Cruz for the interior--it will be recalled--about the first of June,
1847, with a well-advertised convoy including a large amount of specie,
dependent on wild mustangs under raw, half-mutinous drivers largely
ignorant of English, received the full benefit of this ambitious
feeling. Near Tolomé and at Paso de Ovejas he lost men, wagons and
pack-mules; and at the national bridge there was a genuine skirmish, in
which a number of Americans were killed or wounded. Out of about 130
wagons twenty-four had to be abandoned in the low country; and a little
way above Jalapa, though strongly reinforced, the troops had to fight
again. General Pierce, who left Vera Cruz about six weeks later than
McIntosh, had similar experiences. Early in August Major Lally set out
from the coast with a few more than 1000 soldiers, two 6-pounders and
sixty-four wagons. He lost no merchandise, but his four fights cost
him nearly 100 men killed, wounded and missing; and Captain Wells,
who followed Lally with some 200 recruits and additional ammunition,
lost forty and had to retreat. These and other affairs proved that
irregulars, favored by the geography of the region, were capable of
doing substantial harm.[29.7]
But in Vera Cruz, as in every other quarter where they operated,
though perhaps nowhere else in so marked a degree, the lack of morale,
which enabled the guerilla system to exist, proved the cause of its
failure. Poor arms, poor ammunition, poor marksmanship, and the want of
artillery might have been remedied, or at least might have been offset
by the counter-balancing advantages; but this defect was fatal. The
Mexican guerillas were very different from what the guerillas of Spain
had been. They fought like savages without the excuse of savages, for
they knew better. Infuriated by their treacheries and cruelties, the
Americans were persistent and unsparing in severity. Patrols who seemed
never to sleep hunted out their nests in the mountains. On the march,
flanking parties would force their way through the woods five miles
or more from the road to catch them between two fires. The torch was
applied with much liberality on suspicion, and sometimes on general
principles, to huts and villages; and in the end a black swath of
devastation, leagues in width, marked the route.[29.8]
Scott ordered that in every case of outrage the nearest alcalde, if he
failed to deliver up the guilty, should be fined at least $300 for a
murder or the value of the stolen property for a robbery, and that any
robber or murderer and any person belonging to a known party of such
miscreants might, when caught, be summarily tried by three officers,
and either flogged or executed. This plan, however, did not quite
satisfy those on the ground--especially the Texas troops. Captain
Walker, on his cream-colored horse, and Colonel Hays, in his blue
roundabout, black trousers and black leather cap, impressed themselves
on the Mexican imagination as the agents of diabolical wrath; and in
general it was a tale of merciless atrocities followed by merciless
reprisals.[29.8]
At the same time this lack of morale deprived the guerillas of
Mexican support. By taking bribes for letting merchandise pass up
to the interior and sometimes even guarding it, they violated the
laws on which their existence rested. Mostly they were brave only
where they felt safe. When laden with booty they would scatter to
their homes, no matter how important the business in hand. Rivalries
and even hostilities between parties operating in the same district
arose. Cooperation could seldom be reckoned upon, and hardly any would
face the climate far above Jalapa. Soon learning that it was more
wholesome to waylay Mexicans than Americans, they plundered their
fellow-countrymen without ceremony; and they would rob even old women
or young children of their needful clothing. Sheafs of complaints
against them piled up in the state and national archives. People
organized to fight them, and sometimes appealed to the Americans
against the very men who were to have been their champions. "The
Mexicans have sown to the storm, they are now reaping the whirlwind,"
said an American officer.[29.9]
[GUERILLAS OF THE CENTRE]
In the states of Puebla, México and Oaxaca also guerillas were
organized, and in Puebla all these parties could find an opportunity.
General Rea, a pupil of Morelos and the Mexican revolution, had the
discredit of the chief command, though Bravo, who stood at the summit
of the social scale, was mainly responsible for their iniquities, since
during his brief term as comandante general of Puebla he issued a great
number of patents to unfit leaders. What Rea did particularly in this
regard was to combine individuals and small groups, and place them
under some kind of supervision. He loved to answer critics by saying
that his guerillas were in the field because honorable men were not;
and that, had not the government condoned their crimes, they would have
served the Americans as counter-guerillas. After a time his officers
adopted a set of rules which aimed to regulate operations, but even
this measure seems to have accomplished little. The guerillas robbed
the people, seized funds belonging to the state, and pillaged even
churches. Some gangs were large enough to attack haciendas. One party
called themselves the "Lancers of the Poisoned Spear."[29.10]
Soon after Scott left Puebla for Mexico early in August, 1847, these
banditti and every individual ruffian of that vicinity hurried to the
city. Mexicans and even foreign residents were robbed and outraged, and
about the first of September, in the hope of more booty, the Americans
also were attacked. Two thousand soldiers were needed for a garrison,
and Colonel Childs, the civil and military governor, actually had 2193;
but 1800 of these were in hospitals. His effectives consisted of about
fifty cavalry, 100 artillery, 250 of the First Pennsylvania volunteers,
and a small spy company of Mexicans.[29.11]
Headquarters, Lieutenant Colonel Black of Pennsylvania and the main
body of troops occupied the "cuartel San José," a large rectangular
building on the eastern side of the town, which had a plaza of its own
opening toward a public promenade called the Tivoli. To this position
five howitzers were allotted, and within a hundred and fifty yards of
it all the sick were placed. Half a mile or so from the town on a hill
stood Loreto fort, a stone affair equipped with two 12-pound field
guns and a 10-inch mortar, where Major Gwynn of the Sixth Infantry
commanded; and not far distant, on a higher point of the same hill, was
Guadalupe church, now protected with mountain howitzers, a ditch and an
earthen wall, under Captain Morehead of the Pennsylvania regiment. But
the chief element of the defence was the large, robust, finely-featured
Childs, a skilful and veteran officer, cold in manner, clear in
judgment, and inflexible in courage. September 13 the "siege" began in
earnest, and from that day on there was a continual small-arm attack,
particularly at night, upon San José, which replied with a musket and
howitzer fire that kept the assailants at a respectful distance. What
was more serious than guerilla shooting, all supplies were now cut off.
Such was the state of things at the second city of Mexico when Santa
Anna retired from the first.[29.11]
[THE "SIEGE" OF PUEBLA]
Santa Anna's real intention was probably to seek an asylum in
Guatemala. But many of his friends urged that he could make himself
dictator as the sole hope of the country, and it was clear that, if
he should recover Puebla and cut off Scott, he would still be able to
boast of a triumph. His cavalry, though greatly reduced by desertion,
included some 2000 men backed with four light guns. Alvarez, who was
ordered to Puebla, still had about 600 foot and horse. Rea, Santa Anna
understood, commanded 600 irregulars; 2500 National Guards lay near
him with two field pieces, it was reported; and the Pueblans were
described as eager to fight. Six thousand men and six guns appeared
quite enough to dispose of "six hundred sick Yankees," as Mexicans
described the garrison; and he therefore presented himself at Puebla on
September 21. Two days later Alvarez arrived there. But between these
two events Childs appeared at a second-story balcony, "winking and
smiling all over his face," as a soldier expressed it, and announced
that Scott had taken the capital. Evidently, therefore, the Mexican
President was not greatly to be feared.[29.11]
After looking about, Santa Anna concluded that it would not be easy
to capture the American positions by assault, and appealed to the
minister of war--wherever that official might be--for 1000 infantry,
a 16-pounder, a 12-pounder, ammunition and supplies. He now had
ten cannon, but all of them were light; owing to desertion his
force included only some 4000 men; and the citizens had no arms, he
reported. Probably, too, the annoyances and outrages inflicted upon
them by him and his troops, and his appointing the guerilla chief
military commandant of the city dampened whatever ardor they had
possessed.[29.12]
On September 23 and 24 unsuccessful attempts were made at Guadalupe,
and the next day Santa Anna summoned Childs, describing his army as
8000 strong, and graciously announcing that "for the sake of humanity"
the Americans might retire "within a limited time" with the honors of
war. Childs replied as was proper, and then, riding to the posts, gave
notice amid cheers that no surrender need be expected. To add the touch
of humor that soldiers love, an American flag was manufactured out of
an old Mexican uniform, and raised aloft; and the garrison settled
down to severe duty, stern discipline, short rations and incessant
watchfulness at all hours. The Mexicans tried to approach San José by
throwing up successive breastworks at night in the streets leading that
way, but shot, shell and rockets from Loreto kept them back. September
30 Santa Anna learned that no ammunition could be provided for the
heavy cannon demanded of the minister, and resolved apparently to
make a bold effort. With two 6-pounders he fired all day on the weak,
plaza face of San José. But Childs, anticipating such a manoeuvre, had
brought a 12-pounder from Loreto the night before; and this, protected
with bags of tobacco, made an assault impracticable.[29.12]
A new factor now entered the military situation. About the middle
of September General "Jo" Lane, one of Taylor's chief officers at
Buena Vista, arrived at Vera Cruz from the Rio Grande, and on the
nineteenth his brigade set out for the interior. Aware of the situation
at Puebla but not aware what was to be encountered on the route, the
General had not made adequate preparations, and on meeting guerillas
at the national bridge he was obliged to send back for ammunition and
supplies. By October 1, however, he managed to leave Jalapa.[29.13]
It was a hard march that ensued. Torrents of rain deluged the troops.
Sometimes the road lay deep under water. For dinner they had a thin
slice of beef, a couple of "crackers" and some coffee; for supper,
after darkness fell upon them with tropical abruptness, the same
without the beef; and perhaps mud for a couch. But Lane, a hearty
westerner with a stout frame and unbounded vigor, led on unshrinkingly
in his black hat and old blue overcoat, and the rest followed him
eagerly. October 5, after incorporating additional troops at Perote, he
left that place with a force of about 3300 and seven guns, and marched
on across hot plains, where water sold for five dollars a drink, and
men died of sheer fatigue.[29.13]
Santa Anna, informed by spies that 1000 Americans were approaching, and
anxious, not only to prevent them from joining Childs, but still more
to win the glory of routing them, had set out from Puebla four days
earlier with perhaps 3500 men, leaving Rea to continue the fighting.
Desertion played havoc with his command, especially when the strength
of Lane's force was ascertained; but, after sending back a large part
of the faithful in order to keep control of them, he took possession
of El Pinal, where the national highway passed between a precipitous
mountain and a ravine, with about 1000 cavalry and six guns, and made
preparations to ambush Lane's rear. This done, he moved to Huamantla, a
sizable town eight miles distant, and waited.[29.13]
[THE FIGHT AT HUAMANTLA]
Early on October 9 the drums and bugles awoke Lane's troops at the
hacienda of San Antonio Tamaris, approximately ten miles from Huamantla
and twelve from El Pinal; and the men, leaping from the damp grass and
buckling their muddy belts, found the white walls of the hacienda, the
church towers of neighboring villages, the dark woods on the hillsides,
and the distant, snowy peaks all aglow under a splendid sun. Never,
perhaps, did soldiers feel more like having an adventure. Santa Anna
had just marched from Huamantla to conceal his force at El Pinal,
leaving behind him with no scouts or outposts his six guns, a very
small guard for them and a party of irregulars; but a spy reported to
the Americans that he was at Huamantla, and Lane moved off to attack
him. First rode four mounted companies, and at their head a rather
short, slender, spare, slouchy man, with reddish hair, a small reddish
beard, mild blue eyes and a quiet, kindly manner, whom nobody would
have picked out as a fearless, indomitable fighter, the scourge of the
guerillas, but in fact he was Captain Walker; and then marched Lane
with five guns and some 1800 men.[29.14]
When about three miles from their destination, Walker and his 200
cavalry, seeing a party of Mexican horse approach the town, dashed
ahead. Entering Huamantla they formed in fours, and then with a yell, a
flash of sabres and a thunder of hoofs they swept through to the plaza.
The Mexicans had time to get four of the guns away, but the others were
captured, and most of the American troopers, concluding their work
had been finished, scattered to drink, loot or hunt for cannon and
ammunition. But now Santa Anna, who had observed Lane's movement from a
church tower near El Pinal, appeared with his full command. They were
a beautiful sight--galloping horses, red and green uniforms, brilliant
pennons and a billowy sea of flashing lance points; but they were
enemies, and the Americans accepted their challenge.[29.14]
"Take it cool, my boys, but run like the devil!" cried Lane. Every
nerve was taxed. Blood gushed from nostrils. The Mexicans, lashing
their steeds into foam, reached the goal first, however, and the
American troopers found themselves attacked on all sides. Walker was
shot from a house, and soon expired; but he lived long enough to give a
final order: "Don't surrender, boys; the infantry will soon be here."
And so they were--"with a shout and a bound," said one of them. The
tide was quickly turned, and giving up the town, "Peg-Leg," as the
soldiers loved to call Santa Anna, passed the night some distance
away. So ended the Tale of Huamantla or The Biter Bitten, which
received no little applause at the time.[29.14]
While these events were taking place, the garrison of Puebla continued
to be hemmed in, starved and harassed. Their casualties numbered in all
only fifty-two, but they felt severely the effect of so long a strain.
Though a number of sorties were made, and their persecutors had to
retire from several annoying positions, the Americans were not strong
enough to do more. Their day of deliverance was approaching, however.
October 10 Lane moved forward, dogged and somewhat annoyed by Santa
Anna. Two days later his men saw the spires of Puebla, dominated by the
sombre towers of the cathedral, and set off by white volcanoes veiled
with clouds. And now and again the numberless bells of the city, great
and small, pealed forth harmonious tones of many colors, that seemed to
blend and interweave in rich and varied tapestries of sound, hung out
in the mediaeval style to honor their triumphal approach.[29.15]
At about one o'clock, announced by the bells of Guadalupe, they entered
the suburbs--not a few of them at a run. One column then advanced by
the main street, while another flanked the town by the left. For two
hours there was considerable firing from houses, though Rea's guerillas
had begun to leave their posts the night before; but at length Lane
extended his "rough paw" to Childs, with a sunny smile on his rather
hard features, and the garrison joyously welcomed their deliverers. In
the main plaza a bugler played "The Star-Spangled Banner," and all sang
the chorus:
"The star-spangled banner, Oh, long may it wave
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave!"[29.15]
Now followed the punishment of Rea. Some twenty-five miles from Puebla
toward the southwest lay beautiful Atlixco, a defensible point that
not only reconciled the climates of the temperate and the cold zones
of Mexico, and controlled a region fertile in grains, flocks and
herds, but, while fairly remote from the Americans, gave convenient
access to important roads. Here, in the midst of flowers, fruits and
snowy mountains, the government of Puebla had found a refuge, when the
Americans under Worth approached the state capital; and to this asylum
Rea now withdrew. _De facto_, at least, the guerilla chief was the most
important person on the ground. The authorities did not relish his
prominence; they detested his men and his methods; and on October 18,
tired of spending money fruitlessly on the National Guards for Rea to
command, they dissolved the corps. But many of the irregulars proposed
to make the best of what appeared to be a good situation, in which they
could live on plunder, if not paid.[29.16]
October 18 Lane, who apparently never slept nor expected his followers
to sleep, ordered them to be ready in the morning for an expedition.
Many of the soldiers were barefoot, but they borrowed shoes; and at
about nine o'clock, cheered by the fife and the drum, some 1500 men
set out round the base of Popocatepetl under a hot sun. At about four
in the afternoon, after making twenty miles or so, they came in sight
of the enemy, and a running fight began. Blistered feet and parching
tongues were now forgotten. The Mexicans, holding some good position
and protected by chaparral, could make a stand against cavalry, but
when the infantry came up they always fled. Shortly after sunset Lane
reached Atlixco, which stood on the slope of a lofty hill. As it was
unsafe to risk a street fight in an unknown town at night, he ordered
the artillery to open. The moon was full. Marks were easily selected.
By their burning fuses the shells could be traced until they fell
amidst the shadows; and then a burst of red fire, the crash of roofs
and walls, and the cries of the people told the rest.[29.17]
After about an hour of cannonading, the troops advanced into the
town--which surrendered at once--and there slept as best they could.
Rea, with two guns and the disordered remnants of his force, retreated
to Izucar de Matamoros, about thirty miles farther down the valley; but
from that point he was routed a month later. These and other exploits
of Lane's discouraged as well as dispersed the chief guerilla forces of
the plateau, and in February, 1848, Rea asked permission of the Mexican
authorities to leave the country.[29.17]
[POLITICAL CHAOS IN MEXICO]
Neither in these affairs nor in any other military operations did
Santa Anna figure at this time, and there was a good reason for his
inactivity. Officially he no longer existed. As General Scott had
feared, our entering the capital had resulted in the destruction of the
Mexican government. September 16 Santa Anna resigned, explaining that
it was advisable to preserve the chief magistracy from the hazards of
war, and fix it near the centre of wealth and population, whereas he
proposed to continue the hostilities wherever that should be possible.
The same proclamation or decree assigned the executive power to a
triumvirate: the president of the supreme court, General Herrera and
General Alcorta, and Santa Anna then ceased actually to exercise any
civil authority.[29.18]
But as Congress was not in session to accept his resignation, some
doubted whether it became effective; the presidency of the supreme
court was vacant on account of the incumbent's death; the appointment
of Herrera and Alcorta needed to be made, or at least confirmed, by
the council of government, a body no longer acting; and it was denied
broadly that Santa Anna had the power to issue such a decree. Peña y
Peña, to be sure, was regarded as a member of the court, and, if he
was, he could claim by right of seniority to act as the chief justice;
but the legality of his membership was questioned, and the presidency
of that body was really an elective office. Peña was old, feeble
and even timid; his ill-success as Herrera's minister of relations
doubtless weighed heavily upon him; and he was now living, almost as a
recluse, in the country. Indeed there was really no organic law even,
for the amended constitution of 1824, though formally adopted, had
not come into effect. In short, chaos reigned, and the states were
officially "resuming" their individual sovereignty.[29.18]
But a number of good and able men, particularly Cuevas and Couto,
determined to ward off ruin, and awakened others. Peña, drawn from
his retirement, consented for patriotic reasons to override all the
technical difficulties; and on September 22 he announced formally that,
in order to give the nation a head, he would act as the Executive until
an interim President could somehow be chosen. At the small city of
Toluca, capital of the state of México, just outside the Valley, this
fiction of a government pitched its tent; and perhaps it gained some
feeling of security from the vast bastioned, battlemented ridge between
it and the Americans, from snowy Mt. Miguel towering above the city,
and from the peacefully shining lagoons of the intervening meadows.
What was more important, Herrera, Olaguíbel and many others of the best
men rallied to the support of Peña, the representatives of neutral
governments recognized him, and the states began to concur. Early in
October, however, he removed to Querétaro, a safer yet central place,
and with Luis de la Rosa as sole minister addressed himself to his
task.[29.19]
[SANTA ANNA ELIMINATED]
The programme that he announced was honorable and straightforward.
My tenure of office will be extremely brief, he said in effect, for
Congress will be assembled as soon as possible; I will usurp no powers,
but will not be turned from the path of duty by insurrections; the
closest economy will be practised, the necessary taxes laid fairly,
and all interests respected; union and harmony will be the watchwords,
and the national rights will be maintained. His most urgent problem,
of course, was to deal with Santa Anna, who not only held the chief
military command, but insisted that he could resume the Presidential
authority by simply withdrawing his resignation; and in this matter the
government showed a decision that earned it no little prestige. All
Santa Anna's protests against political effacement were disregarded,
and on October 7 he was instructed both to give up his troops and
to submit, as did other unsuccessful commanders, to a military
trial.[29.20]