31.46. _Gaceta de Tamaulipas_, July 16, 1846. =65=Scott, gen. orders

238. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 314-5. Davis, Autobiog., 246. =224=Letter

from C. to Scott, Nov. 14, 1847. Instrucciones Otorgadas. Wilhelm,

Eighth Infantry, i, 299. Moreno, Cantón, 378, 380, 382. Quitman, order,

Oct. 6, 1847, in Papeles Varios. Defensa de Iriarte. McSherry, El

Puchero, 163. =358=Williams to father, Feb. 22, 1848. V. Cruz _American

Eagle_, May 22; Apr. 3, 1847. Ayuntamiento archives, Jalapa, Córdoba,

Orizaba, Puebla, Mexico, Tampico, Saltillo. =92=Quitman, proclam., Oct.

6, 1847. =366=_Id._, poster, Sept. 16. =95=Worth to Puebla ayunt., May

31, 1847; to alcalde, May 17, 1847; reply; proclam., May 22, 1847; to

alcalde, May 22. =303=_Id._, orders 34. _Nacional_, Jan. 28, 1848.

=13=Doyle, No. 5, 1848. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 251, 549. _Diario_, May

14, 1847. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1047 (Scott). =65=Bankhead, orders, Feb.

16, 1848. =61=Hamtramck to McDowell, Jan. 20, 1848. Lawton, Artillery

Officer, 17, 39, 40, 194, 208. =63=Marcy to Davenport, Aug. 6; Dec.

14, 1847. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 165. =69=Gov. Jalapa to alcalde,

Nov. 26; Dec. 13, 1847; Jan. 17; Mar. 15, 1848; orders 352; to ayunt.,

Feb. 28, 1848. =69=Gates, orders 26, 35. =65=Wilson, orders 116, 142,

1847. =65=Twiggs, orders 11. =65=Kearny, orders 172. =65=Wool, orders,

July 9; Dec. 14, 1847; Jan. 26, 1848. =65=Butler, orders 43, 1848.

=61=McDowell to alcalde, Dec. 30, 1847. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 205 (Trist).

_Picayune_, Jan. 2; Mar. 19; Dec. 19, 23, 1847. _Republicano_, June

14, 1847. Kenly, Md. Vol., 380. =61=Worth to Bliss, Sept. 28, 1846.

México á través, iv, 703-4, 711. Rivera, Jalapa, iii, 900, 902; iv,

28-34. =69=Worth to commrs., Nov. 23, 1846; orders 61, 1846. =69=Scott

to Hughes, Jan. 28, 1848. =61=Shields, Jan. 19, 1847; orders, Dec. 26,

1846; Jan. 1, 2, 6, 1847. =61=Worth, orders 2, Mar. 30, 1847. =76=Worth

to E. González, Nov. 23, 28, 1846. =76=S. Anna, Jan. 4, 1847, with

docs. =76=Garay, Jan. 22, 1847, and docs. =76=Worth, proclam., Nov. 30,

1846. =76=Morgan to Martinez, Jan. 18, 1847. =76=Aldrete to Mejía, Aug.

30, 1846. For taxes, etc., see chap. xxxiii. =76=Mora, Feb. 18; Mar. 8,

1848. =76=Many others.

31.47. An English soldier in our army said with reference to the

better class at Tampico: they were shy of "the strange, wild-looking,

hairy-faced savages of the half-horse and half-alligator breed, who

galloped about the streets and plazas mounted on mules and Mexican

ponies, and armed with sabres, bowies, and revolvers, and in every

uncouth variety of costume peculiar to the American backwoodsman";

adding that the Mexicans addressed them as "Gentlemen," but in their

absence spoke of them with intense bitterness as "cursed volunteers"

(Ballentine, Eng. Sold., i, 276-7).

31.48. The foreigners residing at Mexico generally received the

American army well.

31.49. In a soldier's written vocabulary occurred these words: weaves

(for _huevos_), chickketer (_chiquita_), sennereters (_señoritas_),

irrancus (_naranjas_), onerpas (_un peso_), leavero (_libro_). There

were cases in which women went long distances to give information to

officers they had never seen. After the battle of Cerro Gordo ladies

at Mexico wore their hair loose "à la Scott," and were rebuked by the

press.

31.50. _Social relations._ Scott, Mems., ii, 580. Grant, Mems., i, 118.

Meade, Letters, i, 86, 180, 185. =148=Chamberlain, recolls. Bullock,

Six Months (1825 ed.), i, 55-6. _Flag of Freedom_, i, no. 5. =257=G.

[Hughes] to Frank [Markoe], Dec. 13, 1847. =242=Kingsbury to mother,

Oct. 14, 1846. =8=Anon. diary. Oswandel, Notes, 211, 433. Jamieson,

Campaign, 48. Semmes, Service, 173, 205, 215, 263. Biog. de Alamán,

40. =221=Hill, diary. Brackett, Lane's Brigade, 131, 136, 138. Rivera,

Jalapa, iii, 912. _Picayune_, May 28, 1847. Kenly, Md. Vol., 368.

=69=Hughes to Scott, Jan. 5, 1848. =349=Pattridge to Miss W., May

22, 1848. Apuntes, 363. Wilhelm, Eighth Infantry, i, 430. Sedgwick,

Corresp., i, 145. Ballentine, English Soldier, i, 276-7. _Spirit of the

Times_, July 4, 1846. Perry, Indiana, 141. =76=Document sent by Garay,

Dec. 30, 1846. =335=Belton to Hitchcock, Aug. 23, 1847.

31.51. This money had a powerful influence in keeping the people quiet.

31.52. Scott, Mems., ii, 396, 580. Grant, Mems., i, 102. Gutiérrez de

Estrada, Méx. en 1840. =110=Barbour, diary. =95=Belton, proclam., July

16, 1847. =13=Doyle, no. 1, 1848. _Delta_, Jan. 19, 1847. Rodríguez,

Breve Reseña, 1848. Lawton, Artillery Officer, 24. New London _Morning

News_, Dec. 10, 1846. Apuntes, 368. =350=Weber, recolls. _Cong. Globe_,

45, 3, pp. 1627-8 (Shields). _Picayune_, Sept. 14, 1847.

XXXII. PEACE

32.1. =52=Trist, nos. 16, confid., 17, confid., 18, 22-3. (Trist's

despatches, as printed in Sen. 52; 30, 1, are not in all cases

complete.) Sierra, Evolution i, 223. (Outrages) _Arco Iris_, Nov. 9,

1847. _Razonador_ in _Nacional_, Jan. 5, 1848. _Nacional_, Jan. 19,

1848. =80=Almonte to Olaguíbel, Sept. 16, 1847. =335=Thornton to Trist,

Dec. 5, 1847. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 308-9, 315. Calhoun Corresp.,

1163, 1166. =349=Partridge to Miss W., May 22, 1848. =125=Bonham to

mother, Dec. 7, 1847. Ills. State Hist. Soc. Trans., 1912, pp. 17-23.

Lawton, Artill. Officer, 327, 331. Wash. _Union_, May 22, 1847. =291=P.

F. Smith to Pierce, undated. _Monitor Repub._, Dec. 3, 14, 1847.

_Picayune_, Dec. 23, 1847; Jan. 7, 8, 1848. =13=Doyle, no. 18, 1848.

(Damages) =76=Circular, Oct. 3, 1847.

32.2. Sierra, Evol., i, 223. =13=Thornton, no. 6, 1847. Roa Bárcena,

Recuerdos, 571. =52=Trist, nos. 18, 22-3. _Picayune_, Nov. 30, 1847;

Feb. 20, 1848. Protesta de la Diputación. Tributo á la Verdad, 58.

_Nacional_, Jan. 8, 19, 1848. =80=Olaguíbel, proclam., Dec. 9, 1847.

=335=Thornton to Trist, Dec. 5, 1847. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 23, 40,

45, 74. _Correo Nacional_, Feb. 7, 19; Mar. 21, 1848. (Aguas Cal.)

=76=Guerra to Relaciones, Jan. 24, 1848. =76=Olaguíbel, Nov. 29.

=76=Gov. Oaxaca to Relaciones, Dec. 27. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 15,

27, 29; Dec. 29, 1847. =366=Correspondence between gov. S. L. Potosí

and A. O. de Parada. =335=Trist, memo, of second conference. =256=J.

Parrott to Marcy, Dec. 20, private, 27 private, 28, private, 1847. _No.

American_ (Mexico), Dec. 14, 1847. =169=Taylor to Crittenden, Nov. 1,

1847. =304=Duncan to Quitman, Nov. 27, 1847. Webster, Letters, 343.

=61=Scott, Sept. 18. (Bankhead) =132=Cushing to Buchanan, Oct. 31,

1847. =125=Bonham to mother, Dec. 7, 1817; Jan. 12, 1848. Gallatin,

War Expenses. =345=Poinsett to Van Buren, June 4, 1847; Mar. 9, 1848.

=304=Duncan to Quitman, Nov. 27. _No. American_ (Mex.), Dec. 14. P. F.

Smith, _supra_. _Eco del Comercio_, May 9, 1848. _Correspondant_, Nov.

15, 1847. _Times_, Jan. 15, 1848.

The substantial war elements were the Eventualists, Monarchists and

Santannistas. The =76=archives for this time are full of reports of

political disturbances.

32.3. Polk, Diary, Nov. 20, 23, 30; Dec. 4, 18, 1847. =132=Donelson

to Buchanan, May 15, 1847, private. Ho. 60; 30, 1, 1037 (Marcy).

=52=Trist, no. 22. P. F. Smith: note 1. Richardson, Messages, iv,

537-46. See chap. xxix, p. 183. Had the war continued it would not

have been against Paredes or Santa Anna and the military class. It

would have seemed to be a war of conquest directed against the Mexican

nation, and even the peace party would have had to turn against us.

32.4. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 585. =13=Thornton, nos. 6, 7, 1847.

=52=Trist, nos. 16, confid., 18-20. =335=_Id._ to Rosa, Oct. 20, 1847.

_Monitor Repub._, Nov. 8, 10, 13; Dec. 29. Ho. 69; 30, 1, p. 58 (Rosa).

Richardson, Messages, iv, 572. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 22-3. México á

través, iv, 704-5. Exposición ó Programa. Negrete, Invasión, iii, app.,

483, 516.

Trist reopened the negotiations naturally by forwarding to Luis de la

Rosa, the minister of relations, a letter (dated Sept. 7) written by

him as a reply to the note and counter-projet of the Mexican peace

commissioners dated Sept. 6. In this he argued that Texas possessed

good grounds for rebelling, and became independent; that, having been

rightfully annexed by the United States, she had to be protected

against invasion; that any previously existing boundary between her

and Mexico had been obliterated by the revolutionary war, and she had

a right to _claim_ the Rio Grande as the boundary; that as Mexico

would not negotiate on the subject, Polk was compelled to accept that

delimitation; that in the resulting war the United States had occupied

Mexican territory and now justly held it by right of conquest, yet

not by the odious title of conquest resulting from war without good

cause--not from a mere desire of obtaining territory (Sen. 20; 30, 1,

p. 21). This letter and a brief accompanying note, which stated that

his powers had not been withdrawn and expressed a desire to resume

the negotiations, were transmitted by Thornton, now acting (in the

absence of Bankhead and Doyle) as British chargé, who strongly urged

upon Rosa the renewal of the negotiations (=52=Trist, no. 19). Rosa

replied favorably, but said he was too busy just then, and needed

certain documents. Later Peña explained the delay as resulting from the

provisional character of his administration (=52=to Trist, Nov. 22). In

reality the government desired to ascertain and influence public and

Congressional sentiment before acting (Exposición dirigida). Rosa's

reply to Trist said there appeared to be little hope of peace, but this

was for self-defence (Trist, no. 20).

32.5. =52=Trist, nos. 19, 23. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 239. Rivera, Jalapa,

iv, 23. _Monitor Repub._, Nov. 17, 18, 23, 27; Dec. 26. (Deserters)

_Nat. Intellig._, June 24, 1848. =76=Rosa to govs., Oct. 20. =75=Report

of the meeting of governors. México á través, iv, 706. =335=Thornton

to Trist, Nov. 25, 1847. Dublán, Legislación, v, 305. Roa Bárcena,

Recuerdos, 567-8, 571-6. =335=Davidson to Thornton, Nov. 23.

_Picayune_, Nov. 30.]

At the meeting Puebla, Querétaro, Michoacán, Guanajuato and S. L.

Potosí states were represented by their governors, Zacatecas by her

vice governor, and Jalisco by a commissioner. The President and the

ministers were present. The meeting was advisory and confidential. The

government took the ground that the war could not be continued and

that Mexico should endeavor to obtain, not an honorable peace, but one

as little humiliating as possible, and one that would save Mexican

nationality; but it preferred war and promised to carry it on if given

the necessary men and supplies. The governors naturally showed their

repugnance to peace on such a basis, but could not offer adequate

resources, and the one rational conclusion was inevitable. A report of

the discussions may be found in the Gobernación archives, Mexico. The

sessions began on Nov. 19 and concluded on Nov. 27. The insurrection

came to a head on Dec. 19. News of Trist's recall helped to quiet the

war party (=52=Trist, no. 22).

32.6. Pillow, address in Chicago _Daily Democrat_, Sept. 15, 1857.

Polk, Diary, Oct. 4, 5, 20-3, 25; Dec. 30, 1847; Jan. 2, 1848. =52=Sec.

state to Trist, Oct. 6, 25. Richardson, Messages, iv, 541. =335=Memo.

of Trist on despatch of Oct. 6. Sen. Rep. 261; 41, 2. Ho. 69; 30, 1,

pp. 59-61 (Trist).

A private =335=note (Oct. 24) from Buchanan to Trist, taken in

connection with Polk's Diary, suggests a suspicion on the part of

the administration that, in intimating that the United States might

possibly not insist upon the Rio Grande line, Trist had purposely

played into the hands of the Whigs, who were now asserting that the

intermediate region did not belong to us. This suspicion and the idea

that Trist was helping Scott to injure the President's friends in the

army would explain a great deal of wrath. Another personal =335=note

(Oct. 24) from Buchanan shows that the terms offered by Trist in

September were now regarded as too moderate to be popular, and gives

one the feeling that, especially since Trist had shown a disposition

to weaken them, the prestige of the administration demanded his

recall. Oct. 25 Buchanan said Trist had offered to give up a part of

California, but Trist denied this (=335=memo.). Oct. 6 Marcy directed

Scott to inform the Mexican authorities of Trist's recall (Ho. 60;

30, 1, p. 1008). Trist's patriotism and sense of duty do not seem to

have been affected by his recall. Nov. 27 he wrote to Buchanan that a

commission should be sent to take up his work on the spot (Sen. 52;

30, 1, p. 230); and the next day, through Mrs. Trist, he =335=adjured

Buchanan to lose "_not a minute_" about this, proposing Scott and

Butler. Dec. 31 Polk received indirectly a similar recommendation from

Gen. Twiggs, and Sen. Davis (the Col. Davis of Monterey and Buena

Vista) pointed out to him that, should Mexican commissioners go to

Washington, probably their government would be overthrown during their

absence, and they might be shot as traitors on their return (Diary,

Dec. 31). Polk therefore virtually decided that Butler should take

Trist's place as well as Scott's (_ibid._, Dec. 31; Jan. 2). Pillow

(Address) attributed to his letter the recall of Trist.

32.7. Sen. Report 261; 41, 2. Ho. 69; 30, 1, pp. 59-66 (Trist). Sen.

60; 30, 1, p. 61 (Peña). =52=Trist, nos. 21, 23. =13=Thornton, nos. 11,

14, 1847. =335=_Id._ to Trist, Nov. 22, confid.; Nov. 22, private; Nov.

25. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 583, 585. =335=Trist to Thornton, Nov. 24,

confid., Nov. 25, private. =75=Peña at meeting of govs. =52=Peña to

Trist, Nov. 22. Trist's departure had to be delayed by the necessity of

testifying at Pillow's trial.

32.8. (Traitorous) London _Times_, Mar. 15, 1848. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp.

140, 144 (Scott). =256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 28, 1848. Scott, Mems.,

ii, 576. =13=Thornton, no. 21, confid. _Id._ to Trist: note 7. Sen.

Rep. 261; 41, 2. Trist, no. 22. =13=_Id._ to Thornton, Dec. 4, 1847.

=335=_Id._ to _Id._, Nov. 24. =335=_Id._ to wife, Dec. 4.

It has been said that Trist's decision was due to Scott, but Trist was

not under Scott's control. Scott tried without success to dissuade

him from breaking with Polk (=335=statement by Trist in his papers).

Trist =335=wrote to his wife, Dec. 4, "_Knowing_ it to be the very last

chance, and impressed with the dreadful consequences to our country

which cannot fail to attend the loss of that chance," I decided to-day

at noon to attempt to make a treaty; the decision is altogether my own.

Sen. Rep. 261, the basis of which was evidently supplied by Trist,

says that Freaner, the correspondent of the New Orleans _Delta_, was

"the only man who had been in any way instrumental in determining Mr.

Trist to make the attempt." It has also been said that Scott and Trist

wished to make the treaty because Polk now wanted more of Mexico,

and they desired to "spite" him; but neither man was of such a type,

no suggestion of the scheme appears in Trist's official or personal

letters or in Thornton's reports to the Foreign Office, and public

considerations are quite enough to explain Trist's course. Sen. Rep.

261 says that on Dec. 4 occurred an incident "in itself of the most

casual, and trivial, and commonplace kind," which led to Trist's making

the treaty. This has been thought to mean the postponement of the train

with which he was to have gone down; but the above description does

not seem to fit this important occurrence, and the author is inclined

to believe that it refers to a chance meeting of Trist and Freaner,

while Trist's decision hung in the balance. Freaner was regarded by

Trist as an honest man of unusual sagacity, and he was a strong,

sympathetic character. Peña held that, since his peace commissioners

had been appointed, he could deal with the subject through them only,

and hence, as they were at a distance, he could not possibly send a

proposal to Mexico for Trist to carry home, as it was suggested to him

to do. Trist counted on one fact as lessening his responsibility: the

government could disavow his work without embarrassment (=52=no. 22).

See Napoleon's dictum (chap. xxvii, note 27.17, p. 398).

32.9. =13=Thornton, no. 21, confid., 1847. =13=Doyle, nos. 1, 3,

1847; 10, 1848. =52=Trist, nos. 23-5. =256=J. Parrott to Marcy,

Dec. 27, 1847, private. Sen. 60; 30, 1, pp. 61 (Peña), 62 (Trist).

(Rincón) México á través, iv, 705-7. =335=Memo. _re_ withdrawal of

notice. =335=Thornton to Trist, Nov. 24, priv.; Dec. 5, 11, confid.

Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 590. =335=Trist to Peña, Dec. 26, 1847. Lee,

Gen. Lee, 43. Noticias Muy Importantes. Richardson, Messages, iv, 545.

=335=Powers of the commrs. =335=Trist, minutes of meetings, etc.

Doyle arrived at Vera Cruz on Nov. 30, and soon received from the

Foreign Office a despatch (=13=no. 40) making clear its attitude of

benevolent neutrality (Doyle, no. 3). Polk's message encouraged the

Eventualists, because it showed that if they could defeat the present

negotiations, the war would continue, the peace party would fall from

power, and then the Eventualists would have American support in setting

up a government according to their ideas. Rincón pretended to be ill.

Associated with the ministry of Relaciones at this time as confidential

advisers were such men as Pedraza, Lafragua and Cuevas.

32.10. Sen. 20; 30, 1, p. 21. =335=Buchanan to Trist, Oct. 24,

personal. =335=---- to _Id._, Oct. 25. =335=Dimond to _Id._, Oct.

27. =73=Lozano, no. 3, res., 1847. =335=Trist, notes and memoranda.

=335=Notes of Trist and Couto. =335=Thornton's translation of Mexican

draft of treaty. =335=Notes from Doyle and Thornton. (Unreasonable)

México á través, iv, 706. Sierra, Evolution, i, 223. Roa Bárcena,

Recuerdos, 592, 596-7. =13=Doyle, nos. 10 (with memoranda), 29, 1848.

=13=Palmerston to Mora, June 20, 1848. =52=Trist, no. 27. Exposición

dirigida, 6. (Trist's conduct) Negrete, Invasión, iv, 324.

Trist relied for guidance on his original instructions (Ho. 69; 30,

1, pp. 43-7), the _projet_ of a treaty accompanying the instructions

(_ibid._, p. 47), =52=instructions of July 13 and 19, 1847, former

treaties of the United States, and our general principles and policy

(=52=Trist, no. 27). See also Polk's Diary, Apr. 13, 1847. In regard

to the western end of the boundary the instructions were faulty, and

Trist found it necessary to use his judgment (=52=enclosure in his no.

27). Greatly fearing the designs of the Monarchists, he desired to have

a secret article binding upon Mexico the constitution of 1824, and was

willing to promise in return that enough American troops to support the

government should remain five years; but the proposition was declined

(=13=Doyle, no. 10, 1848). There was a difficulty in doing anything

about Tehuantepec, for British interests were involved, and that matter

was dropped by Trist in order to facilitate the adjustment of the

boundary (Exposición, _supra_). It did not signify much now, for the

United States had its eye upon a better route (J. S. Reeves in _Amer.

Hist. Rev._, x, 323). The subject that consumed the most time was the

status of the people of the surrendered territory (Trist, no. 27). The

Mexicans asked that their civil law should continue to rule there until

the territory should be organized into states, but Trist (perhaps in

the interest of slavery) would not consent (=13=Doyle, no. 10).

32.11. =13=Doyle, nos. 10, 12, 13, 1848. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 568,

579, 591, 602-3, 605-6. Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1039 (Scott). =52=Trist,

nos. 25-7. México á través, iv, 706-8. =335=Trist to wife, Dec. 26,

1847; to Scott, Jan. 28, 1848; to commrs., Jan. 29, 1848. =13=Doyle to

commrs., Jan. 28-9. (S. L. P.) =83=Gov. S. L. P. to gov. Querétaro,

Feb. 5, 1848; =77=Relaciones, circular, Jan. 17; _Nacional_, Jan. 26

(plan); Feb. 2; Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 41, 43; México á través, iv, 706.

=256=Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 28.

Peña became the chief executive again because the expiration of Anaya's

term (ordered by the Congress that elected him to occur on Jan. 8,

since it was expected that the new Congress would have assembled by

that date) left the country without a head, and the position devolved

upon him as chief of the supreme court. L. de la Rosa was then

appointed minister of relations. The plan of the S. L. P. governor was

that four states--S. L. P., Zacatecas, Guanajuato and Jalisco--should

combine, repudiate the national government, and continue the war,

expecting other states to join them; but public opinion, even in his

own state, failed to support him. Almonte was actively working against

peace at this time, basing his arguments particularly on the attitude

of the peace party in the United States and the poverty of the American

treasury. Jan. 30 he called attention to the Whig majority in our

House, said our Congress would probably refuse to send more troops to

Mexico, and urged the Mexican government to procrastinate. The reply

of the government was a mere acknowledgment of receipt. Feb. 14 he

argued that Walker's report showed we could not continue the war much

longer. On the other hand there seems to be some reason to believe

that personal relations and interests may have influenced the Mexican

commissioners in favor of making the treaty (Puga y Acal, Documentos,

letter no. 74). Marcy to Scott, Oct. 6, 1847: Your military operations

are not to be modified by Mexican proposals to negotiate (Sen. 52; 30,

1, p. 140).

32.12. =13=Thornton, no. 11, 1847. =13=Doyle, nos. 4, 1847; 13, 14

and 18, 1848. Sen. 60; 30, 1, p. 65 (Trist). Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1082

(Scott). Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 604-7. =13=Doyle to commrs., Jan. 28,

29; to Rosa, Jan. 29. Hitchcock, Fifty Years, 315-6. México á través,

iv, 706-8. =335=Memo. from Freaner.

The Mexican government naturally desired to keep all information about

the treaty from its enemies. The public came to believe, however, that

an important act had taken place on Feb. 2. Freaner carried the treaty

to Washington. For two weeks escorts had been waiting at the proper

points on the road to Vera Cruz. The Spanish representative, under

his instructions, took no part in these negotiations. The Prussian

minister, lacking both official authorization and personal influence,

was equally inactive. France had no minister on the scene.

Ripley (War with Mexico, ii, 557) says that "no man who so palpably

disobeys the direct instructions of his government" as did Trist, could

be fit to negotiate a treaty; suggests (p. 564) that it was improper to

let the British coöperate in the matter; and argues (pp. 582-4) that

Scott should have broken up the negotiations or else assumed the full

responsibility for them, withholding from the Mexican government the

fact of Trist's recall. All this and the rest are mere fault-finding,

and the critic could and would have been much more severe, had the

course he recommended been adopted. Of course he proves the obvious

facts that Scott and Trist, in the interest of two nations and to

accomplish what their government ardently desired, at great personal

risk disregarded mistaken instructions, accepted British assistance

without which they would probably have failed, and obtained a treaty

which Polk himself, though he hated both of them, felt constrained

to accept; but this was a truly glorious achievement. Scott had no

right to act as Ripley says he should have done. The armistice, a

military affair, was properly his concern, but negotiating a treaty

was diplomatic business. Mackintosh, says Ripley (p. 563), had a hand

in the negotiations, but this seems to be an error. Rives (U. S. and

Mexico, ii, 524-5) says "it might perhaps have been well to replace

Trist by a stronger man." But every possible man had been considered

(p. 126), and a stronger man would probably have tried to drive the

Mexicans and have failed. Trist they liked and trusted, yet could not

deceive or frighten.

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