CHAPTER VI

TWO QUEENS AND TWO PRETENDERS

The growing power of Mehemet Ali, and the increasing decrepitude of

the Ottoman Empire were not the only subjects which, in the year 1833,

engaged the serious attention of the European Cabinets. A civil war

was in progress in Portugal, and Spain was threatened with the same

calamity. Dom Pedro, the Emperor of Brazil, had, on the death of his

father, abdicated the crown of Portugal in favour of his seven year

old daughter, Donna Maria de Gloria. At the same time he had appointed

his brother, Dom Miguel, to the Regency, on the understanding that he

would agree to observe the Charter, and to marry his niece, the young

Queen. Dom Miguel gave the required assurances, but upon his arrival

at Lisbon, early in the year 1828, he proceeded to abrogate the

constitution, and shortly afterwards to usurp the throne. His unlawful

assumption of the crown was followed by harsh and reactionary measures

against Liberals and Freemasons, which culminated in the establishment

of a veritable reign of terror. It was in consequence of this state

of affairs, that, in July, 1831, a French fleet had, with the full

approval of the British government, been dispatched to the Tagus to

exact reparation for outrages committed on French subjects.[325]

Meanwhile, a successful revolution in Brazil had compelled Dom Pedro

to seek refuge in England, where he arrived with his daughter at

the very moment when Admiral Roussin's squadron was before Lisbon.

The fallen Emperor threw himself heart and soul into the task of

reconquering his daughter's kingdom. Lord Grey's Cabinet regarded his

warlike preparations with tacit approval, whilst the French government

openly encouraged him, and allowed his followers to assemble at

Belle-Isle. The constitutional fleet, commanded by Sartorius, a

British naval officer, set sail from that port on February 10, 1832,

and, by the following month of July, Dom Pedro was master of Oporto.

But, though he constantly succeeded in defeating the Miguelite forces

sent to re-take the city, his cause made little or no progress in

other parts of the country.

Whilst these events were taking place in Portugal the health of the

King of Spain had been visibly declining. Under ordinary circumstances

it would have been a matter for congratulation, rather than for

regret, that any country should be relieved from the rule of such a

man as Ferdinand VII. In this particular instance, however, it was

too probable that a fiercely disputed succession would be the legacy

which he would bequeath to his unfortunate subjects. His third wife,

Maria Amalia of Saxony, had died on May 17, 1829, and he, thereupon,

announced his intention of re-marrying. His choice fell upon an

intelligent and attractive woman in the person of his niece, Maria

Christina of Naples. His first three marriages had been childless, but

his fourth wife, Christina, presented him with a daughter on October

10, 1830. By the ancient law of Spain females could succeed to the

throne, in the event of there being no direct male heirs. But in 1713,

Philip V., in order to prevent the union of the Spanish and French

crowns, had been forced to issue a Pragmatic Sanction, which gave the

preference of succession always to the male line. This act, however,

was repealed in 1789 by Charles IV., who restored the ancient law.

This return to the old order of succession was not, however, made

public until May 19, 1830, when Christina succeeded in persuading

Ferdinand to allow the decree of Charles IV. to be promulgated.

Consequently, when some five months later her daughter was born,

she was promptly proclaimed Princess of the Asturias, a title only

conferred upon an heiress to the throne. A fierce struggle then began

between Christina and Don Carlos, who had hitherto been looked upon

as his brother's successor. This prince was the champion of the ultra

clerical--the so-called _Apostolical_ party--whereas Christina, who,

during her passage through France, had promised to use her influence

on behalf of the Spanish political exiles, represented the hopes of

the Liberals. Thus, in September, 1832, when Ferdinand was supposed

to be at the point of death, the _Apostolical_ minister, Calomarde,

succeeded in procuring the abrogation of the law of 1789. But the King

most unexpectedly recovered, and, under the influence of Christina,

caused the decree of Charles IV. to be promulgated a second time.

Calomarde, moreover, was disgraced and dismissed and a comparatively

Liberal Cabinet was formed.

From the moment of Dom Pedro's return to Europe, the French Cabinet

had endeavoured to persuade the British government to join with

France in expelling Dom Miguel from Portugal. Palmerston, however,

had declined to interfere actively.[326] He was very unwilling that

France should be afforded an opportunity of extending her influence

in Portugal, and he, moreover, suspected Louis Philippe of scheming

to marry one of his sons to Donna Maria. But, provided it could be

brought about without a French intervention, he was sincerely anxious

that the usurper should be overthrown and that a Liberal _régime_

should be set up at Lisbon. The dismissal of Calomarde appears to have

suggested to him that the King of Spain might not be found unwilling

to render assistance to the constitutional cause in Portugal. Under

ordinary circumstances Ferdinand could scarcely have been expected to

regard with a friendly eye the establishment of a limited monarchy

in a country bordering upon Spain. But the birth of his daughter

had introduced a new element into the situation. Dom Miguel derived

his strength from the support of the _Apostolical_ party, which

in Spain looked upon Don Carlos as its champion. There were some

grounds, therefore, for hoping that Ferdinand's paternal anxiety to

see his daughter Isabella's succession to the throne assured might

prove stronger than his natural aversion to the growth of Liberal

institutions in a neighbouring State.

The task of inducing Ferdinand to intervene on behalf of Donna Maria

was entrusted to Sir Stratford Canning, who was generally selected

for the most difficult negotiations. Canning arrived in Madrid, upon

his special mission, at the beginning of January, 1833. His first

conferences with the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs convinced

him that he had little prospect of bringing his task to a successful

conclusion. Compared to a man of the type of Calomarde, Cea Bermúdez,

his successor, might seem to be a Liberal. In point of fact, however,

although he was strongly opposed to Don Carlos and the clerical party,

he was even more hostile to representative institutions in any shape.

An enlightened despotism, in his opinion, constituted the best form

of government for Spain. Accordingly, he made it very clear that the

change of ministry had in no way modified the views of the Court as

to the situation in Portugal. It would be, he declared, altogether

inconsistent with honour and good faith for the King to participate in

any measures directed against the sovereignty of Dom Miguel.[327]

Stratford Canning, notwithstanding that his task seemed almost

hopeless, remained some four months in the Spanish capital. So long

as Cea Bermúdez was in power it was plainly useless to expect that

Ferdinand could be induced to enter into the views of the British

government. Canning, accordingly, set himself to work to undermine

the position of that minister. For a brief moment he seems to have

been sanguine that, by means of "a difference of opinion in the

Cabinet," he might be able to effect his purpose. But his hopes were

speedily dispelled. The three ministers opposed to Cea Bermúdez with

whom he had established communication were suddenly dismissed by the

King.[328] Nor was he more fortunate with Queen Christina, with whom

he contrived "to open a direct and confidential intercourse."[329]

She appeared to agree with him that the triumph of Dom Miguel in

Portugal could not fail to react disastrously upon the fortunes of her

daughter, but she either could not, or would not influence the King to

regard matters in the same light.

Sir Stratford's difficulties had been aggravated by the news that Dom

Pedro's resources were exhausted, and that his position at Oporto was

desperate. But a few weeks after Canning's departure from Madrid the

situation in Portugal assumed a very different complexion. Sartorius,

the admiral of the constitutional fleet, had been replaced by Charles

Napier, who from the first appears to have judged the political and

strategical situation correctly. The mere possession of Oporto and

victorious sallies against the Miguelite lines would never, he saw

clearly, win the crown for Donna Maria. A bold move on Lisbon itself

could alone give the victory to the constitutionalists. The capital,

in his opinion, might be captured, provided he could obtain the

command of the sea. Having succeeded in persuading Dom Pedro and his

advisers to adopt his views, he sought out the Miguelite fleet, and,

on July 5, 1833, despite the inferiority of his ships, completely

destroyed it off Cape St. Vincent.[330] Three weeks later, Lisbon was

occupied by Terceira, the constitutional general, in the name of Donna

Maria.

The capture of Lisbon compelled the Miguelites to raise the siege of

Oporto. The civil war continued, nevertheless, in other parts of the

country. No sooner, however, was Dom Pedro, the Regent, installed in

the capital than the British government recognized the sovereignty

of Queen Maria, and undertook to protect her from aggression on the

part of the King of Spain.[331] But the fear that Ferdinand might

send military assistance to Dom Miguel was speedily set at rest. On

September 29, 1833, he died, and Christina, thereupon, assumed the

government in the name of her daughter Isabella, who was at once

acknowledged as Queen of Spain by France and Great Britain. The

partisans of her uncle Don Carlos were, however, upon the alert. The

Basque provinces rose in arms to the cry of "Long live Carlos V. Long

live the Inquisition," and Don Carlos was proclaimed King, on October

7, at Vittoria.[332]

Don Carlos himself was fortunately absent from Madrid at the time of

his brother's death. Some few months earlier he had been practically

exiled from Spain and had joined Dom Miguel in Portugal. The presence

of the Spanish Pretender at the headquarters of the Portuguese Usurper

appears at last to have brought home to Christina and her minister,

Cea Bermúdez, that the fortunes of Isabella must largely depend upon

the success of the constitutional cause in Portugal. Mr. Villiers, the

British minister newly accredited to the Court of Madrid, experienced,

in consequence, none of those difficulties which had baffled Stratford

Canning's ingenuity, whilst Ferdinand was alive. The Queen Regent's

government consented, after some little hesitation, to propose to the

contending parties in Portugal the joint mediation of Great Britain

and Spain, and, when Dom Miguel declined to consider this offer,

Cea Bermúdez announced that his refusal had released Spain from all

engagements which she had contracted towards him.[333]

At the news that Ferdinand was dead and that serious disturbances had

broken out, the French government proceeded to concentrate troops in

proximity to the Spanish frontier. These military movements excited

considerable alarm in London, where it was feared that they were a

prelude to an active intervention. Palmerston, however, was soon

satisfied that neither Louis Philippe nor the chief members of his

government wished to despatch an army across the Pyrenees.[334] In

the opinion of Duc de Broglie, the expulsion of Dom Miguel from

Portugal was a necessary preliminary to any attempt to settle Spanish

affairs. Both he and his colleagues, he declared, were prepared to

respect England's traditional dislike to any foreign intrusion in

Portugal. But, under these circumstances, they had a right to expect,

he contended, that great Britain should herself take the necessary

measures for terminating a situation, which threatened to disturb the

tranquillity of neighbouring States.[335]

Although very anxious to see peace restored, the British government

wished to escape from the necessity of landing a military force

in Portugal. It hoped to attain the desired result by concerting

measures with Spain for the expulsion of both Pretenders. Seeing that

Don Carlos was levying war from Portuguese territory against the

government of the Queen Regent, the right of Spain to intervene was

beyond question. In January, 1834, Cea Bermúdez had been succeeded by

Martinez de la Rosa. The new minister entered readily into the plans

of the British government and agreed to despatch an ambassador to

London, provided with full powers to conclude a convention. Strict

secrecy was observed about the negotiations, and it was only, on April

13, 1834, when all the details had been settled, that Palmerston

showed Talleyrand a draft of the proposed treaty. Spain was to send an

army against Dom Miguel, whilst England was to furnish Dom Pedro with

naval assistance. It was not intended to invite France to be a party

to this agreement; she would merely be asked to adhere to it.[336]

Talleyrand's account of this transaction was sent to Admiral de Rigny,

not to the Duc de Broglie. The refusal of the Chamber to ratify his

proposals for settling a long-standing dispute with the United States,

respecting the indemnity to be paid for the seizure of certain ships

between the years 1806 and 1812, had driven the Duke to resign. The

conditions of the projected treaty caused the greatest irritation in

Paris. "The effect would be disastrous," wrote Rigny, "were it to

appear that France had entered into the agreement under the protection

of England."[337] Talleyrand was, accordingly, directed to insist

that France should be made a party to the treaty. After a lengthy

and, at times, a heated discussion, Palmerston gave way and, on April

22, 1834, the instrument, known as the Quadruple Treaty, was signed

by the representatives of Great Britain, France, Spain and Portugal.

An article had been inserted into it stipulating that, "should the

co-operation of France be deemed necessary by the High Contracting

Parties the King of the French would engage to do, in this respect,

whatever might be settled by common consent between himself and his

august allies."

The immediate object of the alliance was rapidly achieved. The

junction of a Spanish army under General Rodil with the constitutional

forces, operating in Tras-os-Montes, was followed, on May 16, by a

decisive victory over Dom Miguel at Asserceira. A week later both

Pretenders capitulated at Evora Monte. Dom Miguel agreed to accept

a small pension[338] and to retire to Italy, whilst Don Carlos, at

his own request, was conveyed to England on board H.M.S. _Donegal_.

But the elation of the allies at the rapid success which had crowned

their operations was of brief duration. After a stay of little more

than a week in London Don Carlos departed secretly, and, contriving to

cross France undetected, reached Spain, where he appeared at the head

of his followers in Biscay on July 9. This new development, both the

French and British governments agreed, must be met by an extension of

the scope of the Quadruple Treaty. Certain additional articles were,

accordingly, formally annexed to it, on August 18, 1834. By the first

of these, the King of the French undertook to hinder supplies and arms

from reaching the Carlists from his southern provinces. By the second,

His Britannic Majesty pledged himself to furnish Her Most Catholic

Majesty with arms and ammunition and, in case of need, to supply naval

succour; whilst by the third, the Regent of Portugal promised to

render whatever military assistance it might be in his power to give.

In thus deciding to afford Queen Isabella material assistance,

the French and English governments appear to have been strangely

oblivious of their loudly proclaimed principle of "abstention from

interference in the affairs of other States." It was, doubtless, the

inconsistency of their conduct in this respect which elicited from

Talleyrand his cynical definition of the word non-intervention as

"_un mot métaphysique et politique qui signifie à peu près la même

chose qu' intervention_."[339] Both governments had, unquestionably,

excellent reasons for desiring to put an end to a state of civil war

and anarchy, which interfered with English trade, and had a disturbing

effect upon the internal condition of France. In addition, there was

the consideration, to which Palmerston attached much weight, that the

Quadruple Treaty, by proclaiming the intimate union of the Liberal

Powers, would counterbalance the league which the absolute Courts

had, in the previous autumn, concluded at Münchengrätz.[340] Martinez

de la Rosa, Christina's chief minister, had been engaged in framing

a constitutional Charter and the _Estatuto Real_,--the result of his

labours--was about to be made public. Spain might, therefore, claim

to be numbered among the Liberal Powers of Europe. But there would

seem to have been another, and a more exclusively national reason,

for the support which the English government decided to extend to the

cause of constitutionalism in Spain. For the past century Spain had

constantly followed the impulse of France and that state of affairs

had, on many occasions, proved detrimental to British interests.

"Foreign influence, however," wrote Lord Palmerston some years

later, "can best be exerted over the Court of a despotic monarch and

becomes much weaker, if not entirely paralyzed, when it has to act

upon the constitutional representatives of a free people. The British

government, therefore, perceived that, by assisting the Spanish people

to establish a constitutional form of government, they were assisting

to secure the political independence of Spain, and they had no doubt

that the maintenance of that independence would be conducive to

important British interests."[341]

One of the chief reasons, therefore, which led England to enter into

the Quadruple Treaty was to destroy that influence which, for more

than a century, France had been striving to establish over the Spanish

government. Her statesmen had constantly laid it down as the first

principle of their policy that her ascendency must be supreme at the

Court at Madrid. It was essential, they argued, that France should

have no fears of an attack from beyond the Pyrenees, should she be

engaged in war with her powerful eastern neighbours. On that account

the Salic Law, the Duc de Broglie explained to Lord Granville, was

distinctly advantageous to France, inasmuch as it debarred females

from succeeding to the Spanish throne. Now that it was abolished, he

pointed out, the French government had to contemplate the possibility

that an Austrian Archduke might some day aspire to the hand of the

Queen of Spain.[342] Louis Philippe not only endorsed the views of

his minister in this matter, but frankly confessed to the British

ambassador that the triumph of absolutism, in the person of Don

Carlos, would suit him infinitely better than the establishment of a

Liberal monarchy at Madrid. In that case "he was greatly afraid that

the Peninsula would become the resort of all the revolutionists and

republicans in Europe."[343]

These being Louis Philippe's opinions, it seems strange that he

should not have attempted to dissuade his ministers from committing

him to the Quadruple Treaty. The adoption of such a course, however,

would have been very dangerous. The "citizen King" might in his heart

greatly prefer _les capuchons_ to _les bonnets rouges_,[344] but he

dared not publicly proclaim these sentiments. Moreover, had France

abandoned the English alliance she would not have been received into

the league of the absolute Courts. Louis Philippe, consequently, if he

wished to avoid complete isolation, was compelled to appear to adopt

the British policy. But his secret leanings being what they were and

Palmerston's object being what it was, it is not surprising that,

from the moment of the conclusion of the Quadruple Treaty, symptoms

of serious disagreement should have manifested themselves in the

relations of the two governments.

Before the close of the year 1834 the Carlists were masters of the

whole of Biscay and Navarre, with the exception of some of the larger

towns. It was not alone the influence of the priests and the monks

which induced the people of these provinces to espouse the cause

of the Pretender so enthusiastically. They knew well that, were a

representative form of government to be established throughout Spain,

the _Fueros_,[345] those special rights and privileges to which

they were devotedly attached, must either be abolished or greatly

curtailed. A leader arose in Zumalacárregui, who quickly proved

his superiority over the constitutional generals sent against him.

Henceforward the struggle between the Carlists and the _Christinos_

was carried on with a barbarity unknown in Europe for centuries.

Neither side gave nor expected quarter. After every engagement wounded

and unwounded prisoners were ruthlessly massacred. Such was the

condition of affairs when a change of government took place in England.

Lord Grey had resigned, on July 9, 1834, on a question of Irish

policy and had been succeeded as Prime Minister by Lord Melbourne.

Signs were plentiful that the Whigs were losing their popularity in

the country, and the King resolved to dismiss his ministers at the

first opportunity. The death of Lord Spencer gave him the pretext

for which he was seeking. Althorp's removal to the Upper House, he

told Melbourne, had left the government so weakly represented in the

Commons that he should call upon his ministers to resign. Sir Robert

Peel, accordingly, undertook to form a new government, and Wellington

accepted the post of Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The Duke had never

approved of his predecessor's policy of intervening in the disputed

succession to the Spanish throne. But, soon after he had taken up his

duties at the Foreign Office, an opportunity arose of interposing

in a manner more in accordance with his views. In the course of a

conference with Mr. Villiers, Martinez de la Rosa had suggested that

the French and British governments should propose to both parties

some arrangement for the exchange of prisoners and, generally, for

mitigating the horrors of the war. The opening of communications

with Don Carlos on these lines might with advantage be made to serve

a double purpose. The commissioners, selected to proceed to the

headquarters of the Pretender, might be instructed to impress upon

him the hopelessness of his position, and to explain to him that he

could obtain no assistance from the absolute Courts. An authoritative

statement to that effect would, in the opinion of Martinez de la Rosa,

be more useful than "six victories by her Majesty's troops." It would

furnish Don Carlos with the excuse, for which he was believed to be

seeking, for abandoning the struggle.[346]

Lord Eliot was, accordingly, dispatched to Spain. Ostensibly, his

mission had no other object than the negotiation of some agreement for

terminating the inhuman methods of warfare, which both parties had

adopted. In reality, however, he carried with him secret instructions

based upon the suggestions of Martinez de la Rosa. Whilst in Paris he

was to communicate these to the Duc de Broglie, who was once more at

the head of the Foreign Office, in order that the French commissioner

might be furnished with identical instructions.[347] Hitherto, there

had been no great cause for complaint as to the manner in which France

performed the duties imposed upon her by the additional articles of

the Quadruple Treaty. It was, therefore, with the utmost confidence

that the request would be promptly complied with, that Wellington

had decided to invite the French government to appoint some person

to repair with Eliot to the seat of war. But Lord Cowley, who, upon

the change of government, had succeeded Lord Granville as British

ambassador in Paris, speedily ascertained that the Duke's proposal

was regarded with much disfavour. Nor was he long in doubt as to

the quarter from which the opposition to it was inspired. Louis

Philippe himself assured him, on April 2, that he dared not allow

communications to be opened with Don Carlos, except in response to

an official invitation from the government of the Queen Regent.

But, although the Spanish ambassador shortly afterwards made the

desired request, the King still hesitated to comply with it. He was

greatly afraid, he told Lord Cowley, that Don Carlos would refuse to

entertain the suggested proposals. Were the Pretender to take such

a course, popular indignation would be aroused in France, and the

government might be forced to march an army into Spain to enforce its

demands.[348]

Eliot, in the meanwhile, had proceeded, unattended by a French

colleague, to the headquarters of Don Carlos. He experienced little

difficulty in inducing both contending parties to conclude a

convention for the proper custody and exchange of prisoners of war.

But no success attended his efforts to carry out the secret and more

important part of his mission. Don Carlos resolutely declared that he

never would abandon the struggle. Nor could Eliot flatter himself that

any of his arguments had in the smallest degree shaken the Pretender's

determination to assert his right to the crown. Having exhausted all

his powers of persuasion he set out on his return journey. As a

result of his visit to the theatre of war he brought back to England

the conviction that, without foreign assistance, the government of

the Queen Regent would never contrive to pacify Alava, Biscay and

Navarre.[349] Some weeks before he arrived in London Sir Robert Peel's

brief administration had come to an end. Melbourne had been recalled

and Palmerston was once more at the Foreign Office.

Upon learning of the failure of Eliot's mission, the government of

the Queen Regent resolved to apply to France for military assistance

against Don Carlos. Palmerston, who at this time regarded a French

intervention as the worst of evils, lost no time in directing Villiers

to protest. No more telling indictment of the whole policy of the

Quadruple Treaty exists than the despatch which, on this occasion,

Palmerston himself sent off to Madrid. The British minister was to

represent that to appeal for foreign aid, before all the resources at

the disposal of the Queen Regent had been exhausted, "would little

redound to the honour of the Spanish government." A settlement, he

was to remind Queen Christina's advisers, brought about by French

or British bayonets, "could only be temporary and would never be

acquiesced in as legitimate and final by the nation."[350] It was

very far, however, from Louis Philippe's desire to despatch troops to

Spain in support of the constitutional throne of Isabella. But, as

Palmerston was also strongly opposed to direct French intervention,

the King felt that he might with safety consult the British government

about the propriety of acceding to the Spanish demand. Palmerston, as

he had foreseen, had numerous objections to urge against the entry

of a French army into Spain. The French ambassador at Madrid was,

accordingly, instructed to inform Martinez de la Rosa that his appeal

could not be complied with.[351] But, whilst making it perfectly clear

that direct intervention was out of the question, M. de Rayneval was

authorized to suggest that the foreign legion at Algiers might be

transferred from the French to the Spanish service, and to promise

that facilities for enlisting soldiers in France would be granted to

the Spanish government.

The Cabinet of Madrid readily accepted this limited form of

assistance. Help of the same description, but upon a more extended

scale, was also furnished by Great Britain. The Foreign Enlistment

Act was suspended and officers and men were encouraged to enter the

service of the Queen of Spain. In England, where the war in the

Peninsula was remembered with pride, volunteers were easily obtained.

In France, for obvious reasons the appeals of the Spanish recruiting

agents met with far less response. Nevertheless, before the autumn

of 1835 some 4000 men, chiefly from Algiers, were transported

to Spain, whilst rather more than double that number of British

volunteers, under the command of De Lacy Evans, the Radical member

for Westminster, were conveyed to the seat of war. Don Carlos,

however, retaliated promptly. From his headquarters at Durango he

issued a proclamation announcing that the Eliot Convention could

not be permitted to apply to foreigners. Any person not of Spanish

nationality, caught in arms against him, would be shot. The moment

this decree was brought to the notice of the British government

Colonel Wylde, the officer attached to the headquarters of the Queen's

armies, was directed to protest against it.[352] Wylde obtained access

to Don Carlos and read out to him the declaration which Palmerston

had drawn up. But the threats contained in it had no effect upon

the Pretender, who replied that his proclamation was lawful, under

the circumstances, and that his officers had the strictest orders to

conform to it.[353] The only reprisal to which the British government

could resort was to signify to its naval commanders that, in the event

of Don Carlos applying for protection on board any of His Majesty's

ships, such protection was to be denied to him.[354]

The French government altogether declined to associate itself with

Great Britain in protesting against the Decree of Durango. Lord

Granville, who upon the return of the Whigs to office had resumed his

post in Paris, found Louis Philippe and his chief ministers, with the

exception of the Duc de Broglie, strongly opposed to any step of that

kind. France, they argued, was differently circumstanced to Great

Britain, inasmuch as she was not a party to the Eliot Convention.

Moreover, were she to use threatening language to Don Carlos and

were he to disregard her menaces, she would be driven to send troops

across the frontier, and both the French and English governments had

agreed that direct intervention was highly inexpedient for the moment.

In vain Lord Granville protested that to remonstrate against the

barbarity of the decree was a duty which the government owed to the

men, who had been transferred from the French to the Spanish service.

Neither that argument, nor the consideration that any appearance

of lack of harmony between the French and British Cabinets must

necessarily encourage the Pretender, had the smallest effect upon

Louis Philippe or upon the majority of his ministers.[355]

Lord Palmerston's indignation at Louis Philippe's conduct was

increased by the news which he was receiving from Lisbon. Dom Pedro

had died on September 24, 1834, and the Cortes had, thereupon,

declared the Queen to be of age, although she was not yet sixteen

years of age. Shortly afterwards she had married Augustus of

Leuchtenberg, the young duke whose candidature for the Belgian

throne had so alarmed Louis Philippe in 1830. Their married life,

however, was of brief duration. On March 25, 1835, Maria became a

widow and the Cortes at once urged her to lose no time in contracting

a second alliance. The young queen was quite ready to comply and

soon, afterwards, informed her ministers, Marshal Saldanha and the

Duke of Palmella, that she purposed marrying either the Duc de

Nemours or the Prince de Joinville, both sons of Louis Philippe. Her

selection of the French princes, wrote Lord Howard de Walden,[356]

was to be ascribed to the influence of her aunt, the Marquise de

Loulé, who was afterwards discovered to have been in the pay of Louis

Philippe.[357] The British minister, however, succeeded in obtaining

from Saldanha a promise in writing that he would resign, sooner than

allow the French marriage to take place.[358] In Paris, meanwhile,

Louis Philippe emphatically denied to the British ambassador that

he had ever entertained the idea of bringing forward one of his sons

as a candidate for the hand of the Queen of Portugal.[359] It seems

certain, nevertheless, that some intrigue with that purpose in view

had been in progress, and that it was not persevered with on account

of the opposition of the British government. In the opinion of Lord

Howard de Walden, it was to be attributed to the machinations of the

French party at the Court of Lisbon that Queen Maria, about this

time, displayed the greatest reluctance to sanction the despatch of

a Portuguese division to the assistance of the _Christinos_.[360]

But before long it was announced that she was betrothed to Prince

Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, a nephew of the King of the Belgians. The

marriage was celebrated on April 9, 1836, and from that moment the

influence of the French party at the Court diminished.

But the proceedings of the French agents at Lisbon and Louis

Philippe's sympathy for the Spanish Carlists were secrets, as yet

known only to certain ministers and diplomatists. It was otherwise

with the increasing rivalry between the British envoy and the French

ambassador accredited to the Court of the Queen Regent at Madrid.

It was the subject of comment in the newspapers that France openly

favoured the cause of one, whilst England no less ostentatiously

gave her support to the other, of the two great political parties

which Spanish constitutionalism had called into existence. Most of

the leading men in the Cortes had been in exile, until the death of

Ferdinand, on account of their participation in the revolutionary

movement of 1820. Some, like Martinez de la Rosa, had sought refuge

in France, whilst others, prominent among them being the financier

Mendizabal, had repaired to England. Their political views had, in

consequence, been greatly influenced by the statesmen with whom they

had come into contact in the countries in which they had resided. Thus

Martinez de la Rosa, whose literary abilities had brought him to the

notice of M. Guizot, had adopted the theories of the _Doctrinaires_

and in framing the _Estatuto Real_--the Spanish Constitution of

1834--he had taken the French Charter of 1814 for his model. His

followers, the _Moderados_ as they were called, consisted mainly of

the nobility, military and civil officials, and, generally, of persons

who, although opposed to Don Carlos, disliked democratic institutions.

Their opponents, the _Exaltados_, or _Progressistas_, as they were

more usually termed, were made up chiefly of members of the trading

and commercial classes in the large towns. The extreme wing of this

party advocated the restoration of the Constitution of 1812, which

recognized the sovereignty of the people and provided for government

by a single chamber. It was this code which, in 1820, Riego and his

followers had imposed upon King Ferdinand. But, although only the

more violent of the _Progressistas_ may have desired that the very

defective Constitution of 1812 should be re-established without

amendments, the whole party derided the _Estatuto Real_ as too timid

an experiment in representative government.

A party, which aimed at imposing salutary checks upon the development

of democracy and the leaders of which were in close personal

relationship with some of his ministers, was naturally regarded with

a friendly eye by Louis Philippe. From 1834 onwards the _Moderados_

derived an artificial strength, which to some extent counterbalanced

the numerical superiority of their opponents, by reason of the support

given them by Louis Philippe and by Christina, the Queen Regent.

It was no less logical that the _Progressistas_ should develop

rapidly into "the English party." For reasons which have already

been explained Palmerston desired that Spain should be free and

independent. But, before Don Carlos could be crushed and the civil

war terminated, the cause of the Queen must be made popular with the

Spanish people. From Palmerston's point of view, therefore, it was

essential that political power should rest with the party which sought

to place the government upon a broad and national basis. Objectionable

in many respects as were the principles of the _Progressistas_, they

were, in the opinion of the British government, unquestionably better

adapted to the immediate requirements of the situation than the narrow

and restricted views of the _Moderados_.

The strength of the democratic movement, which had begun at the death

of Ferdinand, drove Martinez de la Rosa from office in June, 1835. But

his successor, Count Toreno, was not more successful in his efforts

to stem the rising tide of Liberalism, and, in the following month

of September, Christina reluctantly consented to allow Mendizabal to

form a _Progressista_ Cabinet. Louis Philippe and his ministers were

greatly annoyed and declared that Toreno's fall was due to English

intrigue.[361] Villiers, it was perfectly true, had taken part in

the negotiations which had preceded the change of government. He had

discussed the situation, not only with Toreno and Mendizabal, but

with the Queen Regent herself. To Christina he explained that he had

no authority to speak in the name of the British government. She,

however, replied that she required no more than "the advice of an

Englishman in whom she had entire confidence." Villiers, therefore,

told her plainly that, inasmuch as she had not the necessary force at

her disposal for arresting by violent means the advance of democracy,

she must submit to the formation of a more Liberal government. The

Queen's dread of Mendizabal appears to have been overcome temporarily

by Villiers' assurance that that statesman had no intention of

restoring the Constitution of 1812.[362]

After the downfall of the _Moderados_, the French authorities no

longer attempted to prevent supplies from reaching the Carlists. Upon

the road from Bayonne to Irun, an uninterrupted stream of waggons

was to be seen openly conveying stores and provisions of all kinds

to the insurgents.[363] The Pretender, wrote Villiers, had received

assurances from Louis Philippe that in the future he intended to

remain absolutely neutral.[364] To all representations upon this

subject, whether made by the British or the Spanish ambassador, the

French ministers returned evasive replies. Although from time to

time Lord Granville succeeded in extracting a promise that greater

vigilance would be exercised upon the frontier, the lucrative trade,

which the inhabitants of southern France were carrying on with the

armies of the Pretender, was never interfered with seriously.

Mendizabal, in the meantime, was devoting himself assiduously to the

task of prosecuting the war against Don Carlos. But his efforts to

carry on the operations vigorously were hampered by the penury of the

treasury, and by the impossibility of raising a loan abroad. It was

under these circumstances that he made a proposal to Mr. Villiers

which, when it was divulged to the Duc de Broglie, increased the

ill-feeling which was rapidly growing up between the French and the

English governments. Modern views about the advantages of unrestricted

commercial intercourse had not as yet penetrated into Spain. The

imposition of prohibitory duties upon almost all articles made

abroad was still regarded as essential for the protection of Spanish

trade. England necessarily suffered greatly from this system, which

brought no revenue into the Spanish exchequer, and benefited only

the smuggler. The question had often been the subject of discussion

between the two governments, but Spain had hitherto always evaded her

promises to reform her tariff. Mendizabal, however, now undertook

that, provided England would guarantee the interest of a loan of a

million and a half sterling, Spain would admit the chief articles of

British manufacture upon a low scale of duty. Villiers was without

authority to conclude any agreement of that kind. But, as Mendizabal

assured him that any delay would be most inconvenient, he decided to

draw up the necessary documents. The moment the treaty had been signed

by Mendizabal and himself, he forwarded it to Palmerston, explaining

the reasons which had led him to act without instructions. "The

Queen," he wrote in conclusion, "Mendizabal and his English private

secretary, Southern,[365] and himself, were the only persons who had

any knowledge of the transaction."[366]

When the projected agreement and Villiers' covering despatch reached

Paris, whither they had been transmitted, as was the custom, under

flying seal, Granville was so impressed with the necessity of keeping

the matter secret, that he did not even allow the _attachés_ of his

embassy to know of the affair. Furthermore, his own observations upon

the subject were conveyed to Lord Palmerston in a private letter.

"It will not be liked here," he warned his chief. "It is already

thought that Mendizabal is entirely under English influence, and this

admission of English manufactures at a reduced duty, even though

purchased by the guarantee of a loan, will very much confirm the

impression."[367] But all these precautions were of no avail. Within a

few days, Broglie received intelligence of the transaction both from

the French ambassador at Madrid, and from some Spanish agent in Paris.

It seems highly probable that the secret was disclosed by Christina

herself. Perhaps she wished to ingratiate herself with Louis Philippe,

whilst by exposing Mendizabal to his wrath, she may have hoped to

facilitate the return to power of the _Moderados_.

M. de Rayneval having obtained his information "under the seal of the

most profound secrecy," Broglie could not make representations on the

subject of the proposed treaty to the British government. Rayneval,

however, was directed to protest against it at Madrid, and to warn

Mendizabal that, if the affair were to be concluded, "the Quadruple

Alliance would certainly undergo modifications of a nature which Spain

would regret."[368] But the British government, in the meanwhile,

"whilst fully appreciating the motives which had prompted Villiers

to sign the treaty without instructions," had decided not to advise

the King to ratify it. "His Majesty's government," wrote Palmerston,

"does not consider that it would be consistent with the spirit of the

alliance that two out of four should make separately, and without

previous communication with the others, an engagement. . . . Great

Britain would expose herself to the charge of having severed herself

from her allies in order to grasp at an object conducive to her own

particular interests."[369] At the same time, however, he enclosed

the project of a new commercial treaty, which Villiers was to invite

Mendizabal to consider. England, according to its provisions, asked

for no exclusive advantages, the only stipulation being that British

goods should be placed upon a footing of equality with those of the

most favoured nation. The Spanish minister, however, professed his

inability to proceed with the matter. Great Britain's guarantee to a

loan was a condition, he declared, essential to the conclusion of any

commercial treaty. The proposal to admit English cotton goods would be

deeply resented by Spanish manufacturers, and he must, in consequence,

be in a position to show that, by consenting to it, he had gained

some great political advantage.[370] Without doubt, also, he was not

insensible to Broglie's threats. He foresaw that, although there was

to be no concealment about Palmerston's treaty, and notwithstanding

that France was to be given full information about the negotiations,

her objections to the "reciprocal equality," and "mutual facilities,"

for which England stipulated, would not on that account be diminished.

Nor was he mistaken. When the matter was revived under the ministry

of Comte Molé, that statesman summed up the French case with perfect

frankness. Equality of opportunity for trading in Spain, he informed

Lord Granville, would act solely for the benefit of England, seeing

that the French merchants were possessed of less capital, and

were less industrious and enterprising than their British rivals.

Palmerston, as may be supposed, entered with zest upon the task of

denouncing the selfishness of founding an objection to a reform of

the Spanish tariff upon so unworthy a reason.[371]

Broglie's instructions to Rayneval respecting the commercial

treaty were among his last acts as Minister for Foreign Affairs.

Parliamentary and other difficulties, in the creation of which

Louis Philippe is supposed to have taken a part, brought about the

resignation of the government. M. Thiers, thereupon, notwithstanding

that he had been a member of Broglie's Cabinet, undertook to form a

new ministry. At the time of the Revolution of July, M. Thiers had

been known merely as one of the editors of the _National_ and as

the author of a very popular and successful _History of the French

Revolution_. Louis Philippe's enthronement, in which he had been so

prominently concerned, enabled him to abandon journalism and to embark

upon the career of a politician. Only two years later, on October 11,

1832, he was appointed Minister of the Interior in Marshal Soult's

first government. In that capacity, by means of a bribe judiciously

administered to the Jew Deutz, he succeeded in discovering the

hiding-place of the Duchesse de Berri at Nantes--a mystery which,

until he took the matter in hand, had baffled the ingenuity of the

police. Having accomplished this object and having no desire to be

remembered in history as "the Fouché of the Monarchy of July," he

promptly exchanged the portfolio of the Interior for that of Commerce

and of Public Works.[372]

Ever since the conclusion of the Quadruple Treaty, Louis Philippe had

been quietly endeavouring to improve his relations with the absolute

Powers, in general, and with Austria, in particular. Early in the

year 1835 he appears to have embarked, without the knowledge of his

ministers or of Sainte-Aulaire, the French ambassador at Vienna,

upon a confidential correspondence with Metternich.[373] Without

doubt, his flattering advances to the Chancellor were made with the

hope that a marriage might be arranged between his eldest son, the

Duc d'Orléans, and an Austrian Archduchess. Neither Broglie nor

Sainte-Aulaire shared the King's illusions on that subject. Broglie

was firmly convinced that there could be no intimacy between the

Monarchy of July and the Northern Courts, and it was chiefly on that

account that Louis Philippe had been so anxious to drive him from

office. But, whilst Louis Philippe had frequently been annoyed by the

independence and uncompromising honesty of the _Doctrinaire_ Duke, he

had always admired the resourcefulness and political adroitness of M.

Thiers. For some time past M. Thiers had been desirous of obtaining

the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, and he appears to have satisfied

the King that, were it to be confided to him, he would promote the

dynastic object which was constantly in His Majesty's mind. He was,

it was said, greatly attracted by the prospect of raising "the

matrimonial blockade" which the Legitimists exultingly declared had

been established round the Orleans throne.[374]

It has generally been supposed that Talleyrand was largely responsible

for the overtures made to the Court of Vienna by Louis Philippe, and

for the coolness which set in, about the same time, in the relations

of France and England. This view of the case may be correct, but it is

difficult to believe that the reasons, usually given to explain his

changed attitude towards England, can be true. At the end of the year

1834 Talleyrand had retired from his embassy in London. His advanced

age and his increasing infirmities were the reasons officially given

for his resignation. It was notorious, however, that he had been

frequently annoyed by Palmerston's unceremonious behaviour towards

him, and it has been suggested that the lack of deference with which

he had been treated had caused him greatly to modify his opinions

about the advantages of a close friendship with England.[375] It is,

however, most improbable that Talleyrand, who, up to the time of his

departure from London, unceasingly endeavoured to extend the scope of

the alliance,[376] should have changed his views completely, because

Palmerston may have kept him waiting in an ante-room or may have

failed to treat him with that respect to which his age and his long

diplomatic career entitled him. Nevertheless, it is not to be denied

that, notwithstanding the marked attentions which had been paid him at

Court and in London society, he had returned to France in a somewhat

dissatisfied frame of mind. The recently published memoirs of the

Duchesse de Dino show plainly that, in 1834, he no longer entertained

his former admiration for England and English institutions. But it

was to the new conditions created by the Reform Act that his altered

dispositions should be ascribed. Although he had been in favour

of that measure, in his heart he, doubtless, loathed the idea of

government by the people. Like Lord Grey himself, once the Bill had

become an accomplished fact, he was horrified at the ugly aspect of

democracy. Believing, therefore, that Great Britain was advancing

rapidly towards a revolution he would naturally counsel Louis Philippe

to draw as close as circumstances would permit to conservative

Austria.[377] Nor was there anything in this advice which should be

regarded as unfriendly towards England. At Vienna in 1814, be it

remembered, he had insisted upon the necessity of an alliance between

France, Great Britain and Austria, as the only means of checking the

insatiable ambition of Russia.

Meanwhile, the civil war in Spain continued and the prospects of

the constitutional cause were gloomy. During the summer of 1835,

however, the Carlists sustained a loss the magnitude of which was

hardly appreciated at the time. Whilst superintending the operations

against Bilbao Zumalacárregui sustained a wound and died a few days

later. The original injury was of a trifling character and his

death has generally been ascribed to the unskilful treatment of the

doctors. But Colonel Wylde, as he was returning from his interview

with the Pretender on the subject of the Decree of Durango, received

some curious details about the last hours of the famous Carlist

chief from an English surgeon who had dressed his wound. According

to this person, a dose of laudanum, not a _Christino_ bullet, was

the cause of death. Furthermore, Wylde's informant asserted that the

doctors had under various pretexts refused to allow the body to be

opened. This story, taken in connection with the detestation with

which Zumalacárregui was regarded by the _Apostolical_ section of his

party, led Wylde to suspect that he might have been the victim of foul

play.[378] Be that as it may, his death had an effect upon the cause

of absolutism and bigotry which may be compared with that of Dundee at

Killikrankie.

The _Christinos_, however, appeared incapable of taking advantage

of the loss which their opponents had sustained. Even Mendizabal

was unable to infuse the required energy into the counsels of the

Queen's generals. "Everything," wrote Wylde on February 12, 1836,

"seems to stagnate for want of money." The British legion had

suffered cruelly during the winter. Sickness had thinned its ranks,

the pay of officers and men was in arrears, and the whole force was

in a state of acute discontent.[379] Under these circumstances the

British government decided to intervene more effectually. Hitherto,

Lord John Hay's squadron off the north coast of Spain had only

been allowed to transport troops and stores, and to give indirect

assistance to the _Christinos_. But the admiral was now ordered to

take an active part in the operations of the Queen's armies. At the

same time, Lord Palmerston's objections to the entry of a French

army into Spain disappeared completely. He asked that the French

_cordon_ of observation should be advanced across the frontier and

that the valley of Bastan should be occupied. The measure which he

proposed "would not entail extensive military operations, but would

enable General Cordoba to enclose the Carlists in a small space

and to deprive them of all supplies."[380] The British government,

doubtless, hoped that M. Thiers, who had always professed to be in

favour of armed intervention, would, now that he was President of

the Council, be able to induce Louis Philippe to consent to it. But

that illusion, if it was ever entertained, was soon dispelled. The

course proposed by Palmerston was incompatible with that policy of

conciliating the absolute Courts, upon which M. Thiers had embarked.

He was, consequently, compelled to explain to Lord Granville that he

had altogether changed his mind about the expediency of intervention,

owing to the wide development of the Carlist insurrection, and to the

revolutionary character which the government at Madrid had recently

assumed. Louis Philippe expressed himself in more emphatic language.

Never, he told the British ambassador, would he allow the French flag

to be carried beyond the frontier.[381]

The unsatisfactory progress of the war necessarily had a damaging

effect upon the position of Mendizabal's Cabinet. Dissensions broke

out among his followers, and Christina, who had only accepted him

with reluctance, most unwisely decided to dismiss him. She had been

prompted to take this disastrous step, Palmerston suspected, by her

French advisers.[382] The dissolution of the Cortes, which the change

of ministry entailed, was followed by a most suspicious inaction on

the part of the Queen's generals. The Carlists, on the other hand,

displayed unwonted activity. Insurgent bands penetrated to within

twenty miles of La Granja, where the Queen Regent was in residence.

Ramon Cabrera, "the Tiger of the Maestrargo," who, as a reprisal for

the murder of his mother, refused to recognize the Eliot Convention,

desolated Aragon, whilst de Lacy Evans, on July 11, 1836, suffered a

reverse at Fuentarabia, on which occasion all the British prisoners

were shot, in accordance with the Pretender's decree.[383] Meanwhile,

the _Progressistas_ were carrying all before them at the elections,

and their victories were followed by grave revolutionary outbreaks.

But neither civil disorder nor military disasters could rouse M.

Isturiz, the new President of the Council, or his colleagues to

action. In the words of Mr. Villiers, "they appeared to consider that

calmness in adversity constituted the whole duty of the responsible

advisers of the crown."[384]

The condition of affairs rapidly assumed a most alarming appearance.

The Constitution of 1812, was proclaimed in many of the chief towns.

At Madrid, Quesada, the Captain-General, disarmed the national guards,

and declared the city in a state of siege, whilst at La Granja, the

Queen Regent announced her firm intention of resisting the demands

of the revolutionists. But, on the evening of August 12, her guards

mutinied, and, led by their sergeants, invaded the palace. On two

nights in succession, the unfortunate Christina was compelled to

receive deputations of non-commissioned officers, many of whom were

under the influence of liquor. Circumstanced as she was, with no loyal

troops at her disposal, she had no alternative but to yield. After

promising to accept the Constitution of 1812, to raise the state of

siege, and to re-establish the national guards, she was allowed to

depart for the capital. But when the news of these events reached

Madrid, the people rose, murdered Quesada, and carried his head in

triumph through the streets. Order was, however, gradually restored by

Calatrava, the _Progressista_ minister, whom the revolted sergeants

had imposed upon Christina.[385]

Some weeks before these events took place M. Thiers had had to abandon

all hope of bringing his matrimonial negotiations to a successful

conclusion. It was in vain that he had refused to join with England

in protesting against the Austrian occupation of the free town

of Cracow. It was to no purpose that he had forced the Federal

government to expel all political refugees from Switzerland. The Duc

d'Orléans'[386] proposal for the hand of an Austrian Archduchess was

declined. In order to hide his discomfiture and to punish Metternich,

M. Thiers resolved to take up the Spanish affair vigorously. Direct

intervention, however, he looked upon as out of the question. Not

only would the King oppose it, but it would be very unpopular with

the country. Nevertheless, by a process to which he gave the name

of "armed co-operation" he proposed to attain the desired result.

He prepared, accordingly, largely to reinforce the French legion

in Spain, which he intended should be commanded by some well-known

general. Louis Philippe reluctantly assented to these initial

proceedings, but, when the news arrived of the military revolt at La

Granja, he promptly placed his _veto_ upon all measures of that kind.

Never, he declared, would he allow assistance to be supplied to the

Jacobins in power at Madrid.[387] Thiers and his fellow-ministers, in

consequence, resigned.

Under Molé, to whom the King confided the portfolio of Foreign Affairs

and the formation of a new Cabinet, France for all practical purposes

withdrew from the Quadruple Treaty. The _depôts_ formed by Thiers were

broken up and three battalions, which he had raised for the service of

Queen Isabella, were sent to Algiers. It would be highly dangerous,

Molé informed the British ambassador, to expose French soldiers to the

influence of the revolutionary societies in Spain.[388] In vain Lord

Palmerston protested that in no way could the spirit of anarchy be

combated so effectually as by the expulsion of Don Carlos from the

Peninsula.[389] That argument and his contention that the stability of

the Orleans monarchy depended upon the triumph of the constitutional

cause in Spain were alike unheeded.[390] In order to show their

displeasure at the manner in which the French government was thus

evading its engagements, Lord Melbourne and his colleagues decided

to omit the customary reference to France from the King's Speech at

the opening of Parliament in 1837. But the "no mention" incident,

although it caused Louis Philippe the keenest annoyance and created a

great sensation in Paris,[391] had no effect upon Molé's resolution

to refuse assistance of any kind to the government at Madrid. The

only safe policy for France, the King informed Granville a few months

later, was to look upon Spain as infected with the plague and to have

as little communication with her as possible.[392]

Although Calatrava, whom the sergeants at La Granja had raised to

the head of the Queen Regent's government, was invariably spoken of

by Louis Philippe and Comte Molé as a dangerous revolutionist, he

was far from deserving that appellation. Not only was he successful

in infusing a certain vigour into the conduct of the war, but he

contrived, in addition, to frame a constitution which, in spite of its

imperfections, effected a happy compromise between the Jacobinical

code of 1812 and the ultra-monarchical _Estatuto Real_. The year

1836 closed with a brilliant success for the arms of the Queen

Regent. Powerfully assisted by the bluejackets and marines of Lord

John Hay's squadron, the _Christinos_ stormed the formidable lines

of Luchana and relieved the city of Bilbao. Henceforward the name

of Baldomero Espartero, the victorious general, was to figure very

prominently in Spanish politics. Nevertheless, during the campaign of

the ensuing year, complete success appeared to be within the grasp

of the Pretender. Eluding Espartero, who was preparing to attack him

in the Basque provinces, Don Carlos, who had been liberally supplied

with money by the Tsar and the Kings of the Netherlands[393] and of

Sardinia, marched southwards on Madrid. But, when the capital lay at

their mercy, his generals were ordered to retrace their footsteps,

recross the Ebro and re-enter the northern provinces.

Various reasons have been given for the sudden retreat of the Carlists

from before Madrid.[394] The most probable explanation appears to be

that Don Carlos had secretly arranged with Christina that, upon the

arrival of his army in the vicinity of the capital, the gates were to

be thrown open, and that the marriage of his son with Isabella was

to be announced and peace proclaimed.[395] It would seem, however,

that at the last moment Christina decided that this scheme was

impracticable and the Pretender, finding, in consequence, that no

movement in his favour was likely to break out in Madrid, gave the

order to retreat. The remainder of the year 1837 was spent by the

Carlist leaders in fierce quarrels and bitter recriminations. But the

condition of the Queen's armies was still more pitiable. Officers

and men were unpaid and wholly without confidence in their generals.

Horrible excesses were committed by the mutinous regiments. Generals

Escalera and Sarsfield were murdered by their men, and, although

Espartero upon his arrival from Madrid, succeeded in restoring some

semblance of discipline, he dared not undertake offensive operations

with troops so completely demoralized.

The Pretender's advance upon Madrid proved fatal to the Calatrava

Cabinet. That government, which had been created by the action of

the sergeants at La Granja, was destroyed by a _pronunciamento_ on

the part of the officers of a brigade which had been hurried south,

when Don Carlos was threatening the capital.[396] The downfall of

the _Progressista_ Cabinet was, doubtless, one of the reasons which

led the Queen Regent to break her compact with the Pretender. A

transition ministry was formed, whilst Christina cautiously prepared

to recall the _Moderados_. Throughout the country party differences

were submerged in the general desire for peace, and the opinion was

rapidly gaining ground that, without French assistance, the Pretender

could never be expelled. This idea was sedulously encouraged by

the Court party, and, as was suspected, by agents of the French

government. These conditions at the elections, at the close of the

year 1837, produced an overwhelming majority for the _Moderados_.

It was soon evident, however, that the electors had been completely

deluded in imagining that the triumph of the Conservative party would

be followed by French intervention. The political effacement of the

_Progressistas_ had not altered the determination of Louis Philippe

and Comte Molé to withhold all assistance from the government of the

Queen Regent.[397]

Villiers, the British minister at Madrid, was now convinced that

in the dissensions of the Carlists lay the only hope of preserving

the crown for Isabella. The animosity was extreme between the

_Provinciales_, whose chief object in supporting the Pretender was

to ensure the maintenance of their highly prized _Fueros_, and the

_Castillanos_, as that section of the party was called which followed

the lead of the fanatical Bishop of Léon.[398] In order to widen

this breach Villiers instructed Lieutenant Turner, a British officer

attached to the division of the Queen's army at Pampeluna, to open up

a secret communication with the discontented Navarrese chiefs. Turner

experienced little difficulty in executing his mission, and was soon

able to report that the men of Biscay and Navarre would be prepared

to discuss terms of peace upon the basis of the recognition of their

local rights and privileges. But all the leaders with whom he had

conferred had stipulated that any compromise which, might be arrived

at, must have the guarantee of Great Britain.[399]

The news of these proceedings was most agreeable to Lord Palmerston,

who forthwith drew up precise instructions for the future conduct

of the negotiations. Whilst suggesting that on the subject of the

_Fueros_ the Queen Regent's government would be well advised to make

concessions, he laid it down distinctly that Great Britain could

not guarantee the conditions of peace.[400] A copy of this despatch

was sent to Lord Granville in Paris, who was directed to invite the

French government to act with England in the affair. In Palmerston's

opinion it was most important to draw France "into an open and avowed

mediation for the purpose of reuniting the northern provinces to the

rest of the Spanish dominions."[401] He was convinced that Louis

Philippe cherished secret hopes that the civil war might lead to the

secession of Biscay and Navarre and their incorporation into France.

There can be little doubt that he was entirely mistaken in imagining

that either the King of the French or his ministers entertained any

views of this kind. It is possible, however, that the separatist

movement, which unquestionably existed in Catalonia, may have been

encouraged by French agents, with the object of preventing the

conclusion of a commercial treaty with England. The threat of the

manufacturers of Barcelona that the Catalans would proclaim their

independence, should the duty upon English cotton goods be lowered,

was one of the chief reasons which deterred the Cabinet of Madrid from

accepting Palmerston's commercial proposals.[402]

Louis Philippe, however, would not hear of allowing the French

ambassador to be the organ of any communications with the discontented

Carlist chieftains. He had been accused most unfairly, he told Lord

Granville, of sympathizing with Don Carlos, and to accede to the

British request would expose him to further suspicion.[403] A new

French ambassador was at this moment about to proceed to Madrid, who

appears to have been admirably adapted for the part which the King

desired that his envoy should play at Christina's Court, whilst the

issue of the struggle between constitutionalism and absolutism was so

extremely uncertain. "A more inoffensive person," wrote the British

_chargé d'affaires_ about a year later, "than the Duc de Fezensac does

not exist. He has no political principles and has never taken the

slightest interest in the questions which agitate the country. I have

observed that, as a soldier, he would now and then demonstrate some

curiosity about the movements of the armies and seem glad when the

advantage had been on the side of the Queen's troops."[404]

In the meantime Mr. Turner's secret relations with the Navarrese

chiefs had been betrayed. The sudden imprisonment of the disaffected

officers and the murder of one of his emissaries compelled him to

suspend his proceedings.[405] A counter-insurrection, however, broke

out against Don Carlos to the cry of "_Peace and the Fueros_," under

the leadership of an individual named Muñagorri. From Bayonne,

where "the French authorities coldly permitted him to remain," he

endeavoured to foment disaffection in, and to encourage desertion

from, the Pretender's armies.[406] Villiers at one time expected great

results from this new development, but, before long, he was forced

to realize that Muñagorri, a Basque lawyer, had not the influence

required for bringing the enterprise to a successful conclusion.[407]

Never, in the opinion of both Villiers and of Wylde, had the

constitutional cause presented so gloomy an appearance as in the

closing months of the year 1838. The Queen's generals had suffered

heavy defeats in the open field and Espartero had been compelled

to abandon his operations against Morella, Cabrera's stronghold.

Political rather than strategical considerations appear to have

dictated the conduct of the campaign. Fearing that Espartero might

grow too powerful, the Cabinet was suspected of having deliberately

neglected to reinforce him, whilst keeping his rival and enemy,

Narvaez, who commanded the army of reserve, liberally supplied with

troops.[408] In England no minister would have ventured to propose

that any further assistance, either in men or money, should be sent

to the _Christinos_, who had greatly fallen in the public estimation.

The commercial classes were indignant that, notwithstanding the help

which the Queen's cause had received, prohibitory duties upon British

manufactures should still be maintained. The newspapers were full of

the complaints of the soldiers of the legion, who had returned home

with their claims upon the Spanish treasury unsatisfied. The policy of

encouraging these men to enter Isabella's services was now universally

condemned. The good name of the British army had, it was feared,

suffered from their misconduct at the seat of war. The action of the

government, in conferring a knighthood of the Bath upon De Lacy Evans,

in no way lessened this impression.[409]

But, in the early spring of 1839, the news arrived of strange

proceedings in the Pretender's camp. Maroto, the Carlist

commander-in-chief, having discovered the existence of a plot to

overthrow him, had caused four general officers to be shot at Estella,

on February 18. Don Carlos, who was in secret sympathy with the

conspirators, thereupon deprived Maroto of his command and proclaimed

him a traitor. That officer, however, knew that he could count upon

the devotion of his men, and he, accordingly, boldly marched upon

Tolosa, where the wretched Don Carlos was residing, and compelled him

both to revoke his decree and to dismiss his _Apostolical_ advisers.

But Maroto, although he had on this occasion triumphed so completely,

was well aware that at any moment his troops might turn against

him, and that his life depended upon a speedy termination of the

war. Notwithstanding that Turner's attempts to incite the Navarrese

chieftains to rebellion had failed, and that Muñagorri's insurrection

had practically collapsed, the longing for peace had not diminished

among the men of Biscay and Navarre. After the executions at Estella

and his coercion of Don Carlos, Maroto had no alternative but to adopt

the popular cry of "_Paz y Fueros_." Instead of an obscure lawyer, the

commander-in-chief of the Pretender's armies was now at the head of

the counter-insurrection against him.[410]

Whilst the Carlist general had thus the strongest possible inducement

for coming to terms with the _Christinos_, other circumstances had

arisen which contributed to the undoing of the Pretender. Espartero

was now all powerful and in a position to carry on the war,

untrammelled by the intrigues of the Court and of the Cabinet.[411]

In France Molé had fallen and Soult was once more at the head of

the government. The Marshal, in the previous year, had represented

Louis Philippe at the coronation of Queen Victoria, and had returned

to France delighted with the welcome accorded him in London by all

classes of the population.[412] He was, consequently, very well

disposed towards England and far more inclined than any of his

predecessors to act up to the spirit of the Quadruple Treaty. No

sooner was he in power than orders were sent to the French ships,

stationed off the north coast of Spain, identical in every respect

with those with which the British admiral was furnished. At the same

time, the authorities upon the frontier were strictly enjoined both

to prevent supplies from reaching the Carlists and to embarrass the

movements of the Pretender's armies by all means in their power.[413]

Maroto's first definite proposals of peace seem to have been made to

Lord John Hay, either on July 27 or 28. It is probable, however, that

for some time past he had been in more or less direct communication

with Espartero, with whom he had served in South America. The

negotiations, once formally begun, continued for the next month.

Espartero, however, wisely refused to grant any suspension of

hostilities, and, whilst showing himself always ready to listen to

reasonable proposals, pushed on his military operations vigorously.

The question which proved the most difficult of settlement was that

of the _Fueros_, which the Biscayans and Navarrese stipulated must

be maintained in their integrity. The Queen Regent's government,

in accordance with Palmerston's advice, was only prepared to make

such concessions with regard to them, as might be compatible with

the representative form of government which Spain had adopted. The

recognition of the sovereignty of Isabella, the regency of Christina

and the Constitution of 1837 were also insisted upon. Colonel Wylde

was present at most of the conferences which took place. He was

authorized to explain to any Carlist officers, with whom he might be

enabled to converse, that, "although it would not be consistent with

the dignity of the Spanish nation that Her Majesty's government should

guarantee any arrangement, they could rely upon the good offices of

the British government should, at any time, the government of Madrid

depart from its agreements."[414]

Espartero's skilful conduct of the negotiations, combined with the

personal reasons which made it imperative for Maroto to conclude

a peace, triumphed at last over all obstacles. On August 29, a

convention was signed at Vergara settling the points in dispute and

providing for the capitulation of Maroto's army. Two days later the

21 battalions specified in the treaty marched into the camp of the

_Christinos_ and, having been harangued by Espartero, proceeded

to fraternize joyfully with the Queen's troops.[415] Don Carlos,

nevertheless, was still able to command the fidelity of a certain

number of his regiments. But Espartero, the moment the capitulation

of Maroto's people had been completed, pressed these remnants of

the insurgent army with the utmost vigour. Their resistance was

soon overcome, and, on September 15, 1839, Don Carlos with a few

thousand followers was driven across the frontier. On reaching French

territory they were at once disarmed, the Pretender and the members

of his family being conveyed to Bourges, where they were detained

under strict supervision. It was not without difficulty that Louis

Philippe's ministers had obtained his consent to that measure of

precaution.

Although Don Carlos had abandoned the struggle, Cabrera in the

Maestrargo, and the no less bloodthirsty Count of España in Catalonia,

still carried on the war with ruthless barbarity. In November,

however, España, having incurred the displeasure of the Carlist

_junta_, was removed from his command. His body shortly afterwards

was taken out of the river Segre "tied neck and heels."[416] Without

doubt he had been murdered by the escort which was supposed to convey

him to a place of confinement. But it was not till the month of July,

1840, that Espartero succeeded in driving Cabrera and his lieutenant,

Balmaceda, into France and in breaking up the last of the Carlist

bands.

Spain, however, was not destined to enjoy the blessings of internal

peace and tranquillity. Christina had never really accepted the

principles of constitutional government, and most of the leading

_Moderados_ shared her dislike to democratic institutions. With the

object, accordingly, of rendering nugatory certain of the Liberal

provisions of the constitution the party, during the session of 1840,

introduced a bill abolishing the election of municipal officers, and

establishing a system under which they were, in the future, to be

appointed by the central government. The Spaniards, however, have

always been tenacious of their municipal rights and privileges, and

the proposed law was, in consequence, greatly disliked by the people.

The Queen Regent and her _Moderado_ advisers would have cared little

for popular opposition, provided always that they could have obtained

the support of one man. "Espartero," in the words of Mr. Southern,

the British _chargé d'affaires_, "now formed one of the bodies of the

State."[417] The general who had succeeded in terminating the civil

war was, for the time being, the idol of the nation.

Espartero, however, was deaf to the blandishments of the _Moderados_,

and publicly declared that he regarded the municipal bill as

unconstitutional.[418] Christina, nevertheless, was confident that

he would never resist her personal appeal. She had always recognized

the importance of winning his gratitude. For his services he had been

created Count of Luchana, Duke de la Victoria, and a Spanish grandee

of the first class. After his capture of Cabrera's stronghold, in

1840, she had conferred upon him the additional title of Duke of

Morella. When the municipal law was under discussion in the Chamber,

she suddenly announced her intention of proceeding to Caldes, near

Barcelona, with Isabella, who was alleged to have been ordered sea

bathing. But the significance of her journey to the coast lay in the

fact that it would enable her to meet, and to confer with, Espartero,

who was directing the final operations in Cabrera's country.[419] Her

interview with the all-powerful general took place, in due course, at

Lerida, but it disappointed her expectations. Espartero advised her

strongly to refuse her assent to the bill, although it had been passed

by both Chambers. It was notorious that the _Moderado_ majority had

been obtained by means of corruption and intimidation at the elections

of the previous year, and that it in no way represented the will of

the nation. Christina wavered. At one time she decided to follow the

counsels of Espartero, at another she resolved to adhere firmly to

her _Moderado_ policy. Meanwhile, the country was growing dangerously

excited, and Barcelona was the scene of serious rioting. Christina, in

consequence, decided to move the Court to Valencia, where O'Donnell,

on whom she could depend, commanded the troops. Upon her arrival, she

boldly announced that she purposed to commission Modesto Cortazar,

a former minister of Joseph Bonaparte, to form an ultra-_Moderado_

Cabinet. At the news, the country rose, _juntas_ sprang into existence

in the principal towns, and a provisional government was established

at Madrid.[420]

Villiers was no longer at Madrid. On succeeding to the earldom of

Clarendon, he had returned home, where a seat in the Cabinet had been

found for him. When he learnt of the critical state of affairs in

Spain, Palmerston at once directed Mr. Aston, Clarendon's successor,

to seek out Christina, wherever she might be, and to attempt to

convince her of the imprudence of the course upon which she had

embarked.[421] But before he could reach Valencia, she had abandoned

the struggle, and had sullenly surrendered the direction of affairs

to Espartero. She fully intended, she informed Aston at his first

audience, to resign the regency, and no words of his could turn her

from her resolution.[422] It was not alone the desire to avoid the

disagreeable necessity of having to accept a _Progressista_ government

which had prompted her to arrive at this decision. Gonzalez Bravo

and the Radicals possessed the proof of her marriage to Nuñoz, the

guardsman, by whom she had already had several children. In order

to retain the regency, and especially the emoluments appertaining

to it, she had allowed it to be generally believed that she was the

mistress of the handsome and low-born soldier. But now that her secret

had been betrayed, her marriage might be adduced at any moment as a

reason for declaring her incompetent to hold the post of Regent.[423]

Only by a voluntary abdication could she escape from this further

humiliation. Accordingly, on October 12, 1840, she signed the act

whereby she resigned the regency, and left it to the Cortes to appoint

her successor. A few days later she parted from her daughters, and

set out for France. On May 18 of the following year, Espartero was

duly elected Regent, whilst Argüelles, a veteran _Progressista_, was

nominated guardian of Queen Isabella.

Christina's abdication passed almost unnoticed outside Spain. The

quarrel between the Sultan and the Pasha had broken out afresh, and

England and France were upon the verge of war.