NAHUA FEASTS AND AMUSEMENTS.
EXCESSIVE FONDNESS FOR FEASTS--MANNER OF GIVING
FEASTS--SERVING THE MEAL--PROFESSIONAL JESTERS--PARTING
PRESENTS TO GUESTS--ROYAL BANQUETS--TOBACCO SMOKING--PUBLIC
DANCES--MANNER OF SINGING AND DANCING--THE NETETELIZTLI--THE
DRAMA AMONG THE NAHUAS--MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS--NAHUA
POETRY--ACROBATIC FEATS--THE NETOLOLIZTLI, OR 'BIRD
DANCE'--PROFESSIONAL RUNNERS--THE GAME OF TLACTLI--GAMES OF
CHANCE--THE PATOLIZTLI, OR 'BEAN GAME'--TOTOLOQUE,
MONTEZUMA'S FAVORITE GAME.
[Sidenote: FEASTS AND ENTERTAINMENTS.]
The excessive fondness of the Aztecs for feasts and amusements of
every kind seems to have extended through all ranks of society. Every
man feasted his neighbor and was himself in turn feasted. Birthdays,
victories, house-warmings, successful voyages or speculations, and
other events too numerous to enumerate were celebrated with feasts.
Every man, from king to peasant, considered it incumbent upon him to
be second to none among his equals in the giving of banquets and
entertainments, and as these involved the distribution of costly
presents among his guests, it often happened that the host ruined
himself by his hospitality; indeed, it is said that many sold
themselves into slavery that they might be able to prepare at least
one feast that would immortalize their memory.[235] Moreover the
priests, with the subtle policy characteristic of their class, took
advantage of this disposition to ordain long and frequent celebrations
in honor of innumerable gods; in short, it is difficult to conceive
what part of the year could have been saved for business from what
seems to have been a continual round of merry-making.
The grandeur of the feast depended, of course, upon the wealth of the
host, the rank of the guests, and the importance of the event
celebrated. For many days before a noble or wealthy man entertained
his friends, an army of servants were employed in sweeping the
approaches to the house, decorating the halls and courts with branches
and garlands, erecting _chinamas_, or arbors, and strewing the floors
with flowers and sweet herbs; others prepared the table service,
killed and dressed dogs, plucked fowls, cooked tamales, baked bread,
ground cacao, brewed drinks, and manufactured perfumed cigarettes.
Invitations were in the meantime sent to the guests. These on their
arrival were presented with flowers as a token of welcome. Those of a
superior condition to the host were saluted after the Aztec fashion by
touching the hand to the earth and then carrying it to the lips. On
some occasions garlands were placed upon the heads of the guests and
strings of roses about their necks, while copal was burnt before those
whom the host delighted specially to honor. While waiting for the meal
the guests employed their time in walking freely about the place,
complimenting their host on the tasteful manner in which the house was
decorated, or admiring the fine shrubbery, green grass plats,
well-kept flower-beds, and sparkling fountains in the gardens.
Dinner being announced, all took their seats, according to rank and
age, upon mats or _icpalli_, stools, ranged close along the
walls.[236] Servants then entered with water and towels, with which
each guest washed his hands and mouth. Smoking-canes were next
presented on _molcaxetes_, or plates, to stimulate the appetite. The
viands, kept warm by chafing dishes, were then brought in upon
artistically worked plates of gold, silver, tortoise-shell, or
earthenware. Each person before beginning to eat threw a small piece
of food into a lighted brazier, in honor of Xiuhtecutli, the god of
fire,[237] probably by way of grace. The numerous highly seasoned
dishes of meat and fish having been duly discussed, the servants
cleared the tables and feasted upon the remains of the banquet in
company with the attendants of the guests.[238] Vessels called
_teutecomatls_, filled with chocolate, each provided with a spoon to
stir the fluid with, were then brought on, together with water for
washing the hands and rinsing the mouth. The women who were present on
these occasions, although they sat apart from the men, received a kind
of spiced gruel instead of cacao. The old people, however, were plied
with _octli_, a very potent beverage, until they became drunk, and
this was held to be an indispensable part of the ceremony.
The smoking-canes were now once more produced, and while the guests
reclined luxuriously upon their mats enjoying the grateful influence
of the fragrant leaf which we are told by Bernal Diaz they called
'tobacco,' and sipping their drinks, the music suddenly struck up, and
the young folks, or perhaps some professionals, executed a dance,
singing at the same time an ode prepared for the occasion, as well as
other songs. Dwarfs, deformed beings, and curious objects were also
introduced to vary the entertainment; but the professional jesters
were the favorites, and the jokes made by them raised many a laugh,
though this was rather forced perhaps by those at whose expense said
jokes were cracked, for these fools were fully as privileged as their
contemporary European brothers of motley, and sometimes spoke very
biting truths in the shape of a jest; in some cases they were
disguised in the costume of a foreign nation, whose dialect and
peculiarities they imitated; at other times they would mimic old
women, well-known eccentric individuals, and so forth.
The nobles kept a number of these jesters for their own amusement, and
often sent them to a neighboring brother-noble to propound riddles;
taking care to provide them with means to pay forfeit should the
riddle be solved.[239]
These private banquets generally lasted till midnight, when the party
broke up. Each guest received at parting presents of dresses, gourds,
cacao-beans, flowers, or articles of food. Should any accident or
shortcoming have marred the pleasure of the party, the host would
sooner repeat the entertainment than have any slur rest upon his great
social venture. In any case it was doubtless difficult for the good
man to escape censure either for extravagance or stinginess.
At the royal feasts given when the great vassals came to the capital
to render homage to their sovereign, the people flocked in from the
provinces in great numbers to see the sights, which consisted of
theatrical representations, gladiatorial combats, fights between wild
beasts, athletic sports, musical performances, and poetical
recitations in honor of kings, gods, and heroes. The nobles, in
addition to this, partook daily of banquets at the palace, and were
presented by the monarch with costly gifts.[240]
[Sidenote: TOBACCO IN THE NEW WORLD.]
To the tobacco-loving reader it will be interesting to learn how the
weed was smoked in the New World before it was introduced into the Old
by the immortal Jean Nicot, whose name be forever blessed. The habit
of smoking did not possess among the Nahuas the peculiar character
attached to it by the North American natives, as an indispensable
accessory to treaties, the cementing of friendship, and so forth, but
was indulged in chiefly by the sick, as a pastime and for its
stimulating effect. The origin of the custom among the Nahuas may be
traced to the use of reed-grass, filled with aromatic herbs, which was
lighted and given to guests that they might diffuse the perfume about
them; gradually they came to puff the reeds and swallow the smoke,
pretending to find therein a remedy against headache, fatigue, phlegm,
sleeplessness, etc. Three kinds of tobacco were used, the _yetl_,
signifying tobacco in general, obtained from a large leaved plant, the
_picyetl_, from a small but stronger species, and _quauyetl_, a less
esteemed kind known later on as wild tobacco. Clavigero asserts that
the _picyetl_ and _quauyetl_ were the only species known among the
Mexicans. It was generally smoked after dinner in the form of paper,
reed, or maize-leaf cigarettes, called _pocyetl_, 'smoking tobacco,'
or _acayetl_, 'tobacco-reed,' the leaf being mixed in a paste, says
Veytia, with _xochiocotzotl_, liquid amber, aromatic herbs, and
pulverized charcoal, so as to keep smouldering when once lighted, and
shed a perfume. The picyetl tobacco was smoked later in the day,
without admixture, and somewhat in the shape of cigars. The smoke was
inhaled, and the nose closed, in order that none of the grateful
qualities should be lost. Wooden, metal, or bamboo tubes were
sometimes used instead of cigarettes. Snuffing the pulverized leaf is
an ancient custom which we owe to them.[241]
Dancing was the favorite Aztec amusement, and the fanciful arrangement
of their dances, as well as the peculiar grace of their motions, is
highly praised by all the old chroniclers. Dancing, and especially
religious dances, formed an important part of an Aztec youth's
education, and much trouble was taken by the priests to instruct them
in it.
[Sidenote: THE MITOTE AND RIBBON DANCE.]
The preparations for the great public dances, when the performers
numbered thousands,[242] were on an immense scale. The choirs and
bands attached to the service of the various temples were placed under
the supervision of a leader, usually a priest, who composed the ode of
the day, set it to music, instructed the musicians, appointed the
leaders of the dance, perfected the arrangements generally, observed
that all did their duty, and caused every fault or negligence to be
severely punished.[243] The _Neteteliztli_ dance took place either in
the plaza or in the courtyard of the temple, in the centre of which
mats were spread for the musicians. The nobles and aged men formed a
circle nearest to the drums, the people of less importance formed
another circle a little distance behind, and the young people composed
the third ring. Two leading dancers directed the movements, and
whatever steps they made were imitated by the performers. When all was
ready, a whistle gave the signal and the drums were beaten lightly to
a well-known tune started by the leaders and taken up by the dancers,
who at the same time began to move their feet, arms, heads and bodies
in perfect accord. Each verse or couplet was repeated three or four
times, the dancers keeping time with their _ayacachtli_, or rattles.
Each must keep his relative position in the circle, and complete the
circuit at the same time; the inner circle, therefore, moved at a
slow, dignified pace, suited to the rank and age of the men composing
it; the second proceeded somewhat faster, while the dancers in the
outer circle approached a run as the dance became livelier. The
motions were varied; at one time the dancers held one another by the
hand, at another, round the waist; now they took the left hand
neighbor for partner, now the right, sometimes facing one way,
sometimes another. The first song ended, which referred to the event
of the day, a popular ode, treating of their gods, kings, or heroes,
was taken up and sung in a higher scale and to a livelier measure, the
dance meanwhile constantly increasing in animation. This was the case
with all the succeeding songs, each one becoming higher and shriller
as it proceeded; flutes, trumpets, and sharp whistles were sometimes
added to the band to increase the effect. When one set of dancers
became tired, another took its place, and so the dance continued
through the whole day, each song taking about an hour. Jesters and
clowns in various disguises circulated between the lines, cutting
capers, cracking jokes, and serving refreshments. Herrera states that
the solemn _mitote_ was danced by twos in the outer circle.[244] At
private dances, two parallel lines were usually formed, the dancers
turning in various directions, changing partners, and crossing from
line to line.[245] Sometimes one stepped from each line, and performed
a pas de deux while the others looked on. The 'ribbon dance,'
resembled the English may-pole dance to a certain extent. A pole,
fifteen to twenty feet high, was erected on a smooth piece of ground,
and twenty or more persons, each seizing the end of a colored ribbon
attached to its summit, began to dance about the mast, crossing each
other and winding in apparent confusion, until the pole was covered
with a motley texture of a certain design. When the band became too
short, the plaiting was unwound by reversing the order of the dance.
They had a number of other mitotes, or dances, varying chiefly in the
colors worn by the dancers, the finery, painting, and disguises, and
conforming to the text of the songs, such as the _huexotzincaiutl_,
_anaoacaiutl_, _cuextecaiutl_, _tocotin_, and others to be described
under religious festivals.[246] Children from four to eight years of
age, the sons of nobles, took part in some dances and sang the
soprano, and the priests joined in the solemn performances. Certain
dances, as the _netecuitotoli_,[247] could only be performed by the
king and nobles,[248] a space being always set apart for the sovereign
when he danced. Women joined the men in some dances, but generally
danced apart. Certain dancing-houses of bad repute termed _cuicoyan_,
'great joy of women,' were open to females at night, and were then
scenes of unmitigated debauch.[249] Great pains was taken to appear as
fine as possible at the dances; noted warriors appeared magnificently
dressed, and occasionally bearing shields set with feathers; nobles in
court dress of rich mantles knotted at the shoulders, fanciful maxtlis
round the loins, tassels of feathers and gold in the hair,
lip-ornaments of gold and precious stones, gold rings in the ears,
bracelets of the same metal set with plumes, or strings of
chalchiuites and turquoises round the wrists and other parts of the
arms, and some had gold bells attached to the ankles; the gaily
colored dresses of the lower class were decorated with feathers and
embroidery; garlands and flowers encircled the head, necklaces of
shells and beans hung about the neck, bracelets clasped the arms and
legs, and all carried nosegays. The women also shone in huipiles,
gaily colored, fancifully embroidered, and set with fringes.[250]
[Sidenote: THE ABORIGINAL DRAMA.]
The drama scarcely equaled in excellence the choral dance, yet in this
respect, as in others, the Nahuas showed considerable advancement.
Thalia presided more frequently than Melpomene over the play, which
generally took the character of a burlesque. The performers mostly
wore masks of wood, or were disguised as animals. No special building
was devoted to the drama, but the lower porch of a temple usually
served as the stage; some large towns, however, boasted of a permanent
stage, erected in the centre of the plaza. The principal of these was
at Tlatelulco, and consisted of a terrace of stone and lime, thirteen
feet high, by thirty in breadth. When in use it was decorated with
foliage, and mats of various colors, whereon was emblazoned the coat
of arms of the city, were hung all round it. At Cholula the porch of
the temple of Quetzalcoatl served as a stage; this was whitewashed and
adorned with arches of branches, feathers, and flowers, from which
hung birds, rabbits, and other curious objects. Here the people
congregated after dinner on gala-days to witness the performance, in
which deaf, lame, blind, deformed, or sick people, or, sometimes,
merchants, mechanics, or prominent citizens, were mimicked,
burlesqued, and made fun of. Each actor endeavored to represent his
rôle in the most grotesque manner possible. He who was for the moment
deaf gave nonsensical answers to questions put to him; the sick man
depicted the effects of pain, and so forth. When these had exhausted
their stock of jokes, others entered as beetles, frogs, or lizards,
croaking, whistling, and skipping about the stage after the manner of
the creatures they represented. The boys from the temples also
appeared as birds and butterflies, and flocked into the trees in the
courtyard. Each performer rehearsed his part before appearing in
public, and great care was taken that no blunder should mar the beauty
of the plot. The priests added to the fun by blowing mud-balls at the
actors through wooden tubes, and praising or censuring the performance
in a jocular manner. The entertainment concluded with a ball, which
was attended by all the actors.[251]
Some authors have spoken very favorably of the dramatic skill of the
Nahuas. Clavigero is not inclined to indorse this opinion, although he
thinks a great advance would have been made in this direction had the
Mexican Empire survived another century; a very natural conclusion,
certainly. The ceremonies at the religious festivals often partook of
a dramatic character, as will be seen presently.[252]
Music, a principal attraction at our theatrical entertainments, did
not play an important part on the Nahua stage, and, though we hear of
singers appearing, instrumental concert is not mentioned. Aside from
this, the high importance attached to music is evident from the myth
of its origin. According to this myth no less a personage than
Tezcatlipoca[253] brought, or sent for, music from the sun, and
constructed a bridge of whales and turtles, symbols of strength, by
which to convey it to the earth.
[Sidenote: MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.]
Drums, horns, shells, trumpets, and shrill whistles made from cleft
bones were the instruments most used. The drum was the favorite, and
the beating of several in nice accord sufficed alone for an
accompaniment to the song and the dance. Two kinds of drum are
mentioned; of these, the _huehuetl_[254] was a hollow cylinder of
wood, about three feet high, and a foot and a half in diameter,
curiously carved and painted, and having its upper end covered with a
dressed deer-skin, tightened or loosened in tuning, and played upon
with the hands. The other kind of drum was called the _teponaztli_,
'wing of the stone-vapor;' this was entirely of wood, and had no
opening but two parallel slits in one side, the enclosed piece being
divided in the centre so as to form two tongues, each of which
increased in thickness towards its extremity; the drum was placed in a
horizontal position and the sound was produced by beating the tongues
with sticks tipped with rubber balls. This drum varied in length from
a toy of a few inches to five feet. Sometimes it was carved in the
shape of a man, woman, or animal, and lay lengthways on trestles. The
huehuetl gave forth a dull sound resembling that of the East Indian
tom-tom. These drums, when of the largest size, could be heard at a
distance of two miles.[255] The teponaztli produced a melancholy
sound, which is considered by Brasseur de Bourbourg to have been a
symbol of the hollow warning noise preceding the annihilation of
Earth, which was symbolized by the instrument itself.[256] The
_tetzilacatl_ was a kind of gong made of copper and struck with a
hammer of the same material. The _ayacachtli_ was a rattle of copper,
perforated and filled with pebbles, used by dancers.
The ancient writers unite in praising the perfect unison and good time
observed by the singers, both in solo and quartette, with chorus and
responses, and they mention particularly the little boys of from four
to eight years of age, who rendered the soprano in a manner that
reflected great credit on the training of their priestly tutors. Each
temple, and many noblemen kept choirs and bands of professional
musicians, usually led by a priest, who composed odes appropriate to
every occasion, and set them to music. Bass singers were rare, and
were prized in proportion to their rarity. They had a great number of
popular songs or ballads, which were well known in all classes. Young
people were obliged to learn by heart long epics, in which were
recounted the glorious deeds of heroes in battle and the chase; or
didactic pieces, pointing some moral and inculcating a useful lesson;
or hymns of praise and appeal for sacred festivals. Clavigero,
Pimentel, and other authors extol the aboriginal muse highly, and
describe the language used as pure, brilliant, figurative, and
interwoven with allusions to the beauties of nature; unmeaning
interjections scattered here and there to assist the metre, evince a
lack of finish, however, and the long, compound words, a single one of
which often formed a whole verse, certainly did not add to the
harmony, yet they observed good metre and cadence.[257]
The art of music was under royal protection, and singers as well as
musicians were exempt from taxation. Nezahualcoyotl, the great
Tezcucan patron of art, himself composed a number of odes and elegies,
and founded an academy of sciences and music, where the allied kings
of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan presided, and distributed prizes to
the successful competitors. Toltec songs are highly praised for their
beauty and variety. The Totonacs and Tepanecs are said to have been as
far advanced in music and singing as the Aztecs;[258] but concerning
these arts I shall speak more at length in a future chapter.
[Sidenote: GYMNASTIC PERFORMANCES.]
The acrobatic feats performed by the Nahuas excited the surprise and
admiration of the conquerors, and the court of Spain, before which
some of these athletes were introduced, was no less astounded at the
grace, daring, and strength displayed by them.
Some of these gymnastic performances have only of late become known to
us; thus, the so-called Chinese foot-balancing trick, in which a man
lying on his back spins a heavy pole on the soles of his raised feet,
throws it up, catches it, and twirls it in every direction, was a
common feat with the Nahua acrobat, who, indeed, excelled the
circus-man of to-day, in that he twirled the pole while a man sat at
each end of it. Another feat was performed by three. One having braced
himself firmly, another mounted on his shoulders, while the third
climbed up and stood upon the head of the second. In this position the
human column moved slowly about, the man on the top performing a kind
of dance at the same time. Again, a man would dance on the top of a
beam, the lower end of which was forked and rested upon the shoulders
of two other dancers. Some raised a stick from the ground while a man
balanced at the end of it; others leaped upon a stick set upright in
the ground, or danced upon the tight-rope. Another game involving an
equal display of grace and daring was the _netotoliztli_, or 'bird
dance,' known to the Spaniards as the 'flying-game,' and performed
especially during the laymen's feast. In the centre of an open place,
generally a public square, a lofty pole was erected. On the top of
this pole was placed a wooden, moveable cap, resembling an inverted
mortar; to this were fastened four stout ropes which supported a
wooden frame about twelve feet square. Four other, longer ropes were
carefully wound thirteen times about the pole just below the cap, and
were thence passed through holes made one in each of the four sides of
the frame. The ends of these ropes, while wound about the pole, hung
several feet below the frame. Four gymnasts, who had practiced some
time previously, and were disguised as birds of different form,
ascended by means of loops of cord tied about the pole, and each
having fastened one of the ropes round his waist, they started on
their circular flight with spread wings. The impulse of the start and
the weight of the men set the frame in motion, and the rope unwound
quicker and quicker, enabling the flyers to describe larger and larger
circles. A number of other men, all richly dressed, sat perched upon
the frame, whence they ascended in turn to the top of the revolving
cap, and there danced and beat a drum, or waved a flag, each man
endeavoring to surpass his predecessor in daring and skill.[259] As
the flyers neared the ground, and the ropes were almost untwisted, the
men on the frame glided down the ropes so as to gain the ground at the
same time, sometimes passing from one rope to the other in their
descent and performing other tricks. The thirteen turns of the rope,
with the four flyers, represented the cycle with its four divisions of
thirteen years.
Running was practiced, not only for exercise, but as a profession; as
the government employed a large number of couriers to run with
messages, who were trained for the purpose from early childhood. To
these I shall have occasion to refer again. Races were held at the
chief temple in Mexico under the auspices of the priests,[260] at
which prizes were awarded to the four competitors who succeeded in
first gaining the topmost of the one hundred and twenty steps. The
Nahuas must have been able swimmers, too, for it is said that
travelers usually took to the water when crossing rivers, leaving the
bridges to those who carried burdens. There were also sham fights and
public reviews, both for the exercise of the army and the delectation
of the masses. At these times the soldiers competed for prizes in
shooting with the arrow or throwing the dart.[261] On grand occasions,
such as the coronation of a king, soldiers fought with wild beasts, or
wrestled with one another, and animals were pitted against each other
in fenced enclosures.[262]
[Sidenote: THE TLACHTLI, OR NATIONAL GAME.]
[Illustration: H]
The national game of the Nahuas was the _tlachtli_, which strongly
resembled in many points our game of football, and was quite as lively
and full of scuffle. It was common among all the nations whose cult
was similar to the Toltec, and was under special divine protection,
though what original religious significance it had is not clear.
Indeed, for that matter, nearly every game enjoyed divine patronage,
and _Ometochtli_, 'two rabbits,' the god of games, according to Duran,
was generally invoked by athletes as well as gamblers, in conjunction
with some special god. Instruments of play, and natural objects were
also conjured to grant good luck to the applicant. As an instance of
the popularity of the game of tlachtli,[263] it may be mentioned that
a certain number of towns contributed annually sixteen thousand balls
in taxes, that each town of any size had a special play-ground devoted
to the game, and that kings kept professionals to play before them,
occasionally challenging each other to a game besides. The ground in
which it was played, called the _tlachco_,[264] was an alley whose
shape is shown in the cut; one hundred feet long[265] and half as
wide, except at each end where there were rectangular nooks, which
doubtless served as resting-places for the players. The whole was
enclosed by smooth whitewashed walls, from nine to twelve feet high on
the sides, and somewhat lower at the ends, with battlements and
turrets, and decreasing in thickness toward the top.[266] At midnight,
previous to the day fixed for the game, which was always fixed
favorably by the augurs, the priests with much ceremony placed two
idols--one representing the god of play, the other the god of the
tlachtli[267]--upon the side walls, blessed the edifice, and
consecrated the game by throwing the ball four times round the ground,
muttering the while a formula. The owner of the tlachco, usually the
lord of the place, also performed certain ceremonies and presented
offerings, before opening the game. The balls, called _ullamaloni_,
were of solid India-rubber, three to four inches in diameter. The
players were simply attired in the maxtli, or breech-clout, and
sometimes wore a skin to protect the parts coming in contact with the
ball, and gloves; they played in parties, usually two or three on each
side. The rule was to hit the ball only with knee, elbow, shoulder, or
buttock, as agreed upon, the latter was however the favorite way, and
to touch the wall of the opposite side with the ball, or to send it
over, either of which counted a point. He who struck the ball with his
hand or foot, or with any part of his body not previously agreed upon,
lost a point; to settle such matters without dispute a priest acted as
referee. On each side-wall, equidistant from the ends, was a large
stone, carved with images of idols, pierced through the centre with a
hole large enough to just admit the passage of the ball;[268] the
player who by chance or skill drove the ball through one of these
openings not only won the game for his side, but was entitled to the
cloaks of all present, and the haste with which the spectators
scrambled off in order to save their garments is said to have been the
most amusing part of the entertainment. A feat so difficult was, of
course, rarely accomplished, save by chance, and the successful player
was made as much of as a prize-winner at the Olympic games, nor did he
omit to present thank offerings to the god of the game for the good
fortune vouchsafed him.
The possession of much property depended upon the issue of the game;
the rich staked their gold and jewels, the poor their dresses, their
food, or even their liberty.[269]
[Sidenote: BALL-PLAYING AND GAMBLING.]
Gambling, the lowest yet most infatuating of amusements, was a passion
with the Nahuas, and property of all kinds, from ears of corn or
cacao-beans, to costly jewelry and personal liberty, were betted upon
the issue of the various games. Professional gamesters went from
house to house with dice and play-mats, seeking fresh victims. All
gambling tools were formally charmed, and this charm was renewed and
strengthened at intervals by presenting the instruments in the temple,
with prayers that the blessing of the idol might descend upon them.
[Sidenote: POPULAR AMUSEMENTS.]
_Patoliztli_, which somewhat resembled our backgammon, appears to have
been the most popular game of chance. _Patolli_, or large beans marked
with dots, like dice, were shaken in the hand and thrown upon a mat,
upon which was traced a square marked with certain transverse and
diagonal lines. The thrower of the beans marked his points on these
lines according to the number of spots which fell upward. He who first
gained a certain score won the game. The players were usually
surrounded by a crowd of interested spectators, who betted heavily on
the result, and called loudly for the favor of Macuilxochitl, the
patron deity of the game. Golden and jewelled dice were often used
instead of beans by the rich.[270] They had another game in which
reeds took the place of dice. Two players, each with ten pebbles by
his side, shot split reeds in turn towards small holes made in the
ground, by bending them between the fingers; if a reed fell over a
hole a marker was placed on a square; this continued until the markers
were all exhausted by the winner.[271] Montezuma's favorite game was
called _totoloque_, and consisted in throwing small golden balls at
pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance. Five
points won the stakes. Peter Martyr jumps at the conclusion that chess
must have been known to the Nahuas, because they possessed checkered
mats.[272]
FOOTNOTES:
[235] _Ritos Antiguos_, p. 20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix.
[236] The highest in rank or consideration sat on the right side, and
those of inferior degree on the left; young men sat at the ends on
both sides, according to their rank. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
ii., lib. ix., pp. 347-8.
[237] Speaking of this Xiuhtecutli, Torquemada says: 'Honrabanlo
como à Dios, porque los calentaba, cocia el Pan y guisaba la Carne, y
por esto en cada Casa le veneraban; y en el mismo Fogòn, ò Hogar,
quando querian comer, le daban el primer bocado de la vianda, para que
alli se quemase; y lo que avian de beber, lo avia de gustar primero,
hechando en el fuego parte de el licor.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p.
57. Sahagun says the morsel of food was thrown into the fire in honor
of the god Tlaltecutli: 'Antes que comenzasen á comer los convidados
la comida que les habian puesto, tomaban un bocado de la comida, y
arrojábanlo al fuego á honra del dios Tlaltecutli, y luego comenzaban
á comer.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., p. 333.
[238] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 457.
[239] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.
[240] For description of feasts see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., pp. 457-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp.
332-6, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 359-60, 364-5; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 615-6; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1858, tom. clix., pp. 74-6; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
318; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 152-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire
Mex._, p. 178; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 210-11; _Ritos Antiguos_, p.
20, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.
[241] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 49-51; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 227. _Hernandez_, _Nova
Plant._, p. 173; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., p. 525; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 646; _Carbajal Espinosa_,
_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 684; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v.,
pp. 12-13.
[242] 'Iuntauanse a este bayle, no mil hombres, como dize Gomara, pero
mas de ocho mil.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
viii.
[243] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 315, ever
prepared with capital punishment, states that 'el señor les mandaba
prender, y otro dia los mandaba matar.'
[244] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.
[245] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 180.
[246] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 308-9;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 181-2.
[247] Netecuhytotiliztli, according to _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 286.
[248] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 189.
[249] _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 87.
[250] 'I Plebei si travestivano in varie figure d'animali con abiti
fatti di carta, e di penne, o di pelli'--no doubt to distinguish them
from the gentry when they joined in the dance. _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 179-81, and others who follow him. In
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 130-3, is a long
description of feast-day dress. For description of dances see _Id._,
tom. ii., lib. viii. pp. 308-9, 314-15; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., pp. 550-2; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 68;
_Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 446-9; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 643-5; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 669-71; _Mendieta_,
_Hist. Ecles._, pp. 140-3; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 61,
87; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 106-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_,
tom. v., pp. 56-8; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
viii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix., and Translation, Lond. 1726,
vol. iii., p. 227, with cut.
[251] Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 144-5, has it that
the audience also attended this ball.
[252] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 391-2; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 76-8; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza
Indígena_, pp. 59-60; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.
iii., pp. 674-6.
[253] For an account of Tezcatlipoca see Vol. III. of this work.
[254] Called _tlapanhuehuetl_ by Tezozomoc and Brasseur de Bourbourg.
[255] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 179, etc.
[256] _Quatre Lettres_, p. 94.
[257] Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 106, states, 'y esto va todo en
copla por sus consonantes,' but it is not likely that they were
anything else than blank verse, for such a thing as rhyme is not
mentioned by any other writer.
[258] Concerning music and singing see: _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 174-9; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i.,
p. 229, tom. ii., pp. 551-2; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 447;
_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 140-1; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
106; _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, pp. 57-9; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 282, tom. iii., pp. 279,
669, 672-74; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 641-2;
_Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1064-5; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist.
Mex._, tom. i., p. 61; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
145-50; _Müller_, _Amerikanische Urreligionen_, p. 545; _Ranking's
Hist. Researches_, p. 344; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 170-5, 194;
_Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, p. 64; _Dupaix_, _Rel., 2de Expéd._, pl. 62-3,
in _Antiq. Mex._, tom. iii.; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,
série ii., tom. v., pp. 218-19; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pp. 85-99.
[259] Espinosa seems to think that one man did all the dancing on the
summit, and Brasseur says that each of the flyers performed on the top
of the mast before taking their flight.
[260] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 387-8.
[261] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 292.
[262] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 53, 87; _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 238.
[263] Sahagun calls it _tlaxtli_, or _tlachtl_; and Tezozomoc
_tlachco_, but this is shown by others to be the name of the
play-ground.
[264] Gomara says _tlachtli_, or _tlachco_; Herrera, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. viii., _tlachtli_.
[265] Duran makes it one hundred to two hundred feet, Espinosa fifty
varas, Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 667, sixty to eighty
feet.
[266] Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 647, says that the
side walls are lowest, 'de ménos altura los laterales que los dos de
los extremos,' but this agrees neither with other statements, nor with
the requirements of the play. Sahagun's description of the tlachco
gives two walls, forty to fifty feet long, twenty to thirty feet
apart, and about nine feet high.
[267] Carbajal Espinosa thinks that one of them was _Omeacatl_, 'the
god of joy.'
[268] Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 647, states that
the stones were in the centre of the ground, 'en el espacio que
mediaba entre los jugadores,' but no other author confirms this. It is
not unlikely that these stones are the idols placed upon the walls by
the priests, for they are described as being decorated with figures of
idols. For description and cuts of the ruins of what seem to have been
similar structures in Yucatan, see Vol. IV., pp. 172, 230-1, of this
work.
[269] Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 107, says that the ball
had to be kept up in the air a long time, and he who let it drop lost,
which is unlikely, since the point was to drive it against the
opponent's wall; it is possible, however, that this trial of skill
formed a part of the play, at times. He also states that in the centre
of the play-ground was a hole filled with water, and the player who
sent the ball into it lost his clothes and had opprobrious epithets
hurled at him, among which 'great adulterer' was the most frequent;
moreover, it was believed that he would die by the hand of an injured
husband. A hole filled with water does not, however, seem appropriate
to a nice play-ground; besides, the ball would be very likely to roll
into the pool, for the opponents would not prevent it. Camargo, _Hist.
Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196,
and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 123, say
that nobles only were allowed to play the game, which can only refer
to certain play-grounds or occasions, for the number of the balls paid
in taxes proves the game too general to have been reserved for nobles.
[270] Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 105, is the authority for the names
of the game and beans. Torquemada affirms, however, 'y dicenle Juego
Patolli, porque estos dados, se llaman asi.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,
p. 554. Clavigero, on the other hand, says: 'Patolli è un nome
generico significante ogni sorta di giuoco.' Carbajal Espinosa
translates him. Referring to the dice, Sahagun says that they were
'cuatro frisoles grandes, y cada uno tiene un ahugero;' afterwards he
contradicts this by saying that they consisted of three large beans
with 'ciertos puntos en ellos.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii.,
pp. 292, 317. Brasseur de Bourbourg describes the playing process as
follows: 'Ils jetaient les dés en l'air avec les deux mains, marquant
les cases avec de petits signaux de diverses couleurs, et celui qui
retournait le premier dans les cases gagnait la partie,' which agrees
with Torquemada's account. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 671.
[271] 'Hacian encima de un encalado unos hoyos pequeñitos ... y con
unas cañuelas hendidas por medio daban en el suelo y saltaban en alto,
y tantas cuantas en las cañuelas caian lo hueco por arriba tantas
casas adelantaba sus piedras.' _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom.
iii., cap. xxii.
[272] For Nahua games and amusements, see: _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., pp. 53, 87, tom. ii., pp. 305-6, 552-4; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 182-6; _Sahagun_, _Hist.
Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 291-3, 316-17; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 104-6; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. 22-3;
_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. vii-viii.; _Peter
Martyr_, dec. v., lib. x.; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp.
1065, 1127-8; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp.
123, 129, tom. iii., pp. 665-9; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,
tom. i., pp. 645-9; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 54-6;
_Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 387-8; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._,
p. 407; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. 64; _West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 100-1; _Cortés_, _Aven. y Conq._, p.
306; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 107-8; _Dilworth's
Conq. Mex._, p. 80; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 47-8, quoting _Picart_,
_Cérémonies Relig._, tom. ii., p. 81.