CHAPTER IV.

_STATE OF PARTIES--CONSTITUTION OF THE FIRST POPULAR GOVERNMENT AND OF

THE GREATER GUILDS IN FLORENCE._[234]

I.

After the office of Podestà had been permanently established in 1207,

its main favourers and promoters, the aristocrats, became more daring,

and forming a military organisation, of which the Podestà was the

head, took a more active part in all wars abroad. Everything seemed

progressing rapidly and well, when the Buondelmonti affair in 1215

caused an outbreak of civil war. Dissension was already lurking among

certain of the nobles, and particularly between the Buondelmonti on the

one hand, the Uberti and Fifanti on the other, either side numbering

many adherents. Accordingly, in the hope of pacifying the dispute, a

marriage was arranged between Bundelmonte Buondelmonti and a maiden

of the Amidei house. But when all the preliminaries were concluded,

the wife of Forese Donati called Buondelmonti to her and said: "Oh!

shameful knight, to take to wife a woman of the Uberti and Fifanti.

'Twere better and worthier to choose this bride." So saying, she

pointed to her own daughter. Buondelmonti accepted the offer, and,

forsaking his betrothed, speedily married the girl. Thereupon the

kinsfolk and friends of the deserted maiden assembled in the Amidei

palace and vowed to avenge her wrongs. It was then that Mosca Lamberti

turned to those charged to execute revenge, saying, "Whoever deals

a light blow or wound, may prepare for his own grave." And then, to

show that the quarrel was to the death, he added the memorable words:

"Once done, 'tis done with" ("_Cosa fatta, capo ha_"). So bloodshed was

ordained.

It was the Easter Day of 1215. The handsome young knight Buondelmonti,

elegantly attired and with a wreath on his head, mounted his white

horse and crossed from Oltrarno by the old bridge. He had reached

the statue of Mars, when he was suddenly attacked. Schiatta degli

Uberti hurled him to the ground with a blow from his mace, and the

other conspirators quickly fell upon him and severed his veins with

their knives. Afterwards the corpse was placed on a bier, the bride

supporting the head of her murdered husband, and both carried in

procession round the city, to move men to fresh deeds of hatred and

revenge.[235] And this was the beginning of the series of internecine

wars, from which many chroniclers date the origin of the Guelph and

Ghibelline factions in Florence. No modern historian, however, will

be apt to attribute so vast an importance to a private feud, nor to

believe that a breach of promise to an Amidei maiden could be the real

primary cause of the party strife that from the year 1177 had already

more than once drenched the city in blood. Even Villani, although

considering the Buondelmonti affair to be the origin of the Guelphs

and Ghibellines, is careful to add: "Nevertheless, long before this,

the noble citizens had split into sects and into the said parties,

by reason of the quarrels and disputes between the Church and the

Empire."[236] The Buondelmonti catastrophe, with all the private

enmities it involved, undoubtedly served to inflame the political

passions of two already existent parties, which now, in the days of

Frederic II., acquired a political importance of a far wider nature

by their connection with the general affairs of Italy. It was only

then that the parties in Florence assumed the German appellations

of Guelphs and Ghibellines. Also, it is worthy of remark that July,

1215, was the date of the second Frederic's state progress to Aix la

Chapelle, to be crowned king of Germany, a fact of some significance,

as regards the history of parties in Italy. This may easily explain why

the chroniclers should have attributed to the Buondelmonti tragedy,

occurring in the same year, the origin of the Guelphs and Ghibellines.

The names began then it is true, but the parties were of older date.

Villani's Chronicle (v. 39) now gives a list of the principal Guelph

and Ghibelline families, showing that the majority of the older houses

was almost invariably Ghibellines, whereas the Guelph party included

many "of no great antiquity," but "already beginning to be powerful."

Later on, when the Ghibellines are destroyed, we shall find the

Guelph nobles merged in the party of the well-to-do burghers (_popolo

grasso_). At present these patricians, being hostile to the Uberti,

begin to make advances to newly enriched families, and even to the

people, by siding with the Church. Fortunately Pope Innocent III.

started a Crusade at this time, and thus many powerful Florentines went

to the East and employed their fighting powers in a better cause. At

the siege of Damietta, in fact, they distinguished themselves greatly:

Bonaguisa dei Bonaguisi the first to scale the walls, planted the

banner of the Republic beside the Christian flag. In Giovanni Villani's

time this banner was still preserved and held in the greatest honour.

In 1218 Florence resumed hostilities in the _contado_, and by 1220 had

subdued various castles and domains, and exacted oaths of fealty from

all defeated foes. But immediately afterwards a far graver war broke

out with Pisa. The jealousy of the two rival republics was always on

the increase, and for some time past each had struggled against the

other for absolute commercial supremacy in Tuscany. Pisa commanded the

sea, Florence the mainland, therefore each city required the other's

help. Hence, in spite of repeated agreements and treaties, their mutual

jealousy remained undiminished. The Florentines adhered steadfastly

to the Church; the Pisans to the Empire. Things had gradually become

inflamed to so high a pitch that the smallest trifle was enough to

excite war, or rather to provoke the endless series of wars destined to

change the character of the Tuscan factions.

In fact, the first pretext for strife, at least as related by Villani

(vi. 2), is futile to the point of utter absurdity. Many ambassadors

attended the coronation of the Emperor Frederic II. in Rome (1220),

and among them, says the chronicler, were those of Pisa and Florence,

who had long eyed one another with distrust. It chanced that one of

the Florentine ambassadors, while feasting with a cardinal, begged the

gift of a certain very beautiful dog, and his host promised to grant

it. The next day the cardinal entertained the Pisans, and one of them,

happening to make the same request, the animal was promised likewise

to him. But the Florentine, being the first to send for the dog, he

actually obtained it. This led to quarrels and violence, not only on

the part of the ambassadors and their trains, but also between all

the Pisans and Florentines in Rome at the time. We can hardly assign

any historical value to this tale; but it shows that the amount of

ill-feeling between the rival states rendered any trifle a sufficient

pretext for bloodshed. The real fact, even according to the testimony

of Sanzanome, is that Pisans and Florentines came to blows in Rome.

The Pisans were the assailants, but had the worst of the bout. There

was great wrath in Pisa at the news of the riot, and as a speedy

reprisal all Florentine merchandise in the town was made confiscate.

Florence then seems to have done her utmost to avoid open war, but to

no purpose. Preparations went on for some time on either side, and then

in 1222, when war had burst forth between the Lucchese and Pisans,

the Florentines profited by the opportunity to attack the latter near

Castel del Bosco, defeated them, and, according to the chroniclers,

carried off thirteen hundred prisoners. Other attacks ensued, and

various small castles were captured between this time and 1228, when we

see the Florentines engaged in more serious strife with the Pistoians,

and reducing them to accept their terms. It is in 1228 that we find the

first mention of the _Carroccio_ on a Florentine battle-field.[237]

The Milanese had been the first to use the _Carroccio_, but in course

of time, and with slight modifications, the custom had been adopted by

the other Italian cities, who, with increasing wars and larger forces,

recognised the need of a rallying point in their midst. The _Carroccio_

was a chariot drawn by oxen with scarlet trappings and surmounted by

two lofty poles bearing the great banner of the Republic, swinging its

red and white folds on high. Behind, on a smaller car, came the bell,

called the _Martinella_, to ring out military orders. For some time

before a war was proclaimed the _Martinella_ was attached to the door

of Sta Maria in the New Market, and rung there to warn both citizens

and enemies to make ready for action. The _Carroccio_ was always

surrounded by a guard of picked men; its surrender was considered as

the final defeat and humiliation of the army.

Another prolonged and sanguinary conflict with Sienna was undertaken

and resumed almost yearly from 1227 to 1235. The Siennese suffered

severe losses, but were able to seize Montepulciano, demolish its

towers and ramparts, and do some damage to Montalcino, which had joined

alliance with the Florentines. The latter, however, not only devastated

the Siennese _contado_ time after time, and captured a large number of

prisoners, but also besieged the hostile capital, and although failing

to win it, pressed close enough to the walls to hurl donkeys over them

with catapults, to prove their contempt for the town. Finally, through

the mediation of the Pope, peace was concluded very advantageously for

Florence. The Siennese had to forfeit a large sum of money for the

rebuilding of the walls and towers of Montepulciano, were sworn to

leave that territory for ever unmolested, and likewise compelled to

repair the castle of Montalcino, at the pleasure of the Florentines,

who still retained their hold on Poggibonsi.

II.

Thus, throughout all these wars, in which the influence of Pope and

emperor was felt on this or the other side, we are enabled to trace the

gradual formation of parties in Tuscany, and to witness the process

by which the political and commercial supremacy of Florence was built

up. Her present rivals, Sienna and Pisa, both adhere to the Empire;

whereas Florence clings more and more closely to the Church. Pisa

shuts her out from the sea: hence the origin of their mutual rivalry

and continual strife. How, indeed, could war be avoided, when the

commercial power of Florence felt the increasingly imperative need of

free access to the coast? Sienna, on the other hand, competed with

Florence by trying to get all the affairs of the Roman _curia_ into the

hands of its own bankers, those affairs being so numerous and lucrative

as to enrich all concerned with them. These continual jealousies

invariably urged Pisa and Sienna to favour the Empire. Lucca, as the

rival of Pisa, inclined towards Florence, and became Guelph. Pistoia,

planted between two Guelph cities, and continually menaced by them,

naturally adopted the Ghibelline cause. Thus, the division of parties

in Tuscany afterwards reacted on the formation of Florentine sects, and

as the latter began to assume a more general character, through the

growing influence of Frederic II. in Italy, they adopted the German

names of Guelphs and Ghibellines. The Florentine Republic, having

triumphed over Pisa, Sienna, and Pistoia, was virtually the chief power

in Tuscany; but had one danger to face, in the possible augmentation

of Frederic's power. Frederic II. was the enemy of the Pope, who had

excommunicated him, and of all Guelphs! He had gone away for a time to

lead the Crusade in the East; was now in Germany engaged in a struggle

with his rebellious son, and all this had greatly advanced the fortunes

of Florence. But he was about to return to Italy, and his presence

might again embolden the foes of the Republic.

Meanwhile, under the rule of successive Podestà, Florence had

prospered in war, and devoted times of peace to internal organisation

and embellishment. At the instance of the Podestà Torello da Strada

(1233) all the male inhabitants of the _contado_ were summoned to

inscribe their names and specify their condition, whether freemen,

serfs, or dependents, with a view to ascertaining the real state of

the population and providing for its better government. In 1237-38 the

Podestà Rubaconte da Mandello built a new bridge over the Arno, which

was first designated by his own name of Rubaconte, and afterwards

as the Ponte alle Grazie, in honour of an adjoining church. It was

also by order of the same Podestà that all the streets of Florence

were first paved, and other works completed for the improvement of

the public health, or the decoration of the city. Thus a magistrate

originally appointed--according to the chroniclers--to do the work of

an ordinary judge is seen gradually fulfilling the functions of the

head of the Republic. And the patricians over whom he presided daily

rose to greater power and daring, and particularly when the arrival

of Frederic II. began to encourage the Ghibelline party throughout

Italy. In fact, when Brescia was besieged by the Ghibellines in 1237,

we find many Florentine nobles in their camp. Every day brought fresh

proofs that the emperor might count on many friends and much assistance

from Florence. Consequently numerous riots took place, for the Guelph

nobles offered violent opposition and joined with the people, which

was entirely Guelph.[238] In 1240 we find that three citizens were

nominated to collect funds in aid of the Imperial army: surely a

strange proceeding in a republic[239] where the mass of the population

was thoroughly Guelph! But it is not surprising that such events should

have inevitably caused a reaction.

Already in 1246 Frederic II. had appointed his natural son, Frederic

of Antioch, vicar-general of Tuscany, and also sent other vicars to

Florence to fill the office of Podestà. This aroused discontent on

the part of the Guelph nobles, who wished their own faction to regain

the upper hand in the city. About this time, 1247, Frederic was in

Lombardy,[240] and at almost open war with the Pope, who continued to

launch excommunications at him, deprived him of the Imperial title, and

stirred enemies from all sides against him. Accordingly, Frederic sent

messengers to the Uberti in Florence, advising them that the moment had

come for them to assume the government of Florence. Provided they had

the courage to fly to arms, his succour would not be long delayed. The

Uberti were not deaf to his words. The heads of the chief Ghibelline

houses met in council and decided on immediate resort to violence.

There was instant division in the city; the Ghibelline aristocracy on

one side, the Guelph nobles, with all the people on the other; and the

alarm bell was pealed. Fighting went on from street to street, by day

and by night, behind barricades, from tower-roofs, and with catapults,

rams, and other engines of war. As the popular excitement increased the

strife became general. The Ghibellines had the advantage of superior

military training; they were confident of receiving reinforcements;

and, massed under one leader, took all their orders from the Uberti

palaces. The people, on the contrary, fought at random, and were soon

surrounded and repulsed. Nevertheless, at one moment their very defeat

seemed about to win them the victory. Hard-pressed on all sides, they

were gradually driven back towards the chain barricades (_serraglio_)

of the Bagnesi and Guidalotti mansions; and being massed about this

defence, fought so vigorously as almost to regain their former

position. But just then the Imperial contingent appeared on the scene,

and all was lost. The vicar-general Frederic, son of the emperor,

entered Florence at the head of sixteen hundred German knights, and

made furious charges on the people. The latter opposed a sturdy

resistance, prolonging the fight for three days, but it was a vain

struggle. The Ghibellines were victorious on all sides, and the emperor

could have sent fresh reinforcements if required. One of the most

valiant of the Guelphs, Rustico Marignolli, who had borne the standard

of the people throughout the mêlée, fell wounded to the death by a shot

in the face from a crossbow. Thereupon the leaders of the party finally

decided to surrender and fly into exile on Candlemas night (February

2, 1249). All those resolved on flight gathered together fully armed,

and taking possession of Marignolli's corpse, bore it away in a solemn

procession with a crowd of _popolani_, and a great show of weapons and

torches, to celebrate the funeral at San Lorenzo by night. The bier was

carried on the shoulders of the worthiest cavaliers, and the defeated

but not dishonoured banner hung trailing from it to the ground. The

whole function resembled a pact of vengeance sworn on the body of the

dead warrior rather than a mere burial ceremony.

After this the leading Guelphs fled the city and took refuge in

neighbouring castles; the same in fact from which, at the cost of much

blood, they had once ousted the feudal lords. These latter, having

been compelled to settle in the town, had now won their revenge for

past injuries. Thirty-six Guelph houses were pulled down: among them

the Tosinghi palace in the New Market, a building measuring one hundred

and thirty-five feet in height, and faced with many tiers of marble

columns. Party hatred reached such a pitch as to justify the belief

expressed by many that the Ghibellines had positively decreed the

destruction of San Giovanni, because the Guelphs had used that church

as a place of assembly. It was affirmed that the victors had undermined

the foundations of the adjoining Guardamorto tower, hoping that this

might fall down on the temple and crush it. The failure of the attempt

was attributed to the fact that the tower had miraculously fallen in

another direction. A more credible account is given by Vasari. He says

that the Guardamorto was only demolished in order to widen the Piazza,

and that Niccolò Pisano, being charged with the work, cut the tower in

two and arranged its fall in a way to avoid any damage to the church or

neighbouring houses.

At all events, this proved the beginning of the long list of savage

reprisals darkening the history of Florence, when the winning faction

not only destroyed the dwellings of the defeated, but banished their

foes _en masse_. The Ghibellines were now masters of all, and for their

greater security retained the services of Count Giordano Lancia and

his eight hundred Germans. It seemed as though the party, being of

Teutonic origin, could not yet grasp the reins of government without

the support of German soldiery, and could only command the Republic in

the emperor's name. This was the final result of admitting the Imperial

feudal nobility within the walls of Florence, and allowing them to

institute a political and military chief instead of an ordinary judge

in the person of the Podestà.

III.

The Ghibelline victory over the Guelphs of Florence in 1249, with all

its violence and bloodshed, was by no means an assured triumph. The

Ghibellines had destroyed free institutions and exiled a vast number of

adversaries; aided by the Imperial vicar, Giordano Lancia and his eight

hundred men, they were absolute masters of Florence; nevertheless, the

populace, the burghers, and the greater part of the citizens still

remained Guelphs. Besides, Pope Innocent IV. roused so many enemies

against the emperor in Italy, that the latter's success was destined

to a speedy decline. The Florentine exiles were biding their time in

neighbouring strongholds, and above all in the Castles of Montevarchi

and Capraia in the upper and lower Val d'Arno. From these points they

made frequent skirmishing expeditions, clearly showing that they had

by no means lost hope of soon re-entering the city. Accordingly, the

conquerors had to be perpetually on the alert against them to provide

against some sudden attack restoring them to power.

Therefore Ghibellines and Germans marched against Montevarchi; but

almost the whole storming force was killed or captured. This defeat

opened the eyes of the Florentine Ghibellines to the danger of their

position, and decided them to lay regular siege to the Castle of

Capraia, headquarters of the principal Guelphs, chiefs of the party or

League, as it was called at the time, directing all the movements of

the rest. Although the beleaguering force greatly outnumbered their

own, the besieged decided on an obstinate defence, and the Ghibellines

were bent on winning the castle either by violence or starvation.

But they would have failed to accomplish this but for the arrival of

reinforcements from the emperor, who, having been compelled to raise

the siege of Parma, had now advanced into Tuscany. But, in spite of

these fresh foes, hunger alone drove the Guelphs to surrender. Their

leaders were given up to Frederic II., who was then at Fucecchio. He

carried them with him to the kingdom of Naples, and, according to the

Florentine chroniclers, had them barbarously blinded, beaten to death

with clubs, or drowned in the sea, with the exception of one alone,

whose life was spared after his eyes had been torn out.

By this time the emperor was irritated and exhausted by the continual

wars thrust on him by the Papacy. He had enjoyed no peace since the day

(June 24, 1243) when Sinibaldo de Fieschi ascended the Chair of St.

Peter as Pope Innocent IV. This pontiff had pronounced his deposition

at the Council of Lyons in 1245. He had then secretly excited many

conspiracies against him, and attempted more or less to ensure their

success. The emperor had been led to suspect his most devoted friend

and secretary, Pier delle Vigne, of complicity in one of these plots.

Accordingly this faithful servant was thrown into the tower of San

Miniato al Tedesco, condemned to lose his eyes, and then transferred

to another prison in Pisa, where he dashed out his brains against the

wall. Frederic's spirit was alternately cowed and irritated by the

hostility he encountered; for, with all his philosophy and unbelief, he

greatly dreaded the thunders of the Vatican. He sought reconciliation

with the Pope, wished to return to the East to fight the infidels; and

Innocent chose that moment to rouse all the Guelph cities against him,

thus again forcing him to fly to arms to support the Ghibelline cause

and maintain his own sway over Italy.

This he was unable to effect without recurring, as we have seen, to

incredible excesses of violence, which naturally increased the number

of his enemies on all sides. The Guelphs of Germany had already refused

to acknowledge the authority of his son Corrado, whom he had sent as

his representative. The army commanded by the emperor in person had

been routed at Parma. All the Guelph cities of Romagna, with Bölogna

at their head, marched a powerful force against the Ghibellines under

King Enzo, another of Frederic's natural sons, and defeated them at

the battle of Fossalta on May 26, 1249. Enzo himself was captured and

carried in triumph to Bologna, where he remained a prisoner till his

death in 1271. But the emperor did not live long enough to feel this

last blow. On December 13, 1250, he ceased to breathe in a castle

near Lucera in Apulia, and his death completed the downfall of the

Ghibelline party in Florence and throughout Italy. For religious

hatred was now combined with political enmity against this party.

Not only because the Ghibellines combated the Pope, but still more,

because the various heresies gradually spreading through Italy found

many followers in their ranks, in consequence of frequent marks of

tolerance and favour received from the emperor. The heretical poison

now slowly infecting the Italian social body was a grave anxiety

to the Popes. The Albigenses had first roused attention and found

adherents in Provence, where native bards had devoted their talents

to attacking the Roman Court. But the religious orders of St. Francis

and St. Dominic were bent on crushing the new creed. Innocent III. had

founded the Holy Inquisition for the same purpose, and St. Dominic,

at the head of mobs thirsting for heretic blood, had ordained the

massacre of the Albigenses and ravaged all Provence. Some fugitives,

however, had escaped into Italy, to spread the same hatred against

Rome, the same poison of heresy. In fact, the _Paterini_, opposed to

the Pope, denying the virginity of the Madonna, and having no belief

in transubstantiation or other dogmas of the Catholic faith, found

followers everywhere and held public gatherings. The Epicurean,

Averrhoistic, and other philosophical tenets were rapidly propagated

among Italian scholars. For some time, during the most brilliant period

of the Imperial Court in Sicily, all this intellectual and religious

turmoil seemed to be chiefly centred at Palermo. For there Frederic

II. had gathered about him a throng of scholars, troubadours, poets

of every kind, Mussulmans, Greek schismatics, Provençal Albigenses,

and materialistic philosophers; and although a crusader and persecutor

of heretics, took singular delight in this mixed society, in whose

midst, and in a storm of sarcasm, doubt, and hatred of priests, Italian

poetry first sprang to life, and later on, in the Divine Comedy, gave

forth so great a wealth of earnest faith and lofty aspiration. In the

meantime, however, heresy and scepticism were current throughout the

Peninsula. The _Paterini_ quickly obtained many converts among the

Ghibellines in Florence, and the Pope established the Inquisition

there for the trial and punishment of backsliders. In 1244 Fra Pietro

of Verona, moved by religious fury rather than zeal, came to stir the

orthodox spirit by his inflammatory sermons; and founded the Society

of the Captains of Holy Mary or of Faith, composed of men and women

vowed to the extermination of heretics. Public feeling caught fire

in 1245, and a real battle between Catholics and heretics raged in

the Florence streets. Both at Santa Felicità and in the space by the

Croce al Trebbio, where a column still commemorates the ill-fated

event, the _Captains of the Faith_, robed in white, bearing the badge

of the cross, and commanded by their big, strong, dare-devil chief,

Friar Pietro of Verona, routed the _Paterini_ and drove them from

Florence. In reward for this sanguinary triumph the friar was appointed

Inquisitor of Tuscany, and subsequently of Lombardy as well. There

in the north, between Milan and Como, he finally met his death at the

hands of men wearied of his persecutions. This gained him the title of

a martyred saint, and he was known henceforth as St. Peter--Martyr of

Verona.[241]

IV.

Meanwhile, in 1250, the year now claiming our attention, Frederic II.

passed away, his son Enzo lay captive in Bölogna, Innocent IV. was

stirring the Guelphs to action, and Pietro of Verona had become the

scourge of all heretics and foes of the Papacy in Tuscany and Lombardy.

Accordingly the Ghibelline domination in Florence was approaching

its end. In fact, from the moment that the emperor withdrew into

Apulia, already stricken with mortal disease, the Guelphs showed so

much boldness that the Ghibellines decided on a fresh expedition to

oust them from the Castle of Ostina, in the Valdarno, where they had

assembled in great force. But while laying siege to the stronghold

the Ghibellines were compelled to keep a strong reserve at Figline

to protect their rear from the many Guelph partisans lurking at

Montevarchi. The latter, however, made a night attack on the force

encamped at Figline, and routed it so thoroughly that when the news

reached Ostina the Ghibellines raised the siege and marched back to the

capital. Thereupon both the people and burghers of Florence, tired of

the unbearable load of taxation imposed on them by the continual wars

undertaken by the Ghibellines, and worn out by the "grave extortions

and acts of violence of these tyrannical masters," felt that the moment

for vengeance had come, and rose in open revolt. The rebels were led

by the more influential citizens of the so-called middle class, then

acting as heads of the people. These men first held their sittings in

the Church of San Firenze, then in Santa Croce, and finally, still

dreading attack from the Uberti, assembled in smaller numbers and

with greater safety in the houses of the Anchioni family. Here, in

October, 1250, they proclaimed the nomination of thirty-six "Corporals

of the people," six to each _sestiere_, forming the basis of the third

Florentine Constitution, known as the First Popular Government (_Primo

Popolo_), because its main purpose was to organise and strengthen the

people in opposition to the nobles, and by this time the latter being

much disheartened, unresistingly submitted to the new government.

The first measure adopted was the dismissal of all the magistrates

in office, and reforms were then undertaken. The post of Podestà was

retained, and henceforth this official became still more exclusively

the head of the patricians, being now counterbalanced by the newly

instituted Captain of the people, as chief of the _popolani_. But,

as in this way the Republic was divided in two parts, a central,

presiding body was established consisting of twelve elders (_anziani_)

of the people, two for each _sestiere_. These _anziani_ had some of

the attributes of the Consuls of former days, with this difference,

however, that not only were they men of the people, but that the

chief government of the city was now entrusted to the Podestà and

the Captain. In fact, the new and most important part of the reform

was this institution of a Captain as commander of the people, who

were now organised on a military footing. The city was divided into

twenty armed companies, with twenty gonfalons or banners, under as

many gonfalonieri. The _contado_, on the contrary, was organised in

ninety-six companies, corresponding with its ninety-six existing

parishes (_pivieri_). These town and country companies combined formed

a united popular militia, ready for action at any moment, either

against foreign foes or to curb patrician tyranny at home. The whole

of this armed multitude was under the orders of the Captain, and as he

combined the functions of tribune, general, and judge, he afterwards

bore the additional titles of _Defender of the Guilds and the People,

Captain of all the Guelphs_, &c. Similarly to the Podestà, the Captain

held office for one year, and it was indispensable that he should be a

Guelph, a noble, and an alien. He came to Florence provided with his

own judges, knights, and war-horses, inasmuch as he was leader of the

people in war and administrator of justice in times of peace. But,

as we have already stated, the Podestà still retained his civil and

military importance. In right of his office, he had to give judgment in

all civil and criminal cases, those reserved for the Captain's decision

being usually acts of violence committed by the _grandi_ against the

people, questions regarding taxes or valuations, and certain cases of

extortion, perjury, and violence, provided these had not been already

cited before the Podestà, or unless he should have refused them his

attention.[242] Also, in the above-mentioned cases, the Captain was

likewise empowered to adjudge capital punishment. The red and white

gonfalon or banner of the people was in his charge, and by ringing the

bell of the so-called Lion's Tower he summoned the people to assembly.

He resided in the Badia, together with the elders, who acted as his

counsellors in many respects. Messer Uberto of Lucca was the first

Captain of the people. As to the Podestà, although certain writers,

misled by the somewhat obscure statements of Villani and Malespini,

believed his office to have been at least temporarily abolished, it is

certain that he remained at the head of what was specially called the

Commune.[243] He, too, had his companies of armed men, and likewise

commanded the mounted bands composed almost exclusively of nobles,

the bowmen and crossbowmen, bucklermen (_palvesari_), &c., forming

conjointly the so-called host, or nucleus of regulars in the mass of

the Republican army. The Podestà was often commander-in-chief of the

whole army, but his special function was the command of the cavalry and

the host (_oste_).[244] And for the further enhancement of his dignity,

it was decided to build a great and monumental palace,[245] in which he

was to hold residence with his attendant officers and counsellors. But,

on the other hand, as nothing was neglected to increase the strength

of the people against the patricians, it was decreed that the towers

of all powerful houses should be cut down so that none should exceed

the height of seventy-five feet (fifty _braccia_), and the superfluous

material was used to wall in the city on the south side of the river

(_oltr' Arno_).[246]

This third constitution of Florence, known as the _Primo Popolo_, or

First Popular Government, was in fact a politico-military constitution,

dividing the Republic into two halves, the Commune and the people, and

in which the aristocrats and democrats formed, as it were, two opposing

camps. The army was marshalled under the banners both of the Commune

and the people; all important measures required the sanction both of

the Commune and the people. A similar division of authority may seem

strange at this day, but it was common enough in the Middle Ages. It

was customary to many Tuscan cities, and we find an example of it at

Bölogna, where the nobility and people formed, as it were, two distinct

republics, having different laws and statutes, and two separate palaces

for their respective magistrates. At Milan we find a tripartite

republic in the Credenza dei Consoli, the Motta, and the Credenza

di Sant Ambrogio, consisting respectively of the greater and middle

nobility and the people. This seemed a perfectly natural arrangement,

seeing that social conditions are reflected in the institutions to

which they give birth; the social body was divided, because it owed

its origin to the struggle between the Latin and Teutonic races,

between conquerors and conquered. Accordingly, the remote heirs of

either race stood arrayed in two opposite camps, armed and prepared for

conflict.[247]

[Illustration: PALACE OF THE PODESTÀ, FLORENCE.

[_To face page 192._]

In this state of things it is easy to understand why the central

government had so little authority in Florence, and why, during the

continual clash of opposing interests and jealousies, the power of

the Podestà and the Captain should have steadily increased. The

former, although his functions were now shared by other magistrates,

still remained the chief official representative of the Republic; for

he signed treaties of peace, accepted concessions of territory in

that capacity, received oaths of submission to Florence from other

towns, and, as in times past, still continued to preside over two

councils--_i.e._, the Special and the General, respectively composed

of ninety and of three hundred members. The Captain had likewise two

councils, the which, according to the usage of the time, consisted of a

Special Council, or _credenza_, of eighty members, making, in junction

with the Council-General, a total of three hundred. This body included

the elders, the heads of guilds, the gonfaloniers of companies, and

others, and, unlike the councils of the Podestà, to which nobles were

admitted, solely consisted of plebeians. Members of the Special Council

frequently sat in the General Assembly, which was therefore usually

styled the General and Special Council of the Podestà, or the Captain,

as the case might be. The elders had a privy council of their own,

composed of thirty-six plebeian worthies; and the parliament must not

be forgotten, although at the time of which we are treating it was only

summoned on occasions of exceptional importance. But, as will be shown,

some time elapsed before these councils were established on a definite

basis; none for the moment, save those of the Podestà, which were of

older origin, having any settled formation.[248] At any rate, the

Republic, as regarded its general outline, was ordered in the following

manner: the elders, the council of thirty-six, and the parliament,

formed a central government, already much weakened, however, by the

constitution and growing strength of the Commune and people, inasmuch

as these latter, commanded by the Podestà and Captain, and with their

respective greater and lesser councils, formed, as it were, two

opposing republics. The Commune undoubtedly enjoyed superior authority

and legal importance; but the popular party became daily bolder and

more numerous. Before long, in fact, ancient families began to change

their names and drop their titles, in order to join the ranks of the

people.

The great political writers of Florence differed in opinion with regard

to the new constitution. Donato Giannotti censured it, declaring it

to be "a cause of sedition, instead of a bond of peace and concord,

because the founders of that government directed it entirely against

the nobles, its former rulers in the days of Frederic, and who now

being in constant fear of attack, were obliged to fly to arms on every

occasion."[249] Machiavelli, on the contrary, praised the Constitution,

and wound up by saying: "With these military and civil institutions

the foundations of Florentine freedom were laid. Nor is it possible

to imagine how much authority and strength Florence thereby gained

in a short space. For she not only became the head of Tuscany, but

was counted among the foremost of Italian cities, and might have

risen to any height had she not been afflicted by new and frequent

divisions."[250] Machiavelli judged rightly. Both contemporary

chroniclers of these events and the impartial voice of history fully

confirm the truth of his words.

The city now began to be enriched by new public monuments. The Communal

palace, otherwise known as the palace of the Podestà, rose from the

ground, and the Santa Trinità bridge was built, chiefly at the expense

of a private citizen. The gold florin was now issued, and, being mixed

with the best alloy, speedily obtained currency[251] not only in all

European markets, but even in the Levant, greatly to the advantage of

Florentine commerce, which was daily becoming more widely extended.

The nobles were discontented, of course, and hastened to show their

ill-feeling, in 1251, by their almost unanimous refusal to join in the

war against Pistoia. But when a few of them were sent into banishment

the others soon quieted down. The Guelph exiles were recalled,

adversaries within the city made peace, and now, that Frederic II.

was dead, the aristocracy was kept in check by the strength and

self-confidence of the popular party. Shortly afterwards external

wars began, and these were carried on with so much success that the

following ten years were known as the years of victory.

V.

This First, or Old Popular Government, as it was called, because it was

in fact the first time that the people had a political and military

organisation of their own, quickly asserted its strength. In order to

give the spreading Florentine trade free access to the sea, without yet

coming to blows with Pisa, the city concluded an agreement on April 30,

1251, with the Counts Aldobrandeschi, powerful lords of the Maremma, by

which Florence was granted right of passage through their territories

to Porto Talamone and Port' Ercole and the free use of these harbours

for its merchandise.[252] Thereupon the Pisans, being naturally annoyed

by this measure, hastened to contract an alliance with Sienna, to

which Pistoia also adhered. Thus the three Ghibelline cities were

banded together against the Florentine Guelphs. Nor was this the

worst. On July 24, 1251, the Ghibellines of Florence joined the League

by a secret agreement with Sienna, binding either side to cooperate

towards their common aim--_i.e._, the triumph of their party throughout

Tuscany. And as the other Ghibellines of the country-side naturally

adhered to the treaty, the whole faction was united to the hurt of the

Republic.

Then the Florentines, finding themselves surrounded by so many foes,

began their defence by a rapid march on Pistoia, but the Ghibellines

of the city refused to take part in a war openly directed against

their cause. Accordingly, when the army returned from a successful

skirmishing expedition, many leading Ghibellines, including the Uberti

and the Lamberti, were driven into banishment. The affair must have

been really serious, for the exiles hoisted the banner of the Republic,

whereupon the State banner was changed, and instead of bearing the

white lily on a red field, henceforth displayed the red lily on a white

field; but the flag of the people remained as before, half white and

half red. During the summer of this year the Ubaldini, reinforced by a

body of exiles, rose to arms in the Mugello, but suffered defeat. The

Florentines at last realised the danger of their position. Therefore,

with the help of their former friends the Lucchese, they concluded an

alliance (August, 1251) with the town of San Miniato al Tedesco--where

there was no Imperial vicar for the moment--renewed in September their

former treaty with Orvieto, and in November made alliance with Genoa,

which was still hostile to Pisa.

Thus the whole of Tuscany was divided between the Guelph and Ghibelline

factions. The exiles, together with some German soldiers who had served

under Frederic II., occupied the Castle of Montaia, belonging to Count

Guido Novello, in the upper Val d'Arno. The Florentines marched to

the assault of the stronghold towards the end of the year, but were

ignominiously repulsed. On their return to the city, they rang the

alarm-bell, collected a large force, again took the field, people and

Commune combined, and pursued the war with energy during the month of

January, regardless of frost and snow. The general condition of affairs

in Tuscany enlarged the proportions of this war; for on the one side

Lucchese troops co-operated with the Florentine army, while the exiles

on the other received reinforcements from Pisa and Sienna. The First

Popular Government now proved its mettle. The adversaries were driven

off, the Castle of Mentaia captured and demolished, and its defenders

were led captives to Florence in January, 1252.[253]

The Florentines then marched into the Pistoian territory, laid it

waste, and halted to attack the Castle of Tizzano on their return.

But while thus engaged they heard that the Pisans, having routed the

Lucchese, were moving homewards with prisoners and spoil. Accordingly,

they raised the siege, hastened in pursuit, and giving battle to the

Pisans at Pontedera on July 1, 1252, completely defeated them. Even

the Podestà of Pisa was captured, and another curious incident took

place. The Lucchese prisoners who were being dragged to Pisa in bonds

not only regained their liberty, but were enabled, by the help of the

Florentines, to convey to Lucca as captives the same Pisans by whom

they had been previously seized.

Meanwhile, profiting by the absence of the Florentine troops, the

exiles and Count Guido Novello had taken refuge at Figline and made

it the centre of continual skirmishing expeditions. Hence it was

indispensable to unearth them all without delay. The town surrendered,

but only on condition that the strangers defending its wall should be

allowed to go free, and the exiles readmitted. This was granted but

then, in violation of the stipulated terms, Figline itself was sacked

and burnt (August, 1852).[254]

But, the Siennese having simultaneously profited by the opportunity

to lay siege to Montalcino, a border fortress always claimed by the

Florentines, the latter hastened to its relief, and after routing its

assailants and providing everything for the future defence of the

stronghold, marched back to Florence in triumph.

These successes were not unproductive of results. For when the

Florentines next attacked Pistoia in 1253, the town surrendered after

a brief resistance, and agreed (February 1, 1254) to forsake the

Ghibelline League, to grant readmittance to the Guelphs, and to be

entirely at the service of Florence.[255] Thereupon the Florentines

hastened to defend Montalcino against another attack by the Siennese;

and thus the war with the latter, begun at the end of 1253, was

vigorously pursued in 1254, to the month of June. Then, having lost

many strongholds--some captured by Florentine arms, others gained by

purchase from the Counts Guidi--Sienna was forced to end the war and

tender submission. On their way back to Florence the victors reduced

Poggibonsi, a large and important territory adhering to Sienna and the

Ghibellines. They next proceeded to devastate the lands about Volterra,

although the city itself seemed impregnable from the strength of its

position. But when the Volterrani, counting upon this, ventured to

sally forth and give battle, they were defeated and pursued with so

much vigour, that the Florentines found themselves inside the city

before they had even conceived the possibility of storming its walls.

There was such general alarm among the inhabitants that a great throng

of old men, women, and children, with the bishop at their head, came as

suppliants to make surrender. The Florentines showed much generosity,

prohibiting pillage, and merely reforming the government of the city

by transferring it to the Guelphs. And now Pisa, being bereft of all

allies, finally agreed to surrender, and the terms were subscribed on

August 4, 1254. As a result of this treaty the Florentines had right of

passage through Pisa, with their merchandise, and exemption from all

taxes, dues, or imposts, whether by sea or by land. Moreover, in all

contracts made with them, the Pisans were bound to employ Florentine

weights and measures, and also, to some extent, Florentine money. They

yielded several districts and castles, that of Ripafratta included. And

they were compelled to give 150 hostages to secure their observance

of these conditions and of the friendship to which they were sworn.

Shortly after this event Arezzo likewise made submission (25th of

August), and accepted a Podestà from Florence.[256]

These were the "victorious years" of the First Popular Government,

whose merits and virtues received such high praise from the

chroniclers. Villani tells us, in words afterwards repeated by his

plagiarist, Malespini, that it took "much pride in great and lofty

undertakings," and that its rulers "were very loyal and devoted to

the Commune."[257] And he presently adds: "The citizens of Florence

lived soberly, on coarse viands and at little expense; their manners

were very good; they had courteous ways; they were plain and frugal;

and used rough stuff for their own and their women's dress. And many

wore skins uncovered by cloth, and caps on their heads; all were shod

with leather; and the Florentine women wore plain hose, and only the

greater among them donned very narrow petticoats of coarse scarlet

Ipro or Camo cloth, gathered in at the waist by a leather belt in the

old style,[258] and a fur-lined mantle with a hood attached to cover

the head;[259] and common women wore gowns of coarse green Cambragio

stuff, made in the same fashion. And one hundred _lire_ was the usual

dowry for a bride, two or three hundred _lire_ being considered in

those times a splendid sum, and even the most beautiful maidens were

not given in marriage until they were aged twenty years, or more."[260]

Even the evidence of the "Divina Commedia" fully corroborates this

account of the goodness and honesty of the Florentines of old, and

events continued to prove the truth of the verdict.

Fortune favoured the city not only in war, but also in peace both

within and without the walls. In addition to the many great public

works we have already mentioned, and which were now completed, other

buildings were in course of erection on various sites bought by the

_anziani_ for the purpose in different parts of the city. These

officials, together with the captain of the people, Lambertino di Guido

Lambertini, likewise decreed (1252-53) that the register of all the

communal deeds should be re-copied and carried on regularly, in order,

as they said, that the _jura et rationes Communis_ might not be left

unknown nor neglected, but open to the public in various places. These

papers are the _capitoli_ still preserved at the present time, and

affording so much useful information on the history of Florence.[261]

Now, however, the state of affairs was about to take a fresh turn. In

consequence of Conrad's decease, Manfred, the other son of Frederic

II., succeeded to the Neapolitan throne. The new sovereign, being

dauntless, ambitious, and full of talent, devoted all his powers

to forwarding the interests of the Italian Ghibellines; and the

Florentines, with their usual shrewdness, immediately became more

cautious in their proceedings. In 1255 they made alliance with Sienna,

the following year with Arezzo, severely blamed their captain, Count

Guido Guerra, for expelling the Ghibellines from the latter city, and

compelled him to recall them. They even treated their own exiles with

greater indulgence and liberality, permitting some of them to return

from time to time. But on either side these were false demonstrations,

leading to no result. All were temporising, waiting to see what fresh

turn the general affairs of Italy might take.

Supposing Manfred's fortunes to be really restored, the Florentines

would suffer severely, and of this they were perfectly aware. A first

warning was received by them in 1256, when the Pisans, oblivious

of sworn terms and promises, made an attack upon Ponte a Serchio,

a castle held by the Lucchese, the allies of Florence. Accordingly

the Florentines hastened to their friends' relief, and routed the

assailants, many of whom were drowned in the river in their flight.

After this victory the troops marched towards Pisa and coined money in

sight of the walls, an act then considered to inflict deep humiliation

on the enemy. In addition to this the Pisans were not only forced to

renew (September 23, 1256) the ignominious peace concluded in 1254,

but also to cede many castles to the Florentines, and some few to the

Lucchese.[262] And another clause was added to the terms stipulating

that the Castle of Mutrone, a position of great strategical importance

both to Lucchese and Florentines, should be given up to the latter,

with power to destroy or preserve it, as their magistrates might

decide. Accordingly the question was discussed by a council of elders

in Florence, and one of the number, Aldobrandino Ottobuoni, who,

although poor and plebeian, had much influence as a patriot, asserted

the necessity of demolishing the fortress. His proposal was carried,

but with the proviso that it should be first submitted to the approval

of the parliament. Meanwhile the Pisans, unaware of the result of the

discussion and of Ottobuoni's amendment, but knowing that the castle,

if held by the Lucchese, would be a serious menace to themselves, sent

to offer Ottobuoni four thousand florins--in those days a prodigious

sum--if he would address the council in favour of the very plan he had

already pleaded with success. But this offer merely opened his eyes to

the blunder he had committed, and returning to the council, he induced

the elders to reverse their decision. Aldobrandino's reputation was so

greatly enhanced by this affair, that on his death it was decreed that

a monument should be erected to him in the Duomo of greater height than

any other, and at the public expense.[263]

Many men were famed for their virtue in the time of the First Popular

Government; but this government only lasted ten years, and a period of

new reforms and revolutions, costing much travail to the Republic, is

already near at hand.

VI.

The seeds of revolt were already lurking in the Constitution, and, as

we have seen, only waiting a convenient opportunity to break forth.

Nor was the moment long delayed. The Ghibelline party, after declining

in consequence of Frederic's decease, was now revived in Italy by

the strenuous efforts of Manfred in its cause. This monarch's envoys

finally came to Florence in 1258, and naturally made their abode with

the Uberti, whom they found quite prepared to try the hazard of war.

These nobles quickly assembled their adherents, and formed a plot for

the overthrow of the popular government. But the times were not yet

ripe, because, as Machiavelli has justly remarked, "In those days

the Guelphs had much more power than the Ghibellines, partly because

the people hated the latter for their arrogant conduct as rulers in

Frederic's time; and partly because the side of the Church was in

greater favour than that of the emperor, seeing that with the aid of

the Church they [the Florentines] hoped to preserve their liberty,

and feared to lose it under the emperor."[264] The conspiracy was soon

discovered, in fact, and the Uberti were cited to appear before the

elders. But, instead of obeying the summons, they barricaded themselves

within their own dwellings by the advice of their chief, Farinata.

Thereupon the enraged people flew to the assault; the houses of the

Uberti were sacked; some of their friends captured, others killed,

and no mercy shown even to those merely suspected of complicity. The

Abbot of Vallombrosa, one of the Beccaria of Pavia, was beheaded,

although his innocence was afterwards acknowledged by many.[265] The

whole Uberti family and their principal followers had to seek safety

in exile and fly to Sienna, the which city was the declared ally of

Manfred, and the headquarters of all Tuscan Ghibellines. The exiles

collected there chose Farinata, the most daring and influential member

of the band, for their leader. Upon this the Florentines justly

complained that the Siennese violated the treaty of 1255 by harbouring

the fugitives; but Sienna, having been long the secret ally of the

Ghibellines, was deaf to remonstrance.

Hence collision was inevitable, and Florence dealt the first blow

by speedily attacking several castles and villages in the Siennese

Maremma.[266] Then the _Martinella_ was hung in the arch of the

Mercato Nuovo, and repeatedly rang the alarm, announcing an expedition

of far greater importance. Both sides began to prepare for war, and

even summoned their friends to assemble. Florence had sent Brunetto

Latini on an embassy to Alfonso of Castile, one of the aspirants to

the Imperial crown, inviting him to march into Italy against Manfred.

The Siennese, however, had already, and with greater hopes of success,

applied for help, through the Florentine exiles, to Manfred in person.

This monarch being much occupied with his own kingdom at the time,

despatched Giordano d'Anglona, Count of San Severino, with about one

hundred German knights, who reached Sienna in December, 1259, bearing

the royal banner. At last, in April, 1260, the Florentines set forth

with the _carroccio_, people and Commune in full array, with the

_Podestà Iacopino Rangoni_, the elders and leaders of companies at

their head, and encamped close to the walls of Sienna, near Porta

Camollia. On the 17th of May a battle took place on the site of the

monastery of Santa Petronilla. It is related that when Farinata degli

Uberti, who, as chief of the exiles, had done much to promote the war,

saw how small a contingent Manfred had sent with the standard, he

exclaimed: "We will lead it into such straits, that he [the king] will

fain be the enemy of the Florentines, and will give us more [knights]

than we shall want."[267] It is also told that the German soldiers were

purposely intoxicated to make them fight with blind fury.[268] What is

certain is that the Siennese citizens marched out under the command

of their Podestà, and that the Germans, jointly with the exiles, of

whom Farinata was still the chief, were led by Count Guido Novello.

The Germans began the engagement with so furious an onslaught that

the Florentines, believing a formidable army was on them, scattered

in dismay; but then, perceiving the hostile force to be inferior to

their own, stood their ground valiantly, and after a sanguinary mêlée

repulsed the foe, and capturing Manfred's flag, dragged it in the mud.

There was much rejoicing in Florence, although the victory had been

dearly bought, and it was seen that a small band of well-trained German

cavalry had put to the rout, at least for a moment, a large army of

peasants and artisans. The Siennese derived courage from the same fact,

particularly now that their chief citizen, Provenzano Salvani, and

other ambassadors, were returning from Naples with a stout contingent

of eight hundred[269] Germans, also under the command of Count

Giordano, now promoted to the post of vicar-royal to Manfred in Tuscany.

Accordingly the war had to be pursued; for with the Siennese already

in the field to subdue Staggia and Poggibonsi, and devastate Colle,

Montalcino, and Montepulciano, the Florentines were compelled to resume

hostilities. Farinata degli Uberti and his fellow-exiles continually

cast fresh fuel on the flame by using every device of ingenuity to

provoke their foes, and weave treasonable plots within the walls of

Florence. In fact, two friars were sent there to inform the elders,

with great affectation of secresy, that Sienna was weary of the

Ghibellines and of Provenzano Salvani's domination, that accordingly

it would be easy to have the gates opened to the Florentine army by

means of a bribe of ten thousand florins. The friars, being deceived

themselves, as it appears, had no difficulty in duping others.

According to Villani's account, on arriving in the city, they asked

leave to confer with two elders alone, under pledge of the strictest

secresy. Two members were deputed to receive their proposals, who,

believing the men to come from the exiles, sons of their own Republic,

and forgetting how they had always been dominated by party hatred,

accepted the false message in good faith. Although great mystery was

observed in the affair, yet it was necessary to consult the citizens

before deciding on war. For that purpose a numerous council of nobles

and _popolani_ was assembled, and the elders, under more or less

plausible pretexts, urged the necessity of quickly resuming the war

against Sienna. Nevertheless, there was much disagreement. Although the

Florentine laws opposed every possible check to general discussion,

and especially when directed against any proposal brought forward by a

magistrate,[270] the import of this question was seen to be so grave,

that several speakers combated it, pointing out the enormous folly of

plunging into war at this moment, when it was known that Sienna had no

means of maintaining the Germans for long. The nobles were specially

adverse to the proposal, for they had recognised the superiority of

the German cavalry, and judged that no army composed of artisans and

traders, little practised in war, could possibly make a stand against

it, especially now that it was in much greater force. Also, seeing

what progress had been already made in the art of war, battles could

no more be won by deeds of personal prowess alone. Unluckily the

opposition of the nobles inflamed the people in the contrary sense, and

set them shouting that they must arm and march forth without delay.

Tegghiaio Aldobrandi degli Adimari was one of the first patricians

to speak against the proposal and in favour of delay. But an elder

named Spedito, and, according to Villani, one of the two sharing the

secret, replied to him in insulting terms, winding up with a coarse

sneer at Adimari's supposed cowardice.[271] Whereupon Messer Tegghiaio

retorted, exclaiming that Spedito would lack the courage to follow far

at his heels in battle. After this squabble Cece Gherardini rose up and

openly inveighed against the war proposed by the elders. The latter

then insisted on his silence, in the name of the law, threatening to

make him pay the fine of one hundred _lire_ imposed by the statutes on

all venturing to speak without the permission of the magistrates; but

Gherardini replied that he would pay it and speak. Accordingly they

increased the fine to two hundred, then to three hundred _lire_, but

only succeeded in silencing him by threats of capital punishment.[272]

So the motion for war was finally carried, although even without the

secret intrigues retailed and exaggerated by the chroniclers, the

heated state of public feeling made hostilities unavoidable.

The Florentine army was still commanded in 1260 by the same Podestà who

had led it to battle the previous May. But it was now reinforced by all

the Guelphs of Tuscany, from Perugia, Orvieto, Bölogna, and many other

cities, so that its total strength amounted to thirty thousand foot and

three thousand horse. This large force marched forth in the month of

August, with all its chiefs, with the _Carroccio_, and a well-furnished

baggage train, crossed the Siennese border, and reaching Pieve Asciata

on September 2nd, halted there to rest. The intrigues carried on by

the exiles had produced two results; for on the one hand they had

inspired Florence with the vain hope that Sienna could be gained

without bloodshed, merely by spending money and making a great show of

strength; on the other hand there were traitors in the army itself,

actually pledged to secret agreements with the enemy. The first measure

adopted was to send messengers to the city haughtily demanding its

surrender. But when these envoys entered Sienna they found the whole

population burning for war and revenge. They were solemnly received

by the Council of Twenty-four, the heads of the State; and these, on

hearing their demands, made reply: "_That they should have an answer,

by word of mouth, in the field_." Hence the only thing to do was to

prepare for a decisive engagement.

On the morning of the 3rd of September a herald went through the

streets of Sienna calling on all men to hasten to join his own flag,

"in the name of God and the Virgin Mary."[273] Thus a considerable army

was collected and marched the same day to encounter the Florentines.

The details supplied by the chroniclers are so discrepant that it

is difficult to decide as to the exact strength of the force. The

Germans, the exiled Ghibellines of Florence, and several contingents

from allies swelled the Siennese ranks. Nevertheless the total number

was certainly inferior to that of the enemy. According to custom, the

Podestà, Francesco Troghisio, held the post of Commander-in-chief. But

the actual leaders of the army were Count Giordano and Count D'Arras

in command of the German horse and foot; Count Aldobrandino of Santa

Fiora, and other valiant captains. The Florentine exiles, including

Farinata degli Uberti, who was excited to the highest pitch, were under

the command of Count Guido Novello. The army of Florence was also led

by its Podestà, Jacopo Rangoni; but its captains were untrained men,

who still clung to the hope of winning the victory without striking a

blow. They advanced with the _Carroccio_ as far as Monselvoli in Val

di Biena, and encamped at a short distance from the Arbia stream and

the fortress of Montaperti, some four miles from Sienna. On the morning

of the 4th of September the Siennese, and more especially the Germans,

began the battle by a tremendous onslaught. The Count of Arras kept his

men in ambush in order to fall on the enemy's flank at the best moment.

Until the hour of vespers, the Florentines made a steadfast resistance,

but then began to show signs of failing strength. Thereupon Arras

led up his reserve with cries of "St. George," and attacked them so

furiously in flank that they were speedily routed. At the same moment

Bocca degli Abati, one of the Florentine traitors, severed at a blow

the hand of Jacopo dei Pazzi, the standard-bearer of the cavalry. As

the flag fell the troop, composed almost entirely of nobles, instantly

took to flight, some from panic, others with treasonable intent. But

the infantry, consisting of stout _popolani_ and faithful allies,

stood its ground for a time; then wavered, gave way, and was involved

in the general rout. Only the guards of the _Carroccio_, commanded by

Giovanni Tornaquinci, a veteran of seventy years, who fought like a

lion, maintained their position until the last man fell dead defending

the banner. Then, finally, the _Carroccio_, the _Martinella_, and the

flag of the Republic were captured by the foe, who bore their spoil

to Sienna in triumph and reduced it to atoms.[274] Great slaughter

took place, and although many Florentines sought safety in the castle

of Montaperti, crying, "Mercy, I surrender!" no mercy was shown them.

Finally the Siennese captain, Count Giordano, by the advice of Farinata

degli Uberti and with the consent of the gonfaloniers of the people,

gave orders that the slaughter should be stopped, and safety granted

to all who surrendered.[275] It is difficult to decide how many were

killed on that fatal day. Villani, keeping to the minimum, states that

all the cavalry escaped by flight, the slaughter being confined to the

infantry, of whom 2,500 were killed and 1,500 captured. The Siennese,

reducing their own losses to 600 killed and 400 wounded, estimate those

of the Florentines at 10,000 killed, 15,000 taken prisoner, 5,000

wounded, and 18,000 horses either killed or strayed. These figures may

be exaggerated, but Villani's are certainly below the real number.[276]

Nevertheless, the chronicler shows the true state of things when he

says in conclusion, "and then the ancient Florentine people was put to

rout and annihilated."[277] This, in fact, was the ultimate result of

the battle "_that stained the Arbia red_" ("_che fece l'Arbia colorata

in rosso_").

Sienna triumphed with great rejoicing, great festivities; but there

was a terrible outcry and lamentation in Florence, where no family had

escaped loss. The leading Guelphs knew that their last chance of safety

had vanished, and therefore many of their noble families fled into

exile together with a considerable number of _popolani_. They escaped

from the city on the 13th of September, and although a few of them were

scattered among the Tuscan castles, the majority repaired to Lucca,

this being still the chief centre of the Guelph faction.

On the 16th of September Count Giordano entered Florence with his

German troops, accompanied by the Ghibelline exiles laden with spoil

and ready to play the conquerors. One of their first deeds was the

destruction of the Ottobuoni monument in the Duomo, forgetful that

whether Guelph or Ghibelline that virtuous citizen deserved honour as

a patriot. Thus, from the beginning, the Ghibellines did their best to

make themselves more detested and unbearable. Poggibonsi, Montalcino,

and many of the castles which had cost so much strife, were given up to

Sienna. The "ordinances of liberty" were annulled, and Count Giordano

nominated Count Guido Novello Podestà of Florence for two years.[278]

The latter immediately took possession of the Communal palace, and

opened a road thence to the city walls, with the name it still bears of

Via Ghibellina. Meanwhile sentences of banishment and persecution of

all sorts befel the Guelphs. Their houses and towers were demolished,

and their confiscated property devoted to the service of the Ghibelline

cause, which was everywhere destined to triumph. Brunetto Latini was

also condemned to exile. As we have seen, he had been an ambassador to

Alphonso of Castile, and was now in France, where he wrote the "Tesoro"

containing an account of his mission.

Count Giordano, being recalled to Naples by Manfred, soon took his

departure, leaving Guido Novello to replace him. Thereupon all the

Ghibelline chiefs met in council at Empoli to arrange what was to be

done. As an instance of the pitch of ferocity to which party hatred

against Florence had attained, it was proposed at this meeting to

demolish the city walls, pull down all the houses, and reduce this

"nest of Guelphs" to a mere suburb, since otherwise they would be sure

to revive there once more. But Farinata degli Uberti had the generosity

to oppose the suggestion, and in the impulse of his wrath clapped his

hand on his sword-hilt, and declared to Count Giordano and the other

captains that he had fought to regain his country, not to lose it, and

would defend it against all would-be destroyers even more zealously

than he had fought against the Guelphs.[279] These words caused the

wild proposal to be instantly rejected.

Count Guido appointed several Ghibelline Podestà in Tuscany, while

retaining the general government of that province in his own grasp,

and likewise ruling Florence as vicar to King Manfred. He basely

allowed himself to be the tool of Ghibelline vengeance, although his

uncertainty of conduct and weakness of character did little service to

the party. Nevertheless, the Guelphs continued to suffer persecution,

not only in Florence, where confiscation of their property and

destruction of their dwellings and towers were long the order of the

day,[280] but also in the neighbouring castles and at Lucca, whence all

fugitive Guelphs were expelled. It was on this occasion that Farinata

degli Uberti, having seized Cece dei Buondelmonti, hoisted him on his

saddle and carried him off, either to save his life, as some have said,

or, according to another version, as prisoner of war. But his brother

Pietro degli Uberti was so maddened at the sight, that he clubbed the

captive to death on Farinata's horse. Such was the ferocity of party

hatred at the time. After the defeat of 1260 many Guelphs wandered

homeless about the world. Some devoted their swords to the service of

their faction in Emilia, and became experts in the newest developments

of military science; while others settled in France as traders, thus

giving a fresh and much increased impulse to Florentine commerce.

VII.

From the close of 1260, the year of the battle of Montaperti, down to

1266, when the rule of Count Guido and King Manfred came to an end, the

history of Florence records no remarkable event. The city's freedom is

crushed, its wars reduced to petty and inglorious party strife, and

its new institutions, if worthy to be so called, have no effect on the

historical development of the Florentine constitution. In trying to

discover the logical connection between the various forms assumed by

it in the history of the Republic, no attention need be given to the

checks suffered by freedom nor to the intervals wherein tyranny breaks

the regular course of events and institutions, seeing that these

resume their normal march as soon as liberty is restored to life.

The Podestà ruling in Manfred's name retained the two councils, _i.e._,

the general council of three hundred, and the special of ninety

members, in both of which the nobles and the Ghibellines naturally

prevailed. But we hear nothing more of the Captain of the people and

his councils, nor of the elders and their assembly. But we find in

their place a body of twenty-four citizens, four to each _sestiere_,

privileged to sit in council with the Podestà.[281] Of the ancient

Constitution a few fragments alone remain, and even these are ancient

only in name. As a matter of fact the Ghibellines had succeeded, with

Manfred's assistance, in establishing an aristocratic despotism, as

strangely different from the constitution preceding it as from that

destined to replace it, these being in perfect harmony and connection

one with the other.

Meanwhile the war against the Guelphs was carried on, not only by

razing their houses and confiscating their goods, but by the imposition

of repeated fines weighing heavily on the lower classes who were now

deprived of all share in the government. But in 1264 Farinata degli

Uberti died, in 1265 Dante Alighieri was born, and Italy began to be

stirred by novel events soon to be echoed even in Florence.

For some time past, in truth, Italian politics had showed signs of

approaching to a radical change. Frederic II., although often cruelly

despotic, had gathered about him, nevertheless, all the most cultured

men of the country and was highly popular among them. His successor,

Manfred, was an adventurous and unfortunate prince, whose loftiness

of spirit deservedly gained him numerous admirers. It is true that

the Papacy had combated both in their quality of Ghibellines; but

the policy of Rome was gradually becoming no less hostile to communal

freedom than to the Ghibelline cause, inasmuch as the Papal ambition

daily increased and sought to strengthen the temporal power at the

expense of the communes. Florence still remained Guelph; but with

changed times the character and value, if not the names of parties

were beginning to suffer alteration throughout Italy. Hence men often

changed sides with small hesitation, nor was it always easy to say

whether those who deserted their own party had changed, or whether the

alteration of the party itself had caused it to be forsaken. Also the

general confusion was greatly increased now that the Popes, with their

usual anxiety and dread of losing their supremacy in Italy, resolved on

calling fresh strangers to their aid and thus drew fresh miseries on

the land.

Alarmed by the great power and reputation gained by the Swabian line,

they sought defence in the course of policy so well described by

Machiavelli when he remarks that the Popes, "sometimes for the love of

religion, at others to forward their own ambitions, never ceased to

call fresh humours into Italy and stir fresh wars. And no sooner had

they raised a prince to power than they repented and sought to compass

his ruin, nor would they consent that any province their own weakness

prevented them from seizing should be possessed by another."[282] Thus,

after many persistent intrigues, they finally decided the Angevins to

undertake an expedition against Manfred, and for the conquest of the

Neapolitan kingdom.

With the aid and benediction of Pope Clement IV., Charles of Anjou

brought an army composed not only of his own subjects, but of many

Italians, among whom the exiled Florentine Guelphs were some of the

most distinguished for bravery.[283] He advanced to the Neapolitan

frontier, and near Benevento, on February 26, 1266, gave battle to the

foe. King Manfred fought valiantly, and when forsaken and betrayed by

his soldiery, died the death of a hero on the field. For three days,

vain search was made for his corpse among the slain, then it was found,

and carried off on the back of an ass. The French monarch refused

Manfred burial in consecrated ground, because the Pope had declared

him excommunicate. Accordingly he was laid in a ditch by the bridge

of Benevento, where the French soldiers, casting each a stone on the

corpse, raised a pile that proved a fitting monument to the courage

and ill fortune of a warrior slain sword in hand. But Pope Clement

grudged him even this humble grave, and at his command the Archbishop

of Cosenza persuaded the Angevin monarch to have the corpse exhumed,

and thrown beyond the frontier of the Neapolitan kingdom, on the banks

of the river Verde.[284] All these events completed the overthrow of

the Ghibelline party in Italy. The Imperial throne stood vacant, the

Suabians were crushed, and another foreign dynasty succeeded them in

Naples, summoned thither by the Pope. If Frederic's decease had caused

the decline of the Ghibellines in Florence, it is easy to imagine

what was to befal them now that their evil sway had accumulated such

increased detestation of their rule, and that the death of Manfred

not only deprived them of a friendly sovereign, but extinguished in

Italy the domination of an Imperial and royal line that had been their

strongest support.

In fact, when the result of the campaign was announced in Florence, the

whole population was moved and stirred to fresh courage against the

nobles still holding rule over them. And when it was known that the

majority of the Florentine Guelphs, who had done such brave service

in the ranks of King Charles, were returning to Florence under his

flag, the populace seemed so ready to revolt that Count Guido and his

followers were stricken with fear. Therefore, as Machiavelli says, "the

Ghibellines judged it well to conciliate by some acts of beneficence

the people they had hitherto overwhelmed with injuries; but although

these remedies would have succeeded had they been applied before the

emergency arose, now, on the contrary, being used too late, not only

failed of effect, but hastened the party's ruin."[285] In fact, when

Count Guido and the Ghibelline leaders sought to pacify the people

by certain liberal concessions they knew not where to begin. The old

laws had been annulled, and these men had so completely alienated the

people by their arbitrary government and exactions, that no concession

could now be made without yielding on all points. On the other hand,

the people, being excluded from all share in the management of the

State, had turned to trade and commerce, employing therein all the

power and energy they were forbidden to bring to bear upon politics.

Accordingly all branches of trade were marvellously developed and

organised more firmly than before in the shape of politico-industrial

associations, entitled Greater and Lesser Guilds (_Arti maggiori

ed Arti minori_), the which, dating from the earliest years of the

Middle Ages, had gradually become significant political forces, and

exercised very great civic influence. Thus many new powerful families

had arisen, constituting a new aristocracy, as it were, of wealthy

traders, or, according to the designation already bestowed on them,

of _popolani grassi_ (stout burghers) now the virtual masters of the

Florentine citizens.[286] Gradually, therefore, the Ghibellines in

power were reduced to an isolated caste, and only enabled to maintain

their position by Manfred's friendly support and the help of his German

contingent. Being accordingly in the attitude of invaders encamped on

alien soil, their moral and political ascendency, their civil authority

daily declined; while the burghers under their rule had won by means of

trade and commerce a separate world for themselves and constituted a

separate body, independent to some extent of the governing authorities.

It was both difficult and dangerous to seek the help of the leading

burghers, for these, being chiefs of the Guelph population, would

undoubtedly insist on giving the latter a share in the government, the

which would lead to the speedy downfall of the nobles and Ghibellines.

Neither was it easy for the nobles to initiate partial reforms, since

they neither knew what concessions to make, nor how to grant any at

a moment when the people were conscious of sufficient strength to

dominate the city. It was accordingly decided to summon from Bologna

two knights of a new order known as the _Frati Gaudenti_, whose mission

it was to succour widows and orphans and reconcile hostile parties.

Also, as a visible sign of impartiality, one of the chosen knights was

to be a Guelph, the other a Ghibelline. All this was arranged with the

consent and almost at the instance of Pope Clement IV., who, being

of Provençal birth and a strenuous supporter of Charles of Anjou,

continually addressed imperious missives to the Florentines,[287] as

though the Imperial throne being vacant, its authority had devolved

upon himself, and the victory gained by King Charles had made him

master of Florence.

But, according to Villani's account, the short-lived order of Frati

Gaudenti consisted of men chiefly devoted to their own pleasures, and

little fitted for the serious task of acting as Podestà of Florence,

and promoting novel reforms there. This was so evident that the two

knights speedily saw the necessity of consulting and coming to an

understanding with the guilds. Therefore, on reaching the city, they

made their abode in the palace of the Commune, and convoked a council

of thirty-six Guelph and Ghibelline merchants. The members soon began

to hold daily discussions in their meeting-place, the court of the

Calimala, or Clothdressers' Guild. The business of dressing foreign

woollen stuffs had made great progress in Florence, and the guild was

more powerful than any of the others. The council soon agreed that the

first measure proposed should be the conversion of the seven greater

guilds into an industrial and political body, with special banners,

weapons, and chiefs of its own. So they began to organise all the

details, assigning a gonfalon to each guild, and arranging them as

follows: Judges and Notaries; Calimala, or Dressers of Foreign Cloth;

Woollen Trade; Money-changers; Physicians and Druggists; Silk Trade,

and Fur Trade. The Ghibellines, however, foresaw that this course

would inevitably lead to the reconstruction of the _Primo Popolo_

under another name. Accordingly the Uberti, Lamberti, Fifanti, and

Scolari decidedly opposed these innovations, and impressed Count Guido

with the necessity of putting a stop to them at once if he wished to

keep the government in his grasp. This being precisely what the count

most desired, he instantly sent to demand aid from Ghibelline cities.

Arezzo, Sienna, Pisa, Pistoia, Colle, and San Gimignano contributed

some cavalry, which, with his German guard, raised his forces to

fifteen hundred. But, although these troops were under Count Guido's

command, they were also at his expense; his Germans were already

clamouring for their pay, and all his money was spent. Accordingly,

while still negotiating terms of agreement with the people, he decided

to levy an additional income tax of ten per cent. in Florence. But the

citizens were already so heavily burdened that this new impost was more

than small fortunes could support. The people were already weary of

misgovernment, and much irritated by the count's action in stripping

the Communal palace of its armoury to enrich his own castle at Poppi;

also being encouraged by commercial success and increasingly hostile

to the Ghibellines, they now made vigorous protest, and clearly showed

their readiness to fly to arms. Then the Council of Thirty-six tried to

pacify the citizens, and acting as mediators, proposed to undertake the

collection of the new tax, levying it in such wise as to make it fall

chiefly on the rich and powerful.

Just then, however, the nobles, emboldened by the arrival of

reinforcements, thought the moment had arrived for a decisive blow, and

rose to arms in the city. The Lamberti took the initiative by rushing

to the Piazza, sword in hand, shouting, "Out with these thieves, the

Thirty-six; let us cut them to pieces!" At this outcry all shops were

closed; the Thirty-six broke up their council, and the people rising

in revolt took their orders from them and from the consuls of the

guilds, with Giovanni Soldanieri as their leader-in-chief. The latter

was a patrician, urged by personal ambition to join the riot at the

head of the people. Concentrating in Piazza St. Trinità, they were soon

attacked by Count Guido and his cavalry, who thought to make short

work of them. But, on the contrary, the crowd threw up barricades and

made a stubborn resistance, while such a storm of stones and darts

rained down from windows and roofs that the Germans began to lose

heart, and the count, stricken with dismay, ordered his standards to

withdraw, retreated to Piazza St. Giovanni, and then hurrying to the

two _Gaudenti_ in the Communal palace, demanded the keys of the town

in order to effect his escape. Neither his friends' supplications nor

the wrath of his followers could persuade him that the danger was

not serious, and that he might safely remain in the town. He was so

bewildered by fear that, having obtained the keys, he insisted on being

escorted by three of the Thirty-six, lest he should be shot from some

window by the way. So, on St. Martin's Day, November 11, 1266, he left

Florence by the so-called Gate of the Oxen, and fled with his followers

to Prato.

The following day, being cured of his panic, he perceived his mistake,

and by the advice of the Florentine Ghibellines in his company

tried, as Machiavelli puts it, "to recapture by force the city he had

forsaken from cowardice."[288] He came with his men in order of battle

as far as the Gate by the Carraia Bridge, on the site of the present

Borgo Ognissanti; but the people who could have scarcely succeeded

in expelling him before, save for his own exaggerated fears, had no

difficulty in repulsing him now. When the count demanded admission

with a mixture of threats and entreaties, the only reply was a shower

of arrows from the walls. He was therefore compelled to retreat, and

his men were so enraged and humiliated that on the way back they tried

to capture a neighbouring castle in order to prove their strength.

But even this small attempt failed, and they reached Prato more

humbled than ever, and with much dissension in their ranks. The count,

convinced of the hopelessness of recovering the state, sought refuge

in the Casentino, and the Florentine Ghibellines dispersed to various

fortresses and mansions about the _contado_.

VIII.

The Guelphs were now masters of Florence. They set to work at the

changes required for the reorganisation of the popular government, and

were favoured with much imperious advice from the Pope. However, they

only gave heed to his epistles in sufficient measure to avoid exciting

his wrath. Their first act was the dismissal of the two _Gaudenti_

friars, whose incapacity had been well proved; their next to request

Orvieto to furnish them with a Captain of the people, a Podestà, and

a body of knights to guard the safety of the Commune. Accordingly

one hundred knights arrived, with Messer Ormanno Monaldeschi as

Podestà, and a Messer Bernardini as Captain. For the sake of peace they

allowed the Ghibellines to return to Florence, and arranged various

reconciliations and marriages between them and the Guelphs, hoping thus

to promote unity among the people and mitigate party hatred. But, in

the still heated state of the public mind, these measures only excited

fresh rancour.

At this juncture Florence seemed to have lost all her former

self-reliance, so that, in the midst of the grave complications of

Italian politics, even the Guelphs felt the need of foreign support.

It was a fatal habit, first owed to the Ghibellines, who, in token of

respect toward the Empire, had requested the presence of an Imperial

vicar in Florence. So, now that the people had won the victory because

the Angevins had succeeded the Suabian line on the Neapolitan throne,

recurrence to the same perilous measure seemed almost unavoidable. The

Pope, with an assumption of Imperial prerogative, had nominated Charles

of Anjou, first as peacemaker, and then as actual vicar-imperial, in

Tuscany, for a term of ten years. The Florentines considering it a duty

to conform with this new state of things, and even to accept it with

a good grace, accordingly offered Charles the lordship of their city

for six years, a term afterwards extended to ten. But either because

the conditions attached to the offer were distasteful to the French

monarch, or because he wished it to be pressed more energetically, he

certainly showed much hesitation in deciding to accept it. Shortly

afterwards he despatched to Florence Philip de Monfort, who made his

entry with eight hundred knights on Easter Day, 1267, the anniversary,

as it was remarked at the time, of Buondelmonti's assassination. The

king subsequently sent Guy de Monfort as his vicar;[289] and at last

came in person to lead the war against the Ghibellines in Tuscany.

The Ghibellines being now expelled, and the supremacy of Charles

accepted as an accomplished fact, the necessity remained of

establishing the government of Florence on a definite basis,

and endeavouring to secure its freedom amid new and hazardous

complications. To this end the fourth constitution of the Republic was

evolved. The state of Florentine society had undergone considerable

change, and this implied a corresponding change in the character of the

new constitution. The Ghibelline or patrician party was now reduced

to a small number of nobles, soldiers by profession, and eager to

exercise tyranny. But, as we have seen, almost a new aristocracy had

come to the front, composed of nobles, who, renouncing their titles

and altering their names, had joined the popular side, and likewise of

well-to-do burghers (_popolo grasso_), who, having leapt to fortune as

traders, had now entered a new sphere of civil life, and dominated the

city.[290] Another point to be noted is that both burghers and populace

were rapidly losing their aptitude for arms, and this not merely

because in all wars of the period the superiority of trained soldiers

was a recognised fact, and popular armies seen to be of small use,

but also because commerce had become too important for busy traders,

engaged in their shops or travelling about the world, to be able, as

in past times, to spend two or three months of the year in the field.

Commerce was now the chief occupation and almost the very life of the

Florentines, so that they really deserved to be called a people of

bankers and merchants.

In addition to all this there was now a foreign power upheld by

foreign soldiery in Florence. Whether in person or by means of other

officials of his own nomination, Charles of Anjou filled the post of

Podestà of the city, and even the Captain of the people was often a man

of his choice. Therefore, with their usual sagacity, the Florentines

re-established the twelve elders, two for each _sestiere_, under the

name of the Twelve Worthies, as advisers to the Podestà. Also, in

place of the Thirty-six, they constituted a council of one hundred

worthies of the people, "without whose sanction no important measure

nor any expenditure was to be undertaken." With this council and

with the parliament, which legally, at all events, never ceased to

exist in Florence, we see the reconstitution of a central and popular

government, limiting the authority of the Angevin Podestà.

It was, indeed, almost a revival of the old consular government by

which the Podestà and Captain, now to be made subordinate to it, had

been originally raised to power. Nor did matters stop at this point.

The two councils, special and general, of the Podestà and Captain were

likewise repristinated. With this difference, however, that whereas by

the constitution of 1250 the Captain of the people had been second in

command, and then almost abolished under the Ghibelline sway, now at

this date he not only resumed his functions, but was given precedence

over the Podestà.

In fact, any Bill proposed by the Twelve to the Hundred and approved by

the latter, was passed on to the Captain's two councils, in the first

place to his special council of the _capitudini_--also known as the

_credenza_--consisting, as formerly, of eighty members. Approved by

this assembly, the Bill was then proposed to the council-general and

special and of the _capitudini_, comprising three hundred members. As a

rule, all the three councils put it to the vote the same day. Then, on

the following day, the Bill was presented to both the councils of the

Podestà, first to the special council of ninety, next to the general

council of three hundred, sometimes increased to 390 by deliberating

jointly with the special assembly. We know very little regarding

the mode of election to these councils, but they usually lasted six

months. Nevertheless, as they were very large and, on the other hand,

the number of the citizens was small, we opine that all eligible

persons--_abili a sedere_, namely, fully qualified citizens--must have

been chosen in turn. It should also be added that projected motions

were neither all nor invariably submitted to every one of these

different councils. Both by law and usage the magistrates were often

privileged to recur to certain councils only, even as they were allowed

the right of assembling a preliminary and more restricted council of

_richiesti_ (or invited persons), composed solely of officials or

citizens whose experience might be useful in drawing up the required

schemes. At other times even a few outsiders were invited to the

councils. Thus, for instance, when affairs of war were under discussion

the presence was requested of those charged to superintend them. The

statutes were neither very precise nor very stringent on this point.

Special efforts, however, seem to have been used to put checks on free

discussion, possibly to prevent the multitude of councils from causing

undue delay. The right of proposing any measure or decree was strictly

reserved to magistrates, by whom some notary or other qualified person

was commissioned to support it in their name. Save in very grave cases,

the councillors only said a few words before voting. The opposition was

never more than a small minority, partly because every project brought

before the councils had been already sifted several times. Later on,

while still allowing men to vote against the magisterial proposals, no

one was permitted to speak save in their favour. Hence, in spite of

possessing so many public assemblies, Italy produced no real political

oratory, and in fact our literature is very poor in this branch of

eloquence. And another point should also be noted here. The Council

of One Hundred was entirely plebeian, so too those of the Captain; on

the other hand, nobles, as well as plebeians, sat in the Podestà's

councils. The _capitudini_, or guild-masters, were always admitted,

as we have shown, to the Captain's councils, and very frequently also

to those of the Podestà. All this plainly proves that the democratic

party and the greater guilds constituting its main nucleus were

decidedly predominant.[291] Thus, although King Charles obtained the

lordship of Florence, his power was fettered by so many restrictions

that all administrative authority remained vested in the people, and

particularly in the well-to-do burgher class (_popolo grasso_).

The new laws examined by us contain very few allusions to Guelphs and

Ghibellines, many to nobles and people (_grandi_ and _popolani_);

for party conflict was beginning to wear its real name, and plainly

signified the struggle between the aristocracy and democracy.

Nevertheless, the Ghibelline faction still survived and constituted

in fact the aristocratic party. For this reason the people desired

its total destruction, and another clause of the new constitution

aimed at the same result. A list was drawn up of all who had suffered

persecution from the Ghibellines between 1260 and 1266, together with

an inventory of their confiscated property. The number of victims was

found to be very great, and their losses to amount to the then enormous

sum of 132,160,8,4 _lire_.[292] It was accordingly resolved to treat

the Ghibellines in the same way, and during the years 1268 and 1269

about three thousand were condemned, including contumacious rebels,

and as many sentences of confiscation pronounced, which remained

enforced for a long period.[293] At first, all confiscated property was

collected to form a so-called "_monte_," or fund; then afterwards it

became the custom to divide this into three parts: one to the Commune;

one to individual Guelphs as indemnity for past losses; and the other

third to the party, in order to strengthen it at the Ghibellines'

expense. In course of time, however, almost all confiscated estates

were granted to the party alone, and their administration entrusted

to six governors, chosen for the purpose, three of whom were nobles

and three men of the people. These officials were originally styled

consuls of the knights, then captains of the Guelph party, in deference

to the ill-omened counsels of Pope Clement IV. and Charles of Anjou.

As every important magistracy of the time was associated with two

councils, so the Captains of the party also possessed a special or

privy council of fourteen, and a council-general of sixty members.[294]

The Captains kept office for two months, and held their sittings in the

Church of Sta. Maria sopra Porta. Later on they had a palace of their

own, and were entrusted with the superintendence of public works, of

the officials of the Towers, and other functions of a similar kind.

But their chief duty was always to promote the cause and persecute

Ghibellines. They performed their task with so much zeal, pursuing

their adversaries so fiercely, that at last the ruling spirit among the

Captains of the party was the virtual ruler of Florence. By excluding

all opponents from public posts, sentencing them to exile, and

confiscating their goods, these functionaries rose to increasing power,

and injured the Republic they served.

Taking a general view of the new constitution, with all its intricate

multiplicity of councils and magistracies, our first impression is that

all was confusion and arbitrary rule. But on looking more closely into

the purpose for which it had been formed, we are obliged to admit that

this government was singularly well adapted for success. Civil war is

not yet stamped out: on the contrary, must undoubtedly continue for a

long time; democracy is pressing on towards the fulness of its triumph

and the complete destruction of the aristocracy. Nor will democracy be

satisfied with ousting the nobles from the government of the republics,

but will seek to deprive them of life itself, and this is only to be

accomplished by much bloodshed and many revolutions.

In the new political organisation, the central power, soon to be

changed every two months, occupies a very feeble position compared

with the high importance, permanence, and strength now assigned to

the Podestà and the Captain. These officers are at the head of the

Commune and the people; each of them presides over two councils: they

are, as it were, the chiefs of two armed and hostile republics. But

in that of the people, hitherto the weaker, no patrician is admitted;

while in that of the Commune, the people has assumed a very important

position relatively to that of the nobles, and therefore has legally

obtained the casting vote in all decisions, notwithstanding the

supremacy virtually exercised by Charles of Anjou in moments of the

gravest emergency. It is easy to foresee the bitterness of strife to be

engendered by this state of things. If we likewise remember that this

Republic, as though foredoomed to civil war, included so important a

magistracy as the Captains of the party, apparently created for the

sole purpose of perpetuating discord, as an engine of war, serving to

keep all these heterogeneous forces in continual agitation and promote

ceaseless bloodshed and destruction, we can understand the course of

coming events in Florence. We must be prepared for continual struggles,

restless changes of institutions and laws, prepared to behold webs

carefully woven one month pulled to pieces before the next moon begins

to wane. Nevertheless, the whole machinery of the government was

singularly fitted to compass the end that the Republic from the first

had constantly in view.

IX.

Much more, however, remains to be said in order to give our readers a

lucid and adequate idea of the Constitution and society of Florence in

the latter half of the thirteenth century. So far we have dwelt too

slightly on the most important detail of the new reforms--_i.e._, the

organisation of the guilds. The measures suggested for this purpose by

the Thirty-six from their first meetings in the Calimala Court, and

against which the nobles had most strongly protested, were speedily

approved by the people, and from that moment became the chief basis of

the Florentine statutes. Associations of arts and trades had existed

throughout Italy from a very early date, and had soon attained greater

development in Florence than in other communes. For, as we have had

occasion to note, the whole life of the people was concentrated in

these associations when the Ghibelline tyranny, upheld by Manfred,

excluded the lower classes from participation in the government of the

city. Therefore all that was done now was to embody naturally evolved

results in a more regular and legal shape. Only the greater guilds,

seven in number, had risen to any really great political importance in

1260; the others had to wait much longer before being reorganised on

the same footing. What was the position attained by the seven greater

guilds at the moment we are now studying? By devoting our attention to

the guild that was first and foremost in the race it will serve as a

model, and enlighten us as to the others.

At the period of which we treat the fine arts flourished in Italy side

by side with trade, and this was not only advantageous to the national

culture, but already enabled our manufactures to dictate the laws of

taste to all Europe. In those times Florence, Milan,[295] and Venice

set the fashions, as Paris sets them now. The fine Italian taste helped

to create the _Calimala_[296] trade, and secured its rapid prosperity.

This trade was the art of dressing foreign cloths--from Flanders,

France, and England--and dyeing them with colours known to Florence

alone. Then, in their finished state, these stuffs were sent to all the

European markets stamped with the mark of the Calimala Guild. This mark

was highly prized as a proof of good quality, as showing that the exact

length of the pieces had been scrupulously verified in Florence, and

as a guarantee against any falsification of material. It is therefore

easy to see why the Calimala merchants had trading relations with all

Europe, and interests extending to every place where civilisation and

luxury were known.

Hence the necessity, even in early times, of choosing directors of

the guild, framing statutes, and appointing consuls abroad as well as

at home, to protect its undertakings. Now, however, with the newly

inaugurated reforms, the Calimala, together with the other greater

guilds, was constituted on the lines of a miniature republic.[297]

Every six months, _i.e._, in June and December, the heads of warehouses

and shops held a meeting, and this _Union_--exercising much the same

function in the guild as that of the parliament in the Republic--chose

the electors to be charged with the nomination of the magistrates.

First came four consuls, who administered justice according to the

statutes, acted as representatives of the guild, and ruled it with the

assistance of two councils, one being a special council with a minimum

of twelve members, and the other a general assembly often varying in

number and sometimes limited to eighteen. With the consent of these

councils the consuls were even empowered to alter the statutes. They

carried the banner of the guild, and in emergencies the citizens

assembled at arms under their command. Then there was the _camarlingo_,

or chamberlain, holding office for one year, who administered the

revenue and expenditure of the association. And even as the Republic

had a foreign magistrate in the person of the Podestà, so the guild

had one also in the person of its notary, likewise appointed for one

year. He was chosen by the council-general, had to speak in both

councils as the representative of the consuls; was often employed

on missions for the guild, and was specially charged to enforce

scrupulous observation of the statutes, with the power of inflicting

severe punishment on all violators of the same, were they even the

consuls themselves. All these officials were sworn adherents of the

Guelph party. The notary's stipend was fixed from year to year. The

consuls were bound to accept office if elected, and could not be

re-elected under an interval of one year; their salary was first fixed

at ten _lire_, and the product of certain fines; but was afterwards

reduced to several pounds of pepper and saffron, and a few wooden

baskets and spoons. The _camarlingo_, or _camerario_, was remunerated

even more slightly, and much in the same way. Three accountants were

chosen every year to investigate the actions of the outgoing consuls,

_camarlingo_, and other magistrates. Twelve statutory merchants were

similarly elected, with authority to revise and improve the statutes of

the guild; but all reforms suggested by them had to be approved first

by both councils, and then by the Captain of the people. The consuls

who, under the title of _capitudini_, took part in the councils of the

Captain and Podestà, were pledged to protect the interests of the guild

and advocate laws in its favour. But what were these statutes for the

good of the trade of which so many magistrates enforced the observance?

They prescribed fixed rules and regulations for the exercise of the

business. Very severe punishments were enacted when the merchandise was

of bad quality, defective, or counterfeit. Every piece of cloth was

bound to be labelled, and any stain or rent unrecorded by this label

entailed punishment on the merchant concerned. Above all, there was

great strictness as to exactness of measure. The officers of the guild

frequently inspected the cloth, and made a bi-monthly examination of

the measures used in all the shops. Models of the prescribed measures

were exhibited to the public in certain parts of the city. Nor was

this all. The consuls sent delegates to every counting-house to verify

the merchants' books and accounts, and punished every deviation from

established rules. Every guild had a tribunal composed either solely of

its own members, or jointly with those of another, for the settlement

of all disputes connected with the trade, and enforced severe penalties

on all who referred such disputes to ordinary courts. It may be asked

how the consuls were enabled to give effect to their verdicts? The

punishments were generally fines, and persons refusing to pay them,

after receiving several admonitions and increased fines if still

recalcitrant, were excluded from the guild and practically ruined.

From that moment their merchandise, being unstamped, was no longer

guaranteed by the guild; they also lost many other notable advantages,

and were finally unable to continue their business in Florence, and

not often elsewhere. In fact, as we have seen, the consuls chosen in

Florence guarded the interests of the guild even outside the State by

deputing vice-consuls for that purpose to other parts of Italy and

Europe, and increasing their number in proportion with the increase of

their commercial relations. The two more important consuls abroad were

those in France. All these delegates were charged with even the choice

of the inns to be frequented by the members of the guild. Whenever,

according to the usage of the day, any state exercised reprisals on the

members' goods, the consuls were bound to assist and defend them. Thus,

wherever he might be, a member of the guild was sure of protection

from every sort of injury or loss. The guild was a jealous custodian

of its members' rights, and, in order to defend them in foreign

countries or to obtain justice for injuries received, often despatched

ambassadors to the governments concerned.[298] This was an invaluable

help at a time when no international law existed for the protection of

foreigners, and reprisals were continually used. Accordingly merchants

found it better to submit to any penalty rather than be dismissed

from the guild; no worse threat was needed to enforce obedience to

the statutes. The six other greater guilds were all governed on the

same principle as the _Calimala_. Their united body of consuls formed

the _capitudini_, and these were afterwards headed by a proconsul, a

magistrate held in the highest esteem.

Putting aside the immense commercial and industrial advantages that

this organisation of the guilds afforded to the Republic during the

thirteenth century, we shall see that they were equally useful from

the political point of view. All these merchants, constituting a large

majority of the citizens, were continually engaged in directing great

undertakings, settling commercial disputes, discussing statutes and

laws; they maintained relations with all parts of the known world,

and travelled to all parts on special missions in defence of their

common interests. We see that they all took a continuous and eager

share in political life, inasmuch as every guild was an independent,

self-ruling institution, with separate magistrates, laws, statutes,

and councils, and that it became a centre of industrial, intellectual,

and political activity. Thanks to this freedom of circulation, the

pulse of the Florentine people was quickened to redoubled strength,

and every faculty of the human mind, all moral and political energy of

which man is capable, suddenly rose to a prodigious height in Florence.

Choosing any one of these merchants almost at random, one might be sure

to find him capable of governing the Republic; a man to be trusted

with the most delicate of diplomatic missions, and honourably acquit

himself of it; one able to command a respectful hearing from Pope,

king, or emperor, without allowing himself to be duped, yet without

failing to conform to the requirements of court ceremonial. Thus the

Florentines rose to great fame throughout Europe for their shrewdness

and subtlety, and as in the midst of all this extraordinary commercial

and political activity Italian art and literature also developed, the

small mercantile Republic soon shed its lustre over the whole world.

The greater guilds also achieved another good result in Florence. At a

time when the State organisation divided the city in two halves, as it

were; at a time when the strife of factions was about to be fiercely

renewed, when party leaders excited men's passions by nourishing the

flame of discord, and the continual change of the supreme Council

of Twelve transferred the direction of the government to citizens

of all tempers, and all devoted to their respective parties, then

the decentralisation of the government in a large number of small

associations was indeed an inestimable benefit. If nobles or people

rebelled against their rulers in order to change the Twelve, or the

Podestà, the Captain, or even the statutes, the suspension of public

business that inevitably ensued produced much less real than apparent

confusion. Being split up into so many small associations, the Republic

could exist without a government even for several months; since the

armed, disciplined, and strongly constituted guilds, were now even

better prepared than in past times to seize the reins, and prevent the

troubles which would have certainly befallen the city had it been left

without guidance. Thus the constitution of the guilds, as established

in 1266, likewise serves to explain how it was that poetry, painting,

sculpture, and architecture were enabled to flourish among a people of

traders; even as it explains why so much progress was possible amid

such, apparently, enormous confusion, and how democracy succeeded

in destroying every relic of feudalism in Florence, and in achieving

absolute equality together with the highest degree of freedom known

to the Middle Ages. The Florentine Commune was the centre of so much

culture because it was also the seat of the largest freedom compatible

with the times. Of this culture the best and loveliest fruits are owed

to the democracy; for we find in Arnolfo's towers and churches, in the

paintings of Cimabue and Giotto, as also in Dante's verse, the special

stamp and characteristic of the Florentine people. During the Middle

Ages in Provence, France, Germany, and England, many nobles rose to

literary fame, and indeed nearly all the poets of those lands were of

patrician birth. But Florentine art and letters, constituting the most

fertile seeds of art and letters in Italy, were essentially republican;

many writers, and most of the artists, of Florence were the offspring

of traders or labouring men.

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