CHAPTER LIV.

Tibetan Weddings and Wedded Life.

As I was lodging at the house of the Minister of Finance, I had the

good fortune to become acquainted with and occasionally to call on the

other Ministers of State, among whom was one of the Prime-Ministers,

of the name of Sho Khangwa. (In Tibet, there are four Prime-Ministers

and three Ministers of Finance; the senior Minister, in either case,

taking the actual business and standing responsible for the conduct

of affairs, while the others hold only nominal portfolios, assisting

in the work of the Department as vice-Ministers. Sho Khangwa was the

second Prime-Minister). During my stay in Lhasa, his daughter married

the son of a noble called the Prince of Yutok. I was invited to the

wedding, a ceremony most solemnly performed, which I attended with

curiosity and interest. Before proceeding to relate what I saw on

that occasion, I may make a few observations on Tibetan marriages

in general. No general statement can be made however with regard to

marriage-customs, as they vary vastly according to the different

localities. There are several books containing descriptions of Tibetan

marriages, but these are from the pens of European travellers, who

may perhaps have been in Chinese Tibet, or on the northern frontier

of Tibet proper, but were surely not permitted to visit Lhasa. So

although their descriptions may be correct, so far as they go, yet no

detailed account of a marriage in Lhasa is, so far as I know, to be

found in any of these books. It is next to impossible for a passing

visitor, especially in such a country as Tibet, where marriage-customs

and manners differ so much with the widely separated tribes, to give

any really trustworthy descriptions; still, as circumstances have

given me special opportunities of observing minutely the people’s life,

social and domestic, in Lhasa, and even of attending several wedding

ceremonies of the natives, it is not only proper, but may also possibly

be of some value, to relate my observations and experiences during my

stay in the city.

It is generally known that a peculiar system of marriage prevails in

Tibet--a plurality not of wives but of husbands. The cases of polyandry

are; first, when several brothers take the same woman as their wife at

the same time; second, when two or more men not brothers, marry the

same woman by mutual agreement; and thirdly, when a woman, already

married to one man, gains influence over her husband, and, with his

consent, marries another in addition. In case the mother of a family

dies, either the father or the son takes a new spouse, who becomes at

the same time the wife of the other male members of the family without

infringing the law of the country. They are quite insensible to the

shame of this dissolute condition of matrimonial relations, which can

scarcely be even imagined by people with a civilised moral sense;

and yet there do exist some restrictions: marriage of brothers with

sisters, or between cousins, is not only censured by the public as

immoral, but also prohibited by the law as criminal.

The wife’s authority over her husbands is something surprising. All

the money which the husbands have earned has to be handed over to

their wife, and if one of the husbands is found less clever or less

successful in making money than the others, she will give him a severe

scolding. When a husband needs money, he has to beg his wife to give

him so much for such and such a purpose, just as a child does to its

mother. If she happens to find any of her husbands keeping back his

earnings, she will break out in anger, and give him slaps instead of

caresses. In short, a wife generally exercises a commanding authority

over her husbands.

She will order them to go out shopping and to do this or that, and

husbands are quite obedient to the wife, too, and quite ready to do

everything that is required, or that they find suitable to soothe her.

When two or more men have anything to agree upon among them, they do

not decide for themselves, but run home and ask their wife’s opinion

before coming to a final decision, and, if she has no objection,

they will meet again and settle the matter. Though polyandry is the

prevailing system of marriage in Tibet, there are a few exceptional

cases of monogamistic couples, generally in cases where the husband is

in a comparatively influential position.

Another peculiarity in connexion with marriage is that an agreement, to

the effect that either husband or wife may divorce the other whenever

he or she has become averse to continuing as the other’s partner, is

acknowledged as a legitimate condition of a matrimonial contract.

I come now to a description of the marriage ceremony as observed in

Lhasa. The Tibetans, whether men or women, marry generally between the

twentieth and twenty-fifth years of age.

Although there are some exceptions (especially in the case of couples

married late in life, where the husband’s age much exceeds that of his

wife) usually both bride and groom are of about equal age. If a woman

who has five brothers as her husbands gives birth to a child, the

eldest of the brothers is called the father of the child and the rest

the uncles. One European writer says that in Tibet the eldest of the

brothers, who have the same woman as their wife, is called the great

father of her children, and the younger brothers their small fathers;

but this I have not been able to verify.

There is almost no such thing, so far as my experience of the Tibetans

has gone, as a woman choosing her own husbands. The choice of husbands

and all decision connected therewith are made by the parents only, and

the daughter herself who is going to be married is never permitted

to make any choice of her partner, nor even to take any part in the

consultation regarding her own marriage. She is compelled to marry

whomsoever her parents decide upon for her husband. Not only so, but

parents never tell their daughter at all that a proposal has been made,

or that they are going to give her in marriage, until the very day of

the wedding. These compulsory marriages, therefore, frequently end in

divorce. However, in the remote country or even in the city, sometimes

a girl selects her partner and obtains permission from her parents to

marry the man of her choice. Such cases, however are very exceptional.

It is the universal usage throughout the country for the parents of a

young man of marriageable age to make enquiries for a suitable bride

among families equal in lineage, fortune and rank with their own. When

such a girl is found, they at once communicate through a middleman with

the girl’s parents, asking whether she may be given as wife to their

sons. If the answer is a simple negative, the middleman understands

that the case is an entirely hopeless one; but if they say: “We will

see about it” or something to that effect, he will call on them several

times and talk of all the good qualities of the young man, his parents

and everything about him. Then the girl’s parents, after giving a

conditional consent to the proposal, go to a fortune-teller or a high

priest to ask his judgment and advice in this important matter, or they

will go to a sorcerer who is believed to be able to give information

about the future, and then only will they give a definite answer to the

middleman.

The parents on each side keep the whole thing a secret from their son

or daughter, even after the betrothal has been decided upon. Thus both

bride and groom go to the very day of their wedding, without knowing

anything of their own marriage--neither the preliminary consultations

nor the name of the bride or groom; they are brought face to face for

the first time on the wedding day. There is no custom of exchanging

presents between bride and bridegroom, or of the bride’s bringing a

dowry to her husband as in Japan, and no consultation or arrangement is

made, or anything like a marriage-contract regarding the property of

the parties concerned; only the bride’s parents, to keep up the honor

of the family, have to furnish their daughter with all things needed

for her marriage, suitable to their social standing; else they would

be disgraced in the public eye. On the groom’s side also his parents

send a present of some money to the bride’s mother as ‘breast money’ or

nurse expense, remuneration for her marriage and care in bringing up

the girl. Then, again, the parents on both sides go and enquire of a

fortune-teller or sorcerer, before fixing upon the day of the wedding

or of beginning to make the necessary preparations.

On the morning of the wedding, the girl’s parents, who have already

been informed of the time when the middleman is to come from the

groom’s house, casually tell the girl that the weather being very fine

they intend going to the Temple, and that she had better go with them,

and that as they are going to have a “lingka feast” she had better

have her hair done, or words to that effect. The girl is generally

much delighted at hearing this, and starts at once to dress herself

quite unconscious of the stratagem. But sometimes a clever girl sees

through the artifice and breaks into tears of sorrow at her unexpected

departure from her old home.

[Illustration: GIRL WEEPING AT BEING SUDDENLY COMMANDED TO MARRY.]

A girl who is unaware of this artifice will wash and scrub her face and

body as her parents bid her, and make herself as smart as they please.

It is to be noted that, as a general custom in Tibet, ordinary people

never wash their faces or bodies at all, though the nobles do so every

morning just after leaving their beds. The manner in which they wash

their faces is almost more like a joke. When a nobleman gets up in the

morning, a maid or attendant will bring him a ladleful of warm water

which he first takes in the palms of his hands and then puts into his

mouth. After holding it in there for a while he spits it back into

his palms little by little and then washes his face with it. When the

water in the mouth is all gone, he will spit several times on to his

palms and again rub his face. It is true that basins are used by some

Tibetans: the above is however the normal way.

To return, the girl, knowing nothing about the trick in store for her

and expecting to go out for amusement, is cheerful and gay, busily

engaged in her toilet, and adorning her hair with her old comb and

pins, when her parents come to her with a new comb, pins and other

toilet articles (all of which have been secretly presented by the

groom’s parents through the middleman) and say to her: “Your pins and

comb are too old, my dear, we have some new ones for you; here they

are; and a good bottle of hair-oil too. You must dress yourself up

as nicely as possible,” and so on. Then when at last the toilet is

complete, the parents tell her for the first time that an engagement

has already been made with so and so, whom she has to marry that day.

This is the general custom not only in Lhasa, but also in Shigatze and

other towns.

But, as I have already said, a sagacious girl who can see through her

parents’ artifices is not generally willing to dress herself up for

the occasion, but will be found weeping at her unforeseen calamities

and sets herself to complaining in this strain “Oh! dear me! I don’t

want to leave my home. It is not fair of father and mother to marry

me off to a person whom I shall probably not like. How can I get out

of it?” And then she becomes very depressed, and devotes absolutely

no attention to her hair-dressing. In this case, however, the girl’s

friends, who are there to help in the preparations for her wedding, try

to cheer her up and encourage her to obey her parents, and even help

her to adorn and dress herself.

After all these preparations are over, the bride’s parents have to

give a series of farewell banquets for their daughter, which will last

two weeks, or even more sometimes, if their family is rich or high in

social rank, but two or three days only in the case of the poor. During

these festivities, the relatives and acquaintances of her parents visit

the family with presents of money, food, or clothes, to congratulate

them on their daughter’s happy wedding, the value of the presents

differing according to the visitor’s wealth as well as their intimacy

with the family. These visitors are cordially entertained with Tibetan

tea and cold spirits, which they drink to excess, visitors and host

alike enjoying the good things provided, and having a regular good time

or what they call a chachang pemma, the happiest state in the world.

While drinking, they eat nothing at all; but at the afternoon meal they

take some meat and wheat-cakes. The meat they eat is generally the

flesh of the yak, or that of goats or sheep; pork is sometimes used in

Lhasa, but beef is very rare throughout the country, and is especially

rare in the case of wedding feasts. Their cooking and bill of fare

are very simple: three dishes of meat, raw, dried and boiled (roast

meat is never seen at a wedding). The boiled meat is cooked in oil and

salt, or sometimes in salt and water and is brought in first, together

with _tsu_, a concoction of cheese, butter and sugar. When these are

all gone, a big dish of boiled rice mixed with butter, sugar, raisins

and Chinese persimmons is served. In the evening, again, the guests

are entertained to a dinner in which a sort of vermicelli, made of

wheat-flour and eggs, or pure Chinese cookery is set before the guests.

In this manner they have three or four meals a day; and besides these,

tea and intoxicants are constantly served during the intervals between

the meals. While eating and drinking the guests are regaled with

pleasant talk, and when the feasts begin to flag they revive the fun by

singing and dancing. It is very interesting to see men and women like

the moving beads of a rosary, dancing and jumping promiscuously round

and round the circles. They dance in a regular and systematic manner,

each keeping step with the music as carefully as if he were a soldier

at drill, and yet the regularity and solemnity of the dance does not

in least interfere with the keenness and zest of their enjoyment. The

instrument used in their dance music is called _damnyan_, and is often

used in accompanying singing as well as dancing.

Towards the close of the festive time (I may observe that it is only

the poorest folk that dispense with the prenuptial feasts), usually

on the eve of the wedding, the parents of the bridegroom send their

representative and the middleman, with a number of attendants, to the

bride’s home to receive the bride. They bring with them a present

of some money as _nurin_ or ‘breast money’ for the bride’s parents,

who are obliged to seem a little backward about taking it, etiquette

demanding that they should require a good deal of coaxing before

accepting such a present. The nurin may vary in amount from a couple of

dollars to two hundred or even five hundred dollars. Some parents (not

many) refuse it absolutely, saying that the girl being their beloved

daughter, it is not their expectation or their desire to receive any

nurin, but that they “only hope heartily that their daughter will be

loved by and enjoy a happy life among the family to which she is given

in marriage.”

Then the middleman gives the bride the dress, belt, Chinese shoes and

all other articles necessary for a bride during the wedding ceremony,

these too being presented by the groom’s parents, and these the bride

cannot refuse; she must wear them even though they do not suit her.

In addition to these gifts the bride generally receives a precious

gem, such as is usually worn by a woman of Lhasa on the middle of her

forehead. This gem is said to be a sign of a woman’s being married,

though in Lhasa there seems to exist no strict discrimination in the

matter, for unmarried women in that city often wear it as a mere

ornament. In Shigatze and the neighboring provinces, however, the use

of the gem is strictly restricted, as a matter of fact, exclusively to

married women, who wear it high up at the back of the head, so that

they can be easily distinguished from single females. In the case of a

divorce, a husband has simply to pluck off the gem from his wife’s head

without the trouble of going to court, or asking the authorities to

alter the census. This single act on the part of the husband properly

and perfectly certifies and legalises the divorce.

Besides the things necessary for a bride to wear during the ceremony

which the bridegroom’s parents have to provide, many valuable

ornaments, a fringe, neck-rings, ear-rings, finger-rings, ornamented

armlets and breast-jewels, are given by the bride’s own parents, for

what the groom’s parents send the bride-elect is confined to the dress,

belt, under-wear and shoes, to be worn on the occasion of the wedding

ceremony.

Then, those who come to receive the bride stay at the bride’s house

that night, and enjoy a few pleasant hours drinking with the family.

An interesting feature of this drinking feast is that the middleman

and the representatives of the bridegroom’s family have to be very

careful not to drink too much that night, because it is the custom

for the friends and relatives of the bride’s family to try to steal

something from them if the drink should happen to make them drowsy. If

they succeed, they show what they have stolen before all the guests

assembled the next morning, and boast of the success of their trick,

and their victims have to pay them some twenty tanka of Tibetan silver,

or two dollars and a half in American gold, as a penalty for their

carelessness. So the middleman and the others do all they can not to

be tempted to drink, while the bride’s friends and relatives ply their

guests with liquor and will take no refusal. The reader can imagine the

noise and uproar that sometimes ensue. But in urging their guests to

drink, the friends of the bride must strictly observe the old ancestral

customs, or else the middleman and the representatives of the groom’s

family will ridicule them for their ignorance, and thus everlasting

shame will come upon the bride’s family. The others, in their turn,

have to arm themselves with suitable reasons for abstinence. They have

to say that chang is the worst of all sorts of poison, that it is a

maker of quarrels or a robber of wisdom. The refusal to drink must

always be clothed in some proverbial expression of this kind, according

to the old time-honored customs, and the ordinary Tibetan would be very

much disappointed and almost feel that he had not been to a proper

wedding, if it was not accompanied with their friendly wranglings over

the cups.

Three Years in Tibet · 第 54 / 103 章