52; 30, 1, p. 38): Art. 1. Peace. 2. Immediate armistice, and so far
as possible a restoration of the constitutional order in the places
occupied by the Americans. 3. After ratification by both governments
the blockade to cease, the customhouses held by the Americans to be
given up, and the interior to be evacuated as soon as practicable.
Mexico to assist. Duties collected after Mexico's ratification to be
paid over to her. 4. Immediately on the exchange of ratifications all
Mexican places and public property to be given up, and all prisoners
surrendered. The process to be completed within three months, unless
the sickly season should require American troops to remain longer
at designated points. 5. The new boundary (Rio Grande, southern and
western lines of New Mexico, the Gila, the Colorado, the line between
upper and lower California). The line to be run and marked by a joint
commission within a year after the exchange of ratifications. No change
in it to be made except with the free and formal consent of both
nations. 6. The United States may navigate the Gulf of California and
the Colorado to the Gila, and the two governments will arrange for "a
road, canal, or railway" within a marine league of the Gila, should
it be found practicable. 7. The navigation of the Gila and of the Rio
Grande to New Mexico to be free to both countries. 8. All Mexicans
in the transferred territory may go or stay, will have full power
over their property, and may elect within a year to remain Mexican
citizens. 9. Mexicans not so electing shall be "admitted as soon as
possible, according to the principles of the federal constitution, to
the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States," and
meantime shall have the rights "now vested in them according to the
Mexican laws." No interference with Roman Catholic worship, property or
ecclesiastical administration. 10. Mexican grants of lands (made before
May 13, 1846) to be valid, and the period for fulfilling conditions to
be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications. 11. The United States
to prevent or punish Indian incursions from its territory, and exact
satisfaction for damage done, etc. 12. The United States to pay Mexico
$15,000,000. (As to method of payment, see p. 248.) 13. The United
States to pay the claims against Mexico already decided. 14. Also to
assume all other claims arising before Feb. 2, 1848. 15. The latter
claims are to be passed upon by an American commission (which will be
supplied by Mexico, on demand, with needed books, etc.), and not more
than $3,250,000 may be paid to satisfy the claims. 16. Each nation may
fortify any point within its territory. 17. The commercial treaty of
1831, so far as compatible with this treaty, revived for eight years.
18. Supplies for American troops in Mexico to enter free of duty. 19.
Provisions respecting merchandise brought into Mexican ports occupied
by the Americans. 20. A provision regarding certain merchandise
arriving at Mexican ports shortly after the restoration of the
customhouses. 21. Should difficulties arise between the two countries,
negotiations and arbitration--not reprisals or hostilities--to be
employed, unless the circumstances forbid. 22. Provisions for resident
merchants and prisoners in case of war between the two nations. 23.
Ratifications to be exchanged at Washington in four months or, if
practicable, sooner. _Secret article._ The four months of Art. 23 may
be extended to eight months.
32.13. If we hold that Texas extended only to New Mexico, the treaty
gave us 619,275 square miles (Donaldson, Public Domain, 124, 134).
(Little) =198=Gallatin, note on peace treaty; Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos,
618; =13=Palmerston to Mora, June 20, 1848. The U. S. Supreme Court
held (Merryman _vs._ Bourne, 9 Wallace, 592) that the acquisition
of California was "complete on the seventh of July, 1846." It said,
"Conquest is a valid title, while the victor maintains the exclusive
possession of the conquered country"; and the United States intended
to do this in the region we took. On this and other points see Klein,
Treaty, 247-81; Butler, Treaty-Making Power, i, 78, 168-9; _U. S.
Cavalry Journal_, xxv, p. 18; Reid, Problems, 271-5. It was necessary
to take territory from Mexico to offset our claims, quashed by the war
(Richardson, Messages, iv, 537), and partially offset the costs of a
war forced upon us, for, had the treaty awarded us a money indemnity,
she would not have been willing and morally able, even if theoretically
able, to pay it. (See Benton, Abr. Deb., xvi, 40-1.) Aside from the
question of right, too, the American people would have been profoundly
dissatisfied to see our armies return empty-handed, and this feeling
would probably have meant more, to Mexico than the loss of her nominal
territory (see Root in _Cong. Globe_, 30, 1, app., p. 395). Mexico
could give up more easily what she did than any equivalent territory.
(Map) Gadsden line at N. E. is disputed.
An apparent inconsistency may be noted here, for on p. 138 of vol.
i it was intimated that an agreement with Mexico was needed to fix
the boundary of Texas. The explanation is that the United States
had demonstrated its ability to hold the line, but the republic of
Texas was not strong enough to prevent Mexican troops from going and
remaining north of the Rio Grande.
The Mexican commissioners rejected the line of 32°, desired by the
United States (Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 91), for three reasons: 1, it would
be for a long distance only a mathematical boundary; 2, it was liable,
when surveyed, to cut off important points like Paso del Norte; 3, it
would prevent land communication between Sonora and lower California
(Exposición dirigida). It was proposed at one time to divide S.
Diego, but for that concession Trist demanded too much. Besides, S.
Diego belonged distinctly to upper California. Lower California was
relinquished because inaccessible and poor. Not only for sentimental
reasons but because otherwise the treaty, they believed, could not
possibly be ratified, the Mexican commissioners were determined to hold
all of Sonora and Chihuahua. Tamaulipas, happily, had made no protest
against relinquishing her claim to the intermediate region (=52=Trist,
no. 27). To ask the consent of the people in the acquired territory
was not deemed necessary by the United States (Butler, _op. cit._,
i, 83-4), but citizenship was not forced upon Mexicans by the treaty
(art. viii). Art. x was demanded by the Mexicans (=13=Doyle, no. 10,
1848). Art. xix harmonized the American pledge that goods imported
during our occupation of the ports should pay only the American tariff
(=52=Buchanan to Trist, June 14, 1847), with the Mexican view that
our tariff could not be operative beyond the limits of our occupation
(Exposición dirigida).
An error regarding the assumption of our claims has prevailed. Two
classes of claims were provided for: 1, those liquidated under the
convention of 1839 but not covered by the three Mexican instalments
(vol. i, p. 81); 2, all unliquidated claims antedating Feb. 2, 1848.
Under the first head the United States paid, under the act approved
July 29, 1848 (Statutes at Large, ix, 265), $2,090,253.19 including
interest (A. J. Peters, asst. sec. treas. to the author, Nov. 30,
1915); under the second head the claims commission awarded (in 1852)
$3,208,314.96, including interest (Sen. 34; 32, 1; documents preserved
in the state dept.). The treaty provided that under the second head the
U. S. should not be liable for more than $3,250,000. The phraseology
of _our projet_ regarding this matter, when literally translated, did
not readily penetrate the Mexican mind, and hence was re-worked (Sen.
52; 30, 1, p. 294). Roa Bárcena (Recuerdos, chap. xxxiv) gives many
interesting details derived from the papers of Couto. Other details
may be found in the Trist papers, Doyle's reports, and the Exposición
dirigida (Negrete, Invasión, iv, 296).
32.14. _The armistice._ =13=Thornton, no. 21, 1847, confid. Roa
Bárcena, Recuerdos, 590-1. =13=Doyle, nos. 10, 28, 29, 1848. =52=Trist,
no. 26. =335=Thornton to Trist, Nov. 22, 1847, confid. =335=Trist to
Scott, Jan. 28, 1848. =335=[Peña] to Mex. commrs., Jan. 11, private.
=76=Many communications, principally between the Mexican government
and the Mexican armistice commrs. (instructions, reports, etc.), Feb.,
1848. =60=Butler to Marcy, Mar. 3, 13. =76=_Id._, Feb. 21, appmt.
of W. and S. =76=Lay to Mora, Apr. 27. =76=To Lombardini, Mar. 4.
(Terms) Dublán, Legislación, v, 345-8; Negrete, Invasión, iv, 334, 342;
=111=Butler, gen. orders, no. 18, Mar. 6, 1848. =76=Circular, Mar. 10.
México á través, iv, 706, 709. =76=Otero, Mar. 31. =291=Winship to
Pierce, Mar. 5. Sen. 52; 30, 1, p. 140 (Scott).
As we have seen, the Mexican government had frowned on elections held
in occupied territory, probably fearing American pressure upon the
voters. The reader may note an apparent inconsistency here. The war
is represented sometimes as so lucrative that its continuance was
desired by Mexicans, and yet it is said that the districts occupied
by our troops felt its burdens, and for that reason desired peace.
Both currents of sentiment existed. In some districts and at some
times the one predominated; in other districts and at other times
the other. Doyle assisted materially in the armistice negotiations.
The armistice was signed on Mar. 2. Its terms were: 1, suspension of
hostilities; 2, neither side to extend its occupation of territory; 3,
all civilians to travel freely, all military persons under white flag;
4, "contributions" for February and March under American =65=orders 376
and 395 to be suspended, etc.; 5, Mexicans to exercise full political
rights, and officials recognized by the Mexican government to be
recognized by the Americans; *6, no Americans to interfere with Mexican
elections; *7, Mexican authorities to levy and collect taxes; *8,
Mexican postal facilities might be re-established, and the Americans
would protect them; *9, the Mexican government might take the stocks of
monopolized articles; *10, public offices not occupied by Americans to
be given up, and also, as soon as conveniently possible, all religious
and charitable buildings; *11, Mexican courts to act exclusively except
when a person belonging to the American army was originally a party,
or the interest of the American government is concerned; *12, police
to be established; *13, person and property to be protected; *14,
Mexico to act freely against savages on the northern frontier, and
American commanders to help with influence; 15, church property to be
respected; 16, armed bodies assembled anywhere, to commit hostilities
not authorized by either government, to be opposed by both governments;
17, the armistice to remain in force during the period fixed by the
treaty, unless notice of terminating it is given. The starred articles
have particular reference to territory occupied by the Americans. Some
of the articles merely make obligatory what the Americans had been
doing. Next after Art. 1, Art. 16 was chiefly important. The purpose
of it was to prevent insurrections, and it could not fail to have that
effect. The first intention was to keep Art. 16 secret, but the wisdom
of publishing it soon became clear. The armistice was published at
Querétaro on March 11. Some slight and unavoidable violations of it,
particularly in the pursuit of guerillas, occurred, but no serious
trouble.
32.15. Polk, Diary, Feb. 19. (Learned) Vol. i, p. 123. Calhoun
Corresp., 1119-21. =137=Fisher to Calhoun, May 25, 1847. =52=Trist,
no. 27. =210=Simms to Hammond, Jan. 15, 1847. _Nat. Intellig._, May
19; Nov. 20, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_, May 17, 20; Aug. 20-1, 1847. London
_Times_, Oct. 29, 1847. Dodd, Walker, 25. Bourne, Essays, 227-36.
Benton, View, ii, 704. =108=Storms to Bancroft, July 23, 1846. (Baker)
_Cong. Globe_, 29, 1, p. 279. (Secession) Smith, Annex. of Texas,
204-14, 287. _U. S. Mag._, Feb., 1847, p. 100.
32.16. Polk, Diary, May 13, 1846; Nov. 23; Dec. 7, 1847; Feb. 21, 1848.
=13=Crampton, nos. 59, 1847; 8, 9, 1848. =108=Bancroft to Greene,
Nov. 3, 1847. Richardson, Messages, iv, 541. =345=Niles to Van Buren,
Jan. 20, 1848. =108=Buchanan to Bancroft, Dec. 29, 1846, priv. _Cong.
Globe_, 30, 1, app., 197. Foote, Remins., 220. _Monitor Repub._, Mar.
10, 1848 (C. Landa). Calhoun Corresp., 741 (to A. P. C. and Mrs. C.).
N. Y. _Journ. Comm._, Dec. 11, 1847; Feb. 4, 1848. N. Y. _Herald_
(weekly), Nov. 30, 1847. N. Y. _Sun_, Jan. 24, 1848. _Cong. Globe_, 30,
1, pp. 157-60 (Dickinson), 215 (Crittenden), 219 (Foote), 256 (Dix),
302 (Sevier), 321 (Cass); app., 488 (Tompkins), 349 (Breese). _Nat.
Intellig._, Jan. 31, 1848 (Cass). =345=Blair to Van Buren, Dec. 29,
1847.
32.17. =13=Crampton, no. 19, 1848. =345=Niles to Van Buren, Jan. 20,
1848. =345=Dix to _Id._, Jan. 27, 1848. (Mad) =335=Statement by Trist,
Nov. 4, 1857. Calhoun Corresp., 742 (to C.), 751 (to J. E. C.). _Public
Ledger_, Jan. 4, 1848. N. Y. _Sun_, May 17, 1848. Bourne, Essays, 235.
_Cong. Globe_, see note 32.16; also 428 (Cabell). Meade in Ho., Jan.
31, 1848, and Ho. debate on Ten Regt. Bill, Jan. 24-Feb. 3, _passim_.
_Niles_, Feb. 5, 1848, p. 354. Sen. Misc., 8; 30, 1. =137=Hatcher to
Calhoun, Jan. 5, 1848.
32.18. Polk, Diary, Sept. 4, 7, 1847; Jan. 4, 15, 24-5, 1848. Sen. 52;
30, 1, pp. 146, 148 (Marcy). =52=Trist, nos. 22, 25. =335=Buchanan
to Trist, Oct. 27, 1847, priv. =335=Trist to Thornton, Nov. 24,
confid.; to wife (for Buchanan), Nov. 28. =13=Crampton, no. 38, 1847.
=132=Buchanan, memo., Jan. 5, 1848. =60=Butler to Trist and reply, Mar.
17, 18, 1848.
32.19. Polk, Diary, Jan. 4, 5, 23, 1847; Feb. 19-21, 1848. =52=Buchanan
to Trist, Oct. 6, 25, 1847. _Amer. Rev._, Feb., 1848, p. 110
(Everything done by Congress for the war has been done under Polk's
pledge to make peace as soon as justice and honor could be satisfied.).
Richardson, Messages, iv, 544, 573-5. (P.'s looks) _Monitor Repub._,
Mar. 10, 1848 (C. Landa); Tyler, Tyler, ii, 457. W. E. Dodd in Ills.
State Hist. Soc. Trans., 1912, pp. 17-23. _Id._, Walker, 25-6.
_Picayune_, Feb. 26; Mar. 3, 1848. (Sevier) Wash. _Union_, Feb. 4,
1848. =13=Crampton, no. 19, 1848.
Polk intimated to the Senate that the treaty would need to be amended.
Trist was confidentially authorized to pay $20,000,000 for what he
actually obtained, $5,000,000 more for Lower California, and $5,000,000
for the right of transit across the isthmus of Tehuantepec (Polk,
Diary, Apr. 13, 1847; Ho. 69; 30, 1, p. 44).
32.20. Polk, Diary, Feb. 19-21. =297=Report of Cabinet meeting, Feb.
20, certified by Polk's private secy. Sen. Report 261; 41, 2. Sen. 69;
30, 1, pp. 66-72 (Buchanan). =13=Crampton, no. 21, 1848. Richardson,
Messages, iv, 573-5. Klein, Treaty, _Public Ledger_, June 15, 1849
(Dallas).
Buchanan probably desired to have the treaty go to the Senate. He
would then share in the credit of the administration, should it be
popular, and in the contrary event would be able to say that he opposed
it (Polk, Diary, Feb. 21). Polk's accepting the treaty as the best
agreement that could be obtained under the circumstances completely
vindicated Trist's decision to make it and Scott's coöperation.
In April, 1848, the question of occupying Yucatan came up. The
indigenes appeared to be on the point of exterminating the whites
and as a desperate resource Yucatan offered herself simultaneously
to England, France and the United States. Apr. 29 Polk recommended
intervention to Congress, and this has been thought (Ills. State Hist.
Soc. Trans., 1912, 17-23) to mean that he was ready to take Yucatan,
upset the treaty, and bring about the dismemberment--perhaps the
annexation--of Mexico. But the treaty, which had now been ratified
by our Senate, contained in art. 5 a provision expressly intended to
prevent us from annexing more of Mexico's territory without her consent
(see Buchanan to Hilliard, Works, viii, 56), and to believe that
after giving this pledge our Executive proposed to reverse his entire
policy regarding Mexico and be guilty of such bad faith would require
much more evidence than we have. It seems to the author that humanity
combined with an avowed desire to keep European powers out of Yucatan
fully explain what Polk did (see Polk's Diary, Apr. 25). Congress
decided against occupying Yucatan. Its troubles were settled by an
agreement between the two parties (_Nat. Intelligencer_, May 17).
32.21. Sherman Letters, 46-7. Polk, Diary, Feb. 28. _Public Ledger_,
June 15, 1849 (Dallas). N. Y. _Journ. Commerce_, Feb. 25-6; Mar. 1,
11. _Niles_, Feb. 26, 1848, pp. 401-3. =139=Fulton to Campbell, Mar.
5. =198=Berrien to Gallatin, June 7. Morse, J. Q. Adams, 307-8. Adams
was stricken down two days after the treaty reached Washington. By this
time the Senators understood its contents fairly well, no doubt.
32.22. Polk, Diary, Feb. 25-Mar. 10; Apr. 27. =13=Crampton, no. 21,
1848. Meigs, Benton, 378. Benton, View, ii, 694. =210=Woodward to
Hammond, Feb. 23. =210=Alvord to _Id._, Feb. 24. Calhoun Corresp., 743
(to Mrs. C.), 745 (to T. G. C.). (Politicians) Benton, View, ii, 710.
=253=McLean, remarks. =345=Blair to Van Buren, Mar. 3, 1848. N. Y.
_Journ. Commerce_, Feb. 25; Mar. 1-3, 7, 11. Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 3-37
(proceedings). Wash. _Union_, Mar. 2, 4. Balt. _Clipper_, Mar. 4. Balt.
_Patriot_, Mar. 3. _Nat. Intellig._, Feb. 28; Mar. 4. _Public Ledger_,
Feb. 24. N. Y. _Herald_, Oct. 30, 1847. Johnson, Douglas, 123. Webster,
Writings, x, 3-33. Boston _Courier_, Feb. 24, 1848. _Cong. Globe_, 30,
1, app., 497 (Dayton).
The Whigs were suspected of trying to gain enough Democratic support
so that they could not be charged with beating the treaty as a party
(Polk, Diary, Mar. 3; _Public Ledger_, Mar. 8). Webster's policy was
not only unpatriotic but unintelligent, for a continuation of the war
would probably have led either to defeat or to larger acquisitions;
but perhaps he believed no bad results would occur before the next
Presidential election. He knew the country as a whole wanted the treaty
ratified for the sake of peace (Writings, x, 7), and he was unable to
make the New England Whig Senators join him against the treaty. Calhoun
wrote to Gallatin that, owing to diversity of opinion in the Senate,
not even a majority could have been obtained for any proposition
different from the corresponding proposition of the treaty (=198=Mar.
13, 1848). What increased the danger involved in rejecting the treaty
was the prospect that, with both Scott and Taylor out of the field,
operations--even should they not become unsuccessful--would lack the
interest which had largely prevented the public from thinking of the
cost and other ills of the conflict, and hence it would be impossible
to support the war (=132=W. R. King to Buchanan, Oct. 5, 1847; Seward,
Seward at Wash., i, 62). Feb. 28 the committee on foreign relations
reported the treaty without recommendation. Webster at once proposed a
commission. His motion was tabled Mar. 2 (Sen. 52; 30, 1, pp. 4, 9).
For Frémont (Benton's son-in-law) see chap. xxxi, note 31.19.
Benton was probably opposed to the treaty also because he had held that
Texas ended at the Nueces. There was a particular reason for saying
that we obtained the new territory by cession rather than by conquest.
The latter construction would have raised the troublesome questions,
What place is there under our Constitution for a conquered province,
and what right has our government to hold foreigners in subjection
(=210=B. Tucker to Hammond, Mar. 16, 1848)? Four senators did not vote.
For an analysis of the vote see Rives, _op. cit._, ii, 636-7.
32.23. Dallas in _Public Ledger_, June 15, 1849. Sen. 69; 30, 1, pp.
66-72 (Buchanan). Art. 10 was thought insulting to Texas and contrary
to the terms of annexation. Probably American courts would not have
enforced it, and almost certainly it would have caused much litigation.
Sevier and Clifford were authorized to give Mexico (if necessary),
after her ratification of the amended treaty, a choice between the two
methods of payment (=52=to S. and C., Mar. 22, 1848). For the treaty as
drawn and as amended see Ho. 50; 30, 2.
32.24. Polk, Diary, Mar. 11, 12, 14-18, 20, 23. Welles papers.
=52=Buchanan to Clifford, Mar. 18, 1848. Polk to Senate, Mar. 18:
Richardson, Messages, iv, 577. Claiborne, Quitman, i, 318. Ho. 50; 30,
2, pp. 47-52 (Buchanan), 55 (Clifford, Sevier). Benton, View, ii, 711.
=335=Memoranda.
The amount paid for nominal services in securing the consummation (in
Mexico) of Trist's treaty was $28,728.67, while he received nothing for
doing the real work. Years later he was paid (Sen. Rep. 261; 41, 2). It
is true that disgust with Polk's course toward Scott and himself, and
particularly with Polk's employing a man like Pillow, led Trist to say
he would not serve again under Polk (=335=Nov. 28, 1847); but had the
President now acted a manly part, Trist would no doubt have accepted
the appointment given to Sevier. For R. E. Lee's feeling on the matter
see Lee, Gen. Lee, 46. In the night of Mar. 11 Maj. Graham left
Washington to notify Butler of the ratification of the treaty (Polk,
Diary). Buchanan's letter to the minister of relations (Ho. 50; 30, 2,
pp. 47-52) gave a conciliatory explanation of the amendments.
32.25. =13=Doyle, nos. 18, 29, 1848. =83=Relaciones, circular, Feb. 6.
=76=Circulars, Feb. 16, 18. _Atalaya_, Feb. 2, 1848. _Correo Nacional_,
Feb. 7. Kenly, Md. Vol., 464. Exposición dirigida. Negrete, Invasión,
iv, 296-334. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 615, 619. Rejón, Observaciones.
Communicación circular. México á través, iv, 708-9. _Eco del Comercio_,
Mar. 15. =80=Junta legislativa of Méx. state to gov., Dec. 17, 1847;
reply from Peña, Dec. 28. In view of previous notes, further citations
here seem unnecessary.
32.26. (Impression) Polk, Diary, Mar. 9; Calhoun Corresp., 757 (to
T. G. C.). =60=Butler to Marcy, Mar. 3, 13; Apr. 7. =13=Doyle, nos.
18, 29, 41, 52, 1848. Ho. 50; 30, 2, pp. 55-6 (S. and C.), 72 (Rosa).
_Correo Nacional_, Feb. 7. México á través, iv, 710. Long, Memoirs, 62.
Apuntes, 393. (Hunt up) =291=Winship to Pierce, Mar. 5. =52=Trist, nos.
25, 27, 29. Rivera, Jalapa, iv, 64. =125=Bonham to mother, May 14.
_Picayune_, Feb. 27. (Hawked) Wash. _Union_, Apr. 9, 25 (letters from
Mexico).
It was feared that Polk's haste in sending Sevier and Clifford would
lead the Mexican Congress to feel that we were eager for peace; that
the inexperience of those diplomats might tempt the Mexicans to test
their ability; that the recall of Scott and Trist would have an
unfavorable influence, and that Mexican Congressmen might hold off
in order to be bought by the Americans with funds said to have been
provided for the purpose (Polk, Diary, Feb. 7). On the other hand
the refusal of the government to appropriate any part of the fifteen
millions coming from the United States produced a good effect. It was
an excellent sign that Almonte failed to get elected to the Senate. A
quorum assembled May 3. Congress opened formally May 7. By May 9 the
treaty was before it.
32.27. Ho. 50; 30, 2, pp. 61 (S. and C.), 62-72, 76. Apuntes, 393-5.
Exposición dirigida. Negrete, Invasión, iv, 296; app., 399. Ballentine,
Eng. Soldier, ii, 295-6. México á través, iv, 710. _Public Ledger_,
June 15, 1849 (Dallas). (Preparations) Richardson, Messages, iv, 544,
546. Wash. _Union_, June 9. _Nat. Intellig._, Mar. 14. =13=Crampton,
no. 19, 1848. =13=Doyle, no. 54, 1848.
Peña said he regretted the amendments but--especially since no new
negotiation was deemed possible--did not think the treaty should be
rejected on account of them. The vote in the Chamber of Deputies,
May 19, was 51 to 35; in the Senate, May 24, 33 to 4 (=60=Butler to
Marcy, May 26). Action of the New Mexico Legislative Assembly looking
toward absorption in the United States was of great assistance, for
it stopped the cry that loyal citizens were being sold. Some 300-500
American deserters, who were at Querétaro, took a strong stand for
peace, because they were likely to be captured and shot, should the
war continue; and the Mexicans felt considerable responsibility for
the deserters. Polk's Message of Dec. 7, 1847, declared strongly for
pushing the war at the expense of Mexico, if she would not make a
treaty, and announced that California and New Mexico would not in any
event be relinquished. Under this spur our Congress voted additional
forces. The Whigs held off, but dared not refuse to support the war
(p. 291). The speeches particularly worthy of attention were those of
Cass (Mar. 14) and Webster (Mar. 23). Noisy popular demonstrations of
joy were lacking because there had been no business disturbances, no
invasion and no sinking of ships, the seat of war was distant, for nine
months nothing striking had occurred there, Taylor and Scott were out
of the field, and few had personal reasons for feeling interested in
our Mexican relations.
32.28. Richardson, Messages, iv, 679-87. Sen. 69; 30, 1, pp. 72-3.
Ho. 50; 30, 2, pp. 56-79. =60=Butler to Marcy, May 21. Calendario
de Ontiveros, 1847. Kendall, Narrative (N. Y., 1844), ii, 185, 192.
(Distance) Ho. 60; 30, 1, p. 1047 (Scott). Wise, Gringos (N. Y., 1849),
267-70. Richardson, Messages, iv, 630, 644. _Nat. Intellig._, June 24,
1848. Portrait of Peña: city hall, Mex.