertaining to the Empire (_de Imperio_) and bordering the
Florentine territory were to be subject _ad iurisdictionem Comunis
Florentiae_.[321] New agreements were made to this effect with the
other Guelph cities.[322] But the most urgent consideration of all
was how to overcome the pride and power of Pisa, that obstinately
Ghibelline city with whom Florence had always been compelled to
struggle, and must now struggle anew. But how was success to be
assured? Florence was neither willing nor able to depend on the help
of the French king, and even with the combined aid of all its allies
could not muster sufficient strength for the enterprise. Therefore much
sagacity and diplomatic skill were required in order to multiply the
resources of the Republic, and the Florentines proved equal to the
occasion.
VII.
Although the city of Pisa derived all its strength and influence from
its maritime trade, nevertheless--either from being always on the
Imperial side, or because such was the predestined fate of all Italian
sea-board republics--it was dominated by a powerful aristocracy to the
same extent as were Genoa and Venice. With their usual astuteness, the
Florentines had long sought to bring their influence to bear on the
Pisan nobles, in order to create discord among them. Giovanni Visconti,
entitled Judge of Gallura, from the high and remunerative post once
held by him in Sardinia, as governor of several provinces, for the
Pisan Republic, had been subsequently (1274) exiled on account of his
Guelph proclivities, and had then joined the vicar of King Charles and
the Guelph League against his native state. He died in 1275; and just
at that time Count Ugolino della Gherardesca, one of the most powerful
and ambitious nobles of Pisa, who aspired to establish a despotism
there, was driven into banishment with other formidable Guelphs
(1275). These exiles not only made alliance with the Florentines,
but, in conjunction with the League, or _Taglia_, made war on Pisa
and captured several castles, Vico Pisano included. In the September
of the same year they returned to the attack in co-operation with the
Angevin vicar-royal, Florentines, and Lucchese, and, defeating their
fellow-citizens at three miles' distance from Pisa, seized the Castle
of Asciano, which was handed over to the Lucchese. In 1276 the war
was resumed by Florence and Lucca, and again at the instigation of
Count Ugolino and his friends. This was the occasion alluded to at
an earlier page, when both sides brought powerful armies into the
field and came to a pitched battle between Pisa and Pontedera, on the
banks of the so-called Fosso Arnonico, a canal into which the Pisans
had formerly diverted the waters of the Arno for the better defence
of their territory. Again the Pisans were worsted, and the bitterness
of defeat enhanced by having to accept peace on the terms proposed by
Florence, of which the first and hardest condition was the readmittance
in their city of all the banished Guelphs, and particularly of the
ambitious Count Ugolino, whom they hated so deeply.
Pope Gregory X. was highly displeased by this war, and by the ardour
and pertinacity with which it was pursued, for he considered the
Ghibelline spirit of Pisa a barrier to the growing power of the
Florentines, who, in spite of being Guelphs, used every effort to
become wholly independent of the Papacy. Wherefore, after vainly
enjoining them to put an end to the war, he excommunicated their city.
But the Florentines offered slight excuses, and until 1276 paid no
attention to his thunders. Then at last peace was declared, but during
its very brief duration plans were arranged for new expeditions.
After this the Republic of Pisa enjoyed a few tranquil years, and
owing to the vastness of its trade and the extension of its colonies,
its finances were rapidly restored to their former prosperity.
Unfortunately, certain Pisan families had become so powerful by means
of their wealth that, no longer satisfied with republican equality,
they sought to dominate the internal affairs of the State and direct
its foreign policy in favour of their personal ambition rather than
of the interests of the State. The Judges of Gallura and Arborea,
Counts Ugolino, Fazio, Neri, and Anselmo della Gherardesca, all had
their own little courts and men-at-arms after the fashion of princes.
Absorbed in covetous rivalries, they distracted the attention of the
magistrates from the dangers threatening their republic, and daily
becoming graver and more imminent. For, in fact, the strength of the
Republic was not only almost exhausted by the continuous attacks of the
Guelph League, but for some time past the rivalry of Genoa had been
threatening to culminate in a still deadlier strife. As both these
maritime cities were Ghibelline, they had every reason to be at peace
with each other and combine in defending their interests against the
far greater sea power of Venice. But, on the contrary, this only seemed
to exasperate their reciprocal jealousy. Their fleets were constantly
in collision in Levantine waters. They had a desperate encounter in
1277 near Constantinople and on the Black Sea. It ended in disaster
for the Pisans, who had been the assailants, and from that moment they
panted for revenge. Nor were opportunities lacking. While the Venetians
were asserting absolute dominion over the Adriatic, the Genoese and
Pisans, hard by on the Mediterranean, were always crossing each other's
tracks, inasmuch as both were engaged in the same trading ventures, and
both possessed colonies in the same islands of Corsica and Sardinia.
Thus, they were involved in continual conflict. Then, too, as the
Guelph League was specially hostile to Pisa, it supplied Genoa with
perpetual pretexts for beginning the hostilities which the Florentines
were seeking to incite by every political manoeuvre. At last their
reciprocal hatred reached so high a pitch that the Pisans themselves
were the first to provoke the war. Their burning desire for reprisals
was continually kept aflame by the greed of the nobles, who hoped to
convert the conflict into a ladder to power, and whose own ambitions
were spurred by the crafty encouragement of Florence.