command, supplemented with Jackson's guns, pushed along the road
and aqueduct on the north side of the rectangle, and the latter
distinguished himself by fearlessly attacking a one-gun redoubt,
which, supported by infantry and by fire from the summit of the hill,
barred the way. To check Mexican reinforcements and threaten the
enemy--particularly the troops in Quitman's front--Scott now had Worth,
Garland's brigade, C. F. Smith's battalion, Duncan's battery, the rest
of Magruder's battery and Sumner's dragoons pursue the same route. The
one-gun redoubt was flanked and occupied; and Worth's forces arrived at
the northeast corner of the rectangle in time to annoy the retreat of
Rangel and other departing Mexicans.[28.20]
[THE SAN COSME APPROACH]
Here began the broad, straight Verónica causeway--closely similar to
that of Belén--which extended almost north for nearly two miles (3530
yards) to the English cemetery, and there joined the San Cosme highway
at approximately a right angle. Understanding the difficulties of the
Belén approach, Scott intended to make only a feint in that quarter,
and let his left wing break into the city. He therefore sent the
brigades of Clarke and Cadwalader and also Huger with siege guns to
Worth. To organize the attacking column, replenish the ammunition, make
other needed preparations, and sweep away the resistance encountered at
several minor fortifications, especially near the cemetery, required
time; but at about four o'clock Worth found himself on the straight
highway about half a mile from the San Cosme garita.[28.20]
This entrance to the city had been included in the general scheme of
defence, but on account of its remoteness from pressing danger few
workmen had been employed here; and when Chapultepec fell, it lay
entirely open except for a small parapet without a ditch extending
partly across the highway some 250 yards to the west. General Peña,
however, coming this way from Chapultepec, stopped at the parapet, and
Rangel placed at the garita such troops as he could assemble. Santa
Anna, who displayed on this occasion reckless valor and an almost
fiendish activity, sent three available cannon and brought additional
troops. The roofs of buildings in the vicinity were occupied. A redoubt
with embrasures was hastily erected at the garita, the near arches of
the aqueduct were stopped up with sand-bags, and some guns in the Paseo
were prepared to coöperate.[28.20]
On attempting to advance, therefore, Worth found the highway swept
with bullets, canister, grape and shells. Garland, however, was ordered
to creep forward under the protection of the arches, and endeavor to
reach the south flank of the garita, and Clarke to burrow through the
continuous line of buildings on the other side, and strike the northern
flank. Lieutenant U. S. Grant, who was reported as acquitting himself
at this time "most nobly," waded some ditches with a party of men and a
mountain howitzer, and planted the gun on the roof of a church at the
right; and Lieutenant Raphael Semmes of the navy performed a similar
exploit on the left. Artillery fire compelled Peña, who--reinforced by
Santa Anna with two companies of the Eleventh Infantry--was fighting
gallantly, to leave the parapet; and Hunt, of Duncan's battery, though
he lost more than half his men in dashing 150 yards at full speed,
landed a gun at that point, where he could load in safety and then fire
from the one embrasure.[28.20]
By five o'clock these preparations were complete. On the other
hand Rangel had been severely wounded, and his principal gun, a
24-pound howitzer, had become unserviceable. Suddenly, to his utter
astonishment, Americans appeared on the top of a three-story house
that commanded the interior of his redoubt, and with a single volley
disposed of almost every gunner and artillery mule. Then some of them
hurried down to the front door of the house, burst it open, and rushed
into the redoubt, where they met Americans just arrived by a flanking
movement from the other side of the highway. In a panic the Mexicans
fled, literally sweeping away Santa Anna and a body of troops, who had
come at all speed from Belén to support the position. Many of them
scattered, but with no little difficulty others were conducted to the
citadel. By six o'clock Worth entered Mexico. Near the garita his
forces were safely housed, and by way of "good-night" and good advice,
Huger dropped a few shells in the vicinity of the palace.[28.20]
The end, however, was not yet in view. Santa Anna had some 5000
infantry and fifteen cannon at the citadel, with probably about 7000
more troops not far away, and the Americans, besides having lost many
in the day's fighting, were now fearfully divided. Not only Worth but
Quitman, who planted three heavy guns in battery during the night,
intended to advance in the morning, and apparently a day of carnage
was to ensue.[28.20]
But Santa Anna probably began to feel the reaction that always followed
his great efforts. Funds and provisions were scanty. The army was
demoralized, and the mass of the people felt disheartened. Within the
town there were no fortifications, and it looked as if another battle
under these conditions might scatter the troops, and involve the loss
of nearly all the war material. Besides, leading persons in the city
had always been strenuously anxious to prevent bombardment and assault;
and the President was urged now, as four months previously, to spare
it. Early in the evening, therefore, he briefly discussed the situation
with Olaguíbel, the minister of war and three generals. The Governor
was for acting deliberately; but Santa Anna, declaring that honor
had been satisfied and the city could not be defended successfully,
ordered immediate evacuation; and by one o'clock the troops retired
in a somewhat orderly fashion to Guadalupe Hidalgo. About three hours
later a commission of the city council (_ayuntamiento_) offered terms
of capitulation at the American headquarters in Tacubaya. These were
of course rejected, for the town lay at our mercy; but Scott gave
informally the usual assurances of good treatment.[28.21]
[THE AMERICANS CAPTURE MEXICO]
So when the first thin streak of dawn glimmered forth behind the gray
volcanoes, and our cannon at Belén garita were on the point of opening
fire, a white flag and an invitation to enter the capital reached
Quitman. First making sure there was no deception, he advanced; and
after stopping about half an hour at the citadel he moved forward under
a splendid sun to the grand plaza, which fronted the palace and the
cathedral, with Smith's brigade, the Marines, the New York volunteers
and Steptoe's battery. As a triumphal procession the command looked
rather strange. Quitman and Smith marched at its head on foot--the
former with only one shoe; and behind them came troops decorated
with mud, the red stains of battle and rough bandages, carrying arms
at quite haphazard angles. Not less astonishing looked the city,
for sidewalks, windows, balconies and housetops were crowded with
people. Except for the silence, the countless white handkerchiefs and
the foreign flags, it might have been thought a holiday. Before the
palace, which filled the east side of the plaza, the troops formed
in line of battle. Officers took their places at the front, and when
Captain Roberts hoisted a battle-scarred American flag on the staff
of the palace at seven o'clock, arms were presented and the officers
saluted.[28.22]
Soon loud cheering was heard. A few squares away the
commander-in-chief, escorted by cavalry with drawn swords, had reached
Worth's command, which had stopped at six o'clock by orders opposite
the high ash trees of the Alameda. A clatter of galloping hoofs
followed; and in another moment, amidst the involuntary applause of
the Mexicans, General Scott, dressed in full uniform and mounted on a
tall, heavy bay charger, dashed with his staff and Harney's dragoons
into the grand plaza--his noble figure, gold epaulets and snowy plumes,
resplendent under the brilliant sun, fitly typifying the invisible
glory of his unkempt and limping army. Uncovering, he rode slowly along
the line of battle to the music of our national airs; the troops,
presenting arms again, cheered and hurrahed till it seemed as if the
earthquake-proof cathedral must be shaking, and the cavalry escort
waved high their flashing blades.[28.22]
In stentorian tones the commander-in-chief appointed Quitman governor
of the city; and then, dismounting in the courtyard, he clanked up
the broad stairway of the palace, to indite congratulations on the
"many glorious victories" of his army. Presently cross-belted American
Marines were calmly patrolling the Halls of the Montezumas as if they
owned them, while the rest of the troops gazed with profound exultation
at the long pinkish façade and the endless balconies of the upper
story, and the people gazed silently at the troops. "They are all and
each of them heroes," commented a foreigner present, and others in the
world thought the same.
"Light up your homes, O fathers,
For those young hero bands,
Whose march is still through vanquished towns
And over conquered lands,
Whose valor, wild, impetuous
In all its fiery glow,
Pours onward like a lava-tide,
And sweeps away the foe!"[28.22]
XXIX
FINAL MILITARY OPERATIONS
January, 1847-April, 1848
At the north, after the Buena Vista campaign and the embarrassments
growing out of it came to an end, Taylor probably wished, in what an
officer called "his easy dog-trot fashion," to advance as far as San
Luis Potosí, and retained troops urgently needed by Scott; but by the
middle of June, 1847, he doubtless realized that effective operations
on so long a line, especially through hostile and much of the way
through barren territory, were impracticable, and advised that Scott's
column alone should act on the offensive. A month later orders of a
corresponding tenor were issued at Washington, and then some 3000
surplus troops of the northern army proceeded toward the capital,
though too late, of course, to assist in the decisive struggle.[29.1]
Valencia, during his brief stay at San Luis Potosí in the early summer
of 1847, not only requested permission to move against Saltillo, but
planned that General Filisola, aided by a brigade under Avalos, then
lying at Matehuala, by Reyes, the comandante general of Zacatecas, and
by Urrea--who still commanded the "brigade of observation," and could
easily pass across the Sierra Madre from Tula--should threaten, if not
attack, Saltillo and Monterey, and at least keep the Americans on the
defensive. Some disquieting movements of these troops resulted; but
Valencia was soon called to Mexico, and various difficulties, chiefly a
lack of means resulting from the American occupation, proved fatal to
this ambitious enterprise, besides hindering the Mexican preparations
to receive Taylor at San Luis Potosí.[29.1]
During the winter of 1846-47 and to some extent later, the garrison
of Tampico was menaced by plans for an uprising, to be assisted by
outside forces, and sometimes it was feared that a move to capture the
city would be launched from Tula in the hope of embarrassing Scott's
communications; but the Americans, though not strong in numbers
there, were vigilant and well protected by fortifications. Besides,
the authorities of Tamaulipas, now living on fairly good terms with
the invaders, had little wish to take part in active hostilities.
They quarrelled bitterly with Urrea, who naturally attempted to draw
supplies and money from the region, and in November, 1847, with a view
to bringing about harmony, that officer was removed. Scott's victories
and especially the fall of Mexico had no little effect in this quarter;
the prospect of serious operations entirely disappeared; and early in
November, 1847, General Taylor, who had reached the conclusion some
time before that his country wanted him for President, and had laid
aside his old brown coat in favor of checked shirt sleeves, set out
for home on a leave of absence, which actually continued until the
close of the war. Wool took his place; but nothing occurred in this
region except guerilla affairs, of which a due account will be given
presently.[29.1]
In the northwest, meantime, Price, who commanded in New Mexico and
was disturbed by rumors of danger from the south, decided on his own
responsibility, ignoring instructions to do otherwise, that he must
assume the aggressive. Early in March, 1848, the city of Chihuahua
was therefore reoccupied; and on the sixteenth of that month, after a
little brisk fighting, the town of Rosales, about sixty miles to the
southeast, which Angel Trias held with some 800 men, chiefly National
Guards, was captured by assault with a trifling loss. But this campaign
had no general effect on the war--indeed, the treaty of peace had
already been signed--and Price was ordered by Marcy to retire.[29.1]
[FIGHTING IN THE CAPITAL]
In Scott's department the final military operations began very
promptly. Immediately after the Americans took possession of the
grand plaza at Mexico on the morning of September 14, a multitude of
blanketed léperos crowded closely upon them. Already these miscreants
had tasted the disorder they loved, for the palace had been left
unguarded, and they had sacked it; and now they showed signs of
turbulence. The plaza was cleared, however, and no further trouble
seemed likely. But when our troops began to march away to their
quarters, a shot was heard. A bullet probably intended for Worth struck
Garland, and almost instantly firing from street corners, windows and
the tops of houses became general, though not systematic. Thousands
of convicts from the jail supported the populace, and in one way or
another not a few of the better class coöperated. By Tornel's order
paving stones had been taken to many of the azoteas with a view to
resisting the invader step by step, and these, like every other sort of
weapon, were now used.[29.2]
Though surprised, the Americans promptly accepted the challenge.
Skirmishers drove back the mobs. Grape and canister swept the streets.
As a rule, every house from which a shot flew became a target for
our heavy cannon, which seemed to shake the very foundations of the
city, and when breached was immediately sacked; and sharpshooters
worked effectively on towers and roofs. Scott threatened even sterner
measures; and the city authorities not only put up notices, embodying
his threats and imploring the people to desist from a vain and
imprudent contest, but interceded personally with them in the streets.
By about noon the Americans held all the points of vantage, and as
evening approached, the firing died away. A fearful night ensued. It
was dark and cold. No lights relieved the gloom. Wild mobs ran shouting
through the streets, and the hoof-beats of American patrols resounded
from square to square.[29.2]
Santa Anna, finding it impossible on the morning of the fourteenth
to subsist his army at Guadalupe, had ordered the infantry and heavy
guns to Querétaro under General Herrera, and proceeded with four small
pieces and the cavalry to San Cristóbal, a point about fourteen miles
northeast of the capital. After seeing the people of Mexico view with
indifference his efforts of the previous day, he expected nothing of
them; but on learning of the outbreak he marched back to Guadalupe, and
at a late hour sent into Mexico a small force of cavalry and infantry
to investigate and assist. This met Duncan's battery and retreated; but
Santa Anna, assured that on the next day there would be a rising _en
masse_, erected a breastwork at the Peralvillo garita on the north side
of the town, and waited.[29.2]
As soon as day broke, gloomy and wet, the shooting was in fact
resumed, at least in the northern quarters. But he soon perceived that
no general movement was taking place, and again marched away. This
disheartened the people still more; the efforts of the authorities
influenced them greatly; and by the end of the afternoon, realizing
that much was to be suffered and nothing gained, they generally
abandoned hope. During the next day or two scattering shots could be
heard, but real fighting was over. Extravagant hopes of destroying the
small American army were still entertained by lightheaded men. "You
will soon behold the banner of the haughty invader trailing in the
dust," wrote one of these, and attempts were made by military officers
to organize a real conspiracy; but lack of courage, means, confidence
and mutual trust--as well as the watchfulness of the Americans--made
success impossible. Scott repeatedly warned his troops to be vigilant
and orderly, to keep together, and to refrain from drinking. As the
danger grew less menacing, however, they became less careful, and for
probably a month assassinations were frequent. From first to last
several hundred Americans perished in the hostilities, and no doubt
far more of the enemy. But by the middle of October the city was
tranquil.[29.2]
The concluding field operations in Scott's department resembled for the
most part the fighting just described, for they had to do chiefly with
guerillas. That style of warfare suited the national character. It had
figured prominently in the Spanish struggle against Napoleon and in the
Mexican war of independence; and when the public began to see clearly
that battles could not stop the Americans, it was invoked--even though
by universal military practice in Europe those who robbed and fought at
will, while pretending to be inoffensive, were considered brigands and
assassins--as the one hope.[29.3]
Thoughtful persons like J. F. Ramírez and General Mora pointed out
serious dangers: the impossibility of discipline, the relaxation of
morale, the destruction of all standards, and the certainty that a
spirit of violence and rapine would grow by what it fed upon; and they
recognized the improbability that such methods could prevail against
the strength, equipment, compactness and skill of the Americans. But
the obvious advantages of the guerilla system, which it required far
less intelligence to perceive and appreciate, counted powerfully on the
other side. How much the Spanish themselves had suffered from their
irregulars during the hostilities against Napoleon was not understood,
and patriotic pride in the war of independence had tended to draw a
veil over its horrors.[29.3]
The dagger, said the official newspaper, was the favorite weapon of the
people. Unarmed men could burn wagons and intercept communications,
it was pointed out. Even women and children could help. A thorough
knowledge of the country, its mountains and its by-paths, would
evidently constitute an enormous advantage. Light corps of the
abstemious rancheros, embarrassed with no baggage, could travel quickly
day and night, concentrate in large numbers against an American
detachment, strike, vanish, and then, when least expected, reappear,
making the most of all neglects, all mistakes, nullifying superior
strength by avoiding it, and nullifying discipline by fighting in a
style that had no need of discipline. Situated even more favorably than
Spain for such warfare, the Mexicans were to outdo her example.[29.3]
This is what will save us, proclaimed in effect the legislature of
México state. "Let the echo of our mountains repeat the cry of War and
Liberty," exclaimed the congress of Vera Cruz. Santa Anna endorsed the
plan. Salas organized the "Guerillas of Vengeance," which were to make
"war without pity" "in every manner imaginable"; and in April, 1847,
the government, pinning its faith to the system, set it on foot in
earnest. Scott, the "cowardly tiger," was to be routed after all.[29.3]
[THE GUERILLAS OF THE NORTHEAST]
In the north February, 1847, was the golden month of the irregulars,
for the approach of the Mexican army under Santa Anna encouraged the
rancheros to lay aside the habits of peace. Canales boasted of 161
Americans killed that month, and Urrea with his combined force of
regulars and guerillas, besides engaging in other operations, captured
a train of wagons at Agua Negra, and horribly slaughtered a large
number of guards and teamsters. To avenge this butchery a party of
Rangers, teamsters and other civilians murdered twenty-four men in a
village not far distant. Upon this Canales declared what he called
martial law, announcing that every American, armed and unarmed, and
every Mexican living peaceably would be shot; and many were led by
fear or a lust for plunder to take up arms.[29.4]
The American trains in particular seemed likely to be easy prey.
As they commonly stretched out for some two miles and were guarded
only--for so the character of the road usually dictated--at the ends,
the Mexicans, trained to charge at full speed through an ordinary
thicket, could readily attack them from ambush at about the middle
point, create a stampede, and do a great deal of mischief. Infantry
could not pursue the guerillas with success, and the number of our
mounted men was always comparatively small, for every Mexican ranchero
had at least one smart pony. In September, 1847, a band even attacked
Mier. Governor Aguirre of Coahuila exerted himself particularly to
organize forces of this character, and not only alcaldes but priests
aided the cause.[29.4]
The American leaders, however, pursuing a course that was now
conciliatory, now severe, and in many instances technically unjust,
succeeded in coping with a system that was itself unjust. Taylor levied
on the people of Nuevo Léon a tax of $96,000, the estimated value of
the goods destroyed at Agua Negra, but suspended it indefinitely,
when representative authorities proved the substantial innocence of
the population and begged for mercy. Cavalry patrols and detachments
pursuing culprits fairly wore out their horses. Villages, if even
suspected of harboring the "banditti," were burned. Contributions were
imposed wherever connivance appeared probable. By April, 1847, Canales
was in despair.[29.5]
Then Wool determined to stamp out the evil, and announced in July that
any guerillas caught by him would be executed. In December, 1847, he
issued his famous Order 11, which not only made the Mexican authorities
and their towns responsible for all damages done, but required them to
hunt down the "brigands." Aguirre attempted to retaliate, but in vain.
The Americans had power enough to carry out threats, whereas he had
not; and he admitted his failure. Besides, the mass of the population
were indolent in mind as well as body, and looked upon submission as
preferable to danger. In February, 1848, finding the guilty rancheros
were anxious to give up the business, Wool enabled them to resume
peaceful occupations by declaring an amnesty, and in the following May
he stated that the country had never before been so free from highway
robbery.[29.5]
[GUERILLAS IN VERA CRUZ STATE]
In the south, Vera Cruz, a state of mountains, gorges, thickets and
forests threaded with blind paths, was the chief home of the guerilla,
and it looked as if Scott's line of communication might be virtually
destroyed. Not only many hardy, hot-blooded and unscrupulous natives,
but a great many desperadoes hailing from Cuba were ready to enlist.
After the fall of Vera Cruz, and still more after the battle of Cerro
Gordo, a large number of regular officers, to say nothing of privates,
could scarcely find bread, and some men, like the ex-divinity student,
ex-Carlist, Jarauta--whose small, close beard, fierce black eyes,
braided jacket, graceful cloak and gold-laced sombrero gave him a
romantic air--had acquired in Spain a taste for this adventurous,
reckless life; but a vastly greater number were prosaic felons,
liberated from prison under a pledge to rob and murder. Nominally J.
C. Rebolledo, a fine looking man of rather humane instincts, was the
chief in this district, but the 800 or so persons belonging to many
small bands, while occasionally acting more or less in concert, were
mainly independent. The decree under which all goods coming from points
occupied by the Americans were lawful booty opened possibilities of
large gains, and Rebolledo's capture of ten loaded wagons in April,
1847, set the people aflame with cupidity.[29.6]