CHAPTER VII.

EDUCATION, MARRIAGE, CONCUBINAGE, CHILDBIRTH, AND BAPTISM.

EDUCATION OF THE NAHUA YOUTH--MANNER OF PUNISHMENT--MARRIAGE

PRELIMINARIES--NUPTIAL CEREMONY--OBSERVANCE AFTER

MARRIAGE--MAZATEC, OTOMÍ, CHICHIMEC, AND TOLTEC

MARRIAGES--DIVORCE--CONCUBINAGE--CEREMONIES PRELIMINARY TO

CHILDBIRTH--TREATMENT OF PREGNANT WOMAN--PROCEEDINGS OF

MIDWIFE--SUPERSTITIONS WITH REGARD TO WOMEN WHO DIED IN

CHILDBED--ABORTION--BAPTISM--SPEECHES OF MIDWIFE--NAMING OF

CHILDREN--BAPTISM AMONG THE TLASCALTECS, MIZTECS, AND

ZAPOTECS--CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION OF INFANTS.

In examining the domestic customs of the Nahua nations it will be as

well to first inquire how their children were reared and instructed.

The education of a child was commenced by its parents as soon as it

was able to walk, and was finished by the priests. Aside from the

superstitious and idolatrous flavor with which everything Aztec was

more or less tainted, the care taken to mold aright the minds of the

youth of both sexes is worthy of admiration. Both parents and priests

strenuously endeavored to inspire their pupils with a horror of vice

and a love of truth. Respect for their elders and modesty in their

actions was one of their first lessons, and lying was severely

punished.

[Sidenote: EDUCATION OF YOUTH.]

In a series of ancient Aztec paintings, which give a hieroglyphical

history of the Aztecs, are represented the manner in which children

were brought up, the portion of food allowed them, the labors they

were employed in, and the punishments resorted to by parents for

purposes of correction. Purchas relates that the book containing this

picture-history with interpretations made by natives, was obtained by

the Spanish governor, who intended it for a present to the emperor

Charles V. The ship on which it was carried was captured by a French

man-of-war, and the book fell into the hands of the French king's

geographer, Andrew Thevet. At his death it was purchased for twenty

French crowns by Richard Hakluyt, then chaplain to the English

ambassador at the French court, and was left by him in his last will

and testament to Samuel Purchas, who had woodcut copies made from the

original and published them, with explanatory text, for the benefit of

science and learning. In that part of the work which relates to the

bringing up and education of children,--a specimen page of which is

given in the chapter of this volume which treats of hieroglyphics,--a

boy and girl with their father and mother are depicted; three small

circles, each of which represents one year, show that the children are

three years of age, while the good counsel they are receiving issues

visibly from the father's lips; half an oval divided in its breadth

shows that at this age they were allowed half a cake of bread at each

meal. During their fourth and fifth years the boys are accustomed to

light bodily labor, such as carrying light burdens, while the girl is

shown a distaff by her mother, and instructed in its use. At this age

their ration of bread is a whole cake. During their sixth and seventh

years the pictures show how the parents begin to make their children

useful. The boy follows his father to the market-place, carrying a

light load, and while there occupies himself in gathering up grains of

corn or other trifles that happen to be spilt about the stalls. The

girl is represented as spinning, under the close surveillance of her

mother, who lectures and directs her at the same time. The allowance

of bread is now a cake and a half, and continues to be so until the

children have reached their thirteenth year. We are next shown the

various modes of punishing unruly children. When eight years old they

are merely shown the instruments of punishment as a warning. At ten,

boys who were disobedient or rebellious were bound hand and foot and

pricked in different parts of the body with thorns of the maguey;

girls were only pricked in the hands and wrists; if this did not

suffice they were beaten with sticks. If they were unruly when eleven

years old they were held over a pile of burning chile, and forced to

inhale the smoke, which caused great pain.[170] At twelve years of age

a bad boy was bound hand and foot and exposed naked in a damp place

during an entire day; the naughty girl of the same age was obliged to

rise in the night and sweep the whole house.[171] From the age of

thirteen years the allowance of bread was increased to two cakes.

Between the ages of thirteen and fifteen the boys were employed in

bringing wood from the mountains by land or in canoes, or in catching

fish; the girls spent their time in grinding corn, cooking, and

weaving. At fifteen, the boys were delivered to the priests to receive

religious instruction, or were educated as soldiers by an officer

called Achcauhtli.[172]

[Sidenote: SCHOOLS FOR YOUTH.]

The schools and seminaries were annexed to the temples, and the

instruction of the young of both sexes was a monopoly in the hands of

the priests. In general boys were sent to the colleges between the

ages of six and nine years; they were dressed in black, their hair was

left uncut,[173] and they were placed under the charge of priests

specially appointed for that purpose, who instructed them in the

branches most suitable to their future calling. All were instructed in

religion and particular attention was given to good behavior and

morals. No women were permitted to enter the college, nor could the

youths on any account have communication with the other sex. At

certain seasons they were required to abstain from various kinds of

food.

The schools, or colleges, were of two distinct classes. Those attended

by the common people were called _telpochcalli_, or 'houses of the

youths;' there was one of these in each quarter of the city, after the

manner of our public schools, and the parents of the district were

required to enter their children at the age of four or five years. The

telpochtlato, or 'chief of youth,' instructed them how to sweep the

sanctuary, to replenish the fire in the sacred censers, to clean the

schoolhouse, to do penance, more or less severe according to their

age, and to go in parties to the forest to gather wood for the temple.

Each pupil took his meals at the house of his parents, but all were

obliged to sleep in the seminary. At nightfall all assembled in the

_cuicacalco_, or 'house of song,' and were there taught the arts of

singing and dancing, which formed part of a Mexican education; they

were also exercised here in the use of arms.[174] At the age of

fifteen or sixteen, or sometimes earlier, it was customary for the

parents to withdraw their children from the telpochcalli that they

might follow a trade or profession, but this was never done without

first making a present to the telpochtlato. The schools at which the

sons of the nobility and those destined to be priests were educated,

were called _calmecac_, which means a college, or monastery. The

pupils did not do as much manual labor as those educated in the

telpochcalli, nor did they take their meals at home, but in the

building. They were under the supervision of priests of the

Tlamacazqui order, who instructed them in all that the plebeians

learned, besides many of the arts and sciences, such as the study of

heroic songs and sacred hymns, which they had to learn by heart,

history, religion, philosophy, law, astronomy, astrology, and the

writing and interpreting of hieroglyphics. If not quick and diligent,

they were given less food and more work; they were admonished to be

virtuous and chaste, and were not allowed to leave the temple, until

with their father's permission they went out from it to be married,

or, in the case of a youth of strength and courage, to go to the wars;

those who showed qualities fitted for a military life were exercised

in gymnastics and trained to the use of weapons, to shoot with the

bow, manage the shield, and to cast darts at a mark. Their courage,

strength, and endurance underwent severe tests; they were early

afforded opportunities of realizing the hardships of camp life, and,

while boys, were sent to carry provisions to the soldiers, upon which

occasions their behavior was closely watched, and a display of courage

met with suitable promotion and reward.[175]

[Sidenote: FEMALE SEMINARIES.]

Annexed to the temples were large buildings used as seminaries for

girls. The maidens who were educated in them were principally the

daughters of lords and princes. They were presided over by matrons or

vestal priestesses, brought up in the temple, who watched over those

committed to their care with great vigilance. Day and night the

exterior of the building was strictly guarded by old men, to prevent

any intercourse between the sexes from taking place; the maidens could

not even leave their apartments without a guard; if any one broke this

rule and went out alone, her feet were pricked with thorns till the

blood flowed. When they went out, it was together and accompanied by

the matrons; upon such occasions they were not allowed to raise their

eyes, or in any way take notice of anyone; any infringement of these

rules was visited with severe punishment. The maidens had to sweep

those precincts of the temple occupied by them, and attend to the

sacred fire; they were taught the tenets of their religion and shown

how to draw blood from their bodies when offering sacrifice to the

gods. They also learned how to make feather-work, and to spin, and

weave mantles; particular attention was given to their personal

cleanliness; they were obliged to bathe frequently, and to be skilful

and diligent in all household affairs. They were taught to speak with

reverence, and to humble themselves in the presence of their elders,

and to observe a modest and bashful demeanor at all times. They rose

at day-break, and whenever they showed themselves idle or rude,

punishment was inflicted. At night the pupils slept in large rooms in

sight of the matrons, who watched them closely. The daughters of

nobles, who entered the seminaries at an early age, remained there

until taken away by their parents to be married.[176]

Children brought up in the house of their parents were taught the

worship of the gods, and were frequently conducted to the temple in

order that they might witness the religious performances. Military men

instructed their sons in the use of weapons and the art of war, and

lost no opportunity of inuring them to danger, always endeavoring to

inspire courage and daring. Laborers and artisans usually taught their

children their own trade. The sons of the nobles who were placed in

the seminaries were never permitted to go out unless accompanied by

one of the superiors of the temple; their food was brought to them by

their parents. The punishments inflicted were excessively severe.

Liars had thorns thrust into their lips; and sometimes, if the fault

was frequent, their lips were slightly split. Those who were negligent

or disobedient were bound hand and foot, and pricked with thorns or

badly pinched. A girl who was detected looking at or speaking to a man

was severely punished; and if addicted to walking the streets, her

feet were tied together, and pricked with sharp thorns.[177]

There was in Tezcuco, during the reign of Nezahualcoyotl, a large

seminary, built upon the west side of the temple, which consisted of

several spacious halls and rooms, with a courtyard, and was called the

_tlacoteo_. Here the king's sons were brought up and instructed. The

guardians and tutors who had charge of them took much pains to

instruct them in everything becoming their high estate. Besides the

use of arms, they were taught all the arts and sciences as far as then

known, and were made fully acquainted with the practical working of

precious metals and stones. Separate rooms were devoted to the use of

the king's daughters, where they were given an education fitting their

station. In accordance with a law of the realm, the king, his children

and relatives, with their guardians and masters, and the grandees of

the kingdom, came together every eighty days, in a large hall of the

tlacoteo; all were seated according to rank; the males on one side,

and the females on the other. All the men, even those of royal blood,

were dressed in coarse garments of _nequen_, or maguey-fibre. An

orator ascended a sort of pulpit and commenced a discourse, in which

he censured those who had done badly during the last eighty days, and

praised those who had done well; this he did without favor, not even

hesitating to blame the king if he saw fit. The discourse was

delivered with such eloquence and feeling as generally to move the

audience to tears.[178]

[Sidenote: A PARENT'S DISCOURSE TO HIS SONS.]

Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, and other early writers, who were well

acquainted with the Mexican language, give us specimens of the

exhortations delivered by parents to their children. I select one from

the first-mentioned author, as an example: "Give ear unto me and

hearken, O my sons," says the Mexican parent, "because I am your

father; and I, though unworthy, am chosen by the gods to rule and

govern this city. Thou who art my first-born and the eldest of thy

brothers; and thou the second, and thou the third, and thou the last

and least--know that I am anxious and concerned, lest some of you

should prove worthless in after life; lest, peradventure, not one

among you should prove worthy to bear my dignities and honors after

me; perhaps it is the will of the gods that the house which I have

with so great labor built up, shall fall to the ground and remain a

ruin and a dung-hill; that my name shall be no more remembered among

men; that after my death no man shall speak well of me. Hear now the

words that I shall speak unto you, that you may learn how to be of use

in the world, and how to draw near unto the gods that they may show

favor to you; for this I say unto you, that those who weep and are

grieved; those who sigh, pray and ponder; those who are watchful at

night, and wakeful in the morning; those who diligently keep the

temples cleanly and in order; those who are reverent and

prayerful--all these find favor with the gods; to all such the gods

give riches, honor, and prosperity, even as they give them to those

who are strong in battle. It is by such deeds the gods know their

friends, and to such they give high rank and military distinctions;

success in battle, and an honorable place in the hall of justice;

making them parents of the sun, that they may give meat and drink not

only to the gods of heaven, but also to the gods of hell; and such as

are thus honored are revered by all brave men and warriors: all men

look on them as their parents, because the gods have shown them favor;

and have rendered them fit to hold high offices and dignities and to

govern with justice; they are placed near the god of fire, the father

of all the gods, whose dwelling is in the water surrounded by turreted

walls of flowers, and who is called Ayamictlan and Xiuhtecutli; or

they are made lords of the rank of Tlacatecutli or Tlacochtecutli, or

they are given some lower post of honor. Perchance they are given some

such office as I now hold, not through any merit of my own, but

because the gods know not my unworthiness. I am not what I am by my

own asking; never did I say, I wish to be so and so, I desire this or

that honor; the gods have done me this honor of their own will, for

surely all is theirs, and all that is given comes from their hand; nor

shall any one say, I desire this or that honor, for the gods give as

they please and to whom they please, and stand in need of counsel

from none. Harken, my sons, to another sorrow that afflicts me when I

arise at midnight to pray and do penance. Then I ponder many things,

and my heart rises and sinks even as one who goes up and down

mountains, for I am satisfied with no one of you. Thou, my eldest son,

dost not give any sign of improvement, I see in thee nothing manly,

thou remainest ever a boy, thy conduct does not become an elder

brother. And thou, my second son, and thou, my third, I see in you no

discretion or manliness; peradventure it is because you are second and

third that you have become careless. What will become of you in the

world? Lo, now, are you not the children of noble parents? Your

parents are not tillers of the soil or wood-cutters. What, I say

again, will become of you? Do you wish to be nothing but merchants, to

carry a staff in your hands and a load on your backs? Will you become

laborers and work with your hands? Harken, my sons, and give heed unto

my words, and I will point out to you those things which you shall do.

See to the proper observance of the dances, and the music, and the

singing, for thus will you please both the people and the gods; for

with music and singing are favors and riches gained. Endeavor to learn

some honorable trade or profession, such as working in feathers or

precious metals; for by such means bread can be obtained in time of

necessity. Pay attention to every branch of agriculture, for the earth

desires not food or drink, but only to bring forth and produce. Your

fathers sought to understand these things, for though they were

gentlemen and nobles they took care that their estate should be

properly cultivated. If you think only of your high rank and are

unmindful of these things, how will you support your family, in no

part of the world does anyone support himself by his gentility only.

But above all study well to provide all those things which are

necessary for the sustenance of the body, for these are the very

foundation of our being, and rightly are they called _tonacaiutltomio_,

that is to say our flesh and bones, because it is by them that we

work, live, and are strong. There is no man in the world but what

eats, for each one has a stomach and intestines. The greatest lords

need food, the most valiant warrior must carry a bag of victuals. By

the sustenance of the body life is upheld, by it the world is peopled.

See, therefore, my sons, that you be careful to plant the corn and the

magueys, for do we not know that fruit is the delight of children;

truly it cools and quenches the thirst of the little ones. And you,

boys, do you not like fruit? But how will you get it if you do not

plant and grow it. Give heed, my sons, to the conclusion of my

discourse, and let it be written upon your hearts. Many more things

could I say, but my task would never be ended. A few more words only

will I add that have been handed down to us from our forefathers.

Firstly, I counsel you to propitiate the gods, who are invisible and

impalpable, giving them your whole soul and body. Look to it that you

are not puffed up with pride, that you are neither obstinate, nor of a

weak, vacillating mind, but take heed to be meek and humble and to put

your trust in the gods, lest they visit your transgressions upon you,

for from them nothing can be hidden, they punish how and whom they

please. Secondly, my sons, endeavor to live at peace with your

fellow-men. Treat all with deference and respect; if any speak ill of

you answer them not again; be kind and affable to all, yet converse

not too freely with any; slander no man; be patient, returning good

for evil, and the gods will amply avenge your wrongs. Lastly, my

children, be not wasteful of your goods nor of your time, for both are

precious; at all seasons pray to the gods and take counsel with them;

be diligent about those things which are useful. I have spoken enough,

my duty is done. Peradventure you will forget or take no heed of my

words. As you will. I have done my duty, let him profit by my

discourse who chooses."[179]

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE.]

The customary marrying-age for young men was from twenty to

twenty-two, and for girls from eleven to eighteen.[180] Marriages

between blood relations or those descended from a common ancestor were

not allowed. A brother could, and was enjoined to, marry his deceased

brother's wife, but this was only considered a duty if the widow had

offspring by the first marriage, in order that the children might not

be fatherless.[181] When a youth reached a marriageable age, he or his

parents asked permission of his teacher. He seldom was allowed any

choice of his own, but was expected to abide by the selection of his

parents. It rarely happened that a marriage took place without the

sanction of parents or relatives, and he who presumed to choose his

own wife, or married without such consent, had to undergo penance, and

was looked upon as ungrateful, ill-bred, and apostate. In some parts

the high priest commanded them to marry when they arrived at the

proper age, and he who refused to comply was obliged to remain

continent through life, and dedicate the remainder of his days to the

service of the gods. Should he afterward repent and desire to marry,

he was despised by all his friends and publicly denounced as infamous,

inasmuch as he had shown himself to be devoid of firmness, and unable

to keep the vow of chastity to which he had voluntarily bound himself;

nor would any respectable woman afterward accept him as a husband. In

Tlascala, if any one carelessly allowed the time to pass by without

taking a wife, or deciding upon a life of chastity, his hair was cut

short and he was driven out from the company of the youths with whom

he was educated.

Cutting the hair formed a part of the marriage ceremony, but the mode

of cutting was different from that of the penalty.[182] When the time

came for the parents to choose a wife for their son, all the relations

were called together and informed by the father that the youth had now

reached an age when he should be provided with a wife; for that he was

now a man, and must learn how to perform the duties of a man, and

refrain from boyish tricks and promiscuous intercourse with women. The

youth was then summoned before his parents, and his father addressed

him, saying: "My son, thou art now a man, and it seems to us proper to

search among the maidens for a wife for thee. Ask thy tutors for

permission to separate thyself from thy friends, the youths with whom

thou hast been educated. Make known our wishes to those called

Telpuchtlatoque, who have the charge of thee." The youth in answer

expressed his willingness and desire to enter into their plans. The

parents then set about preparing a quantity of food, such as tamales,

chocolate, and other dishes; and also provided a small axe, which was

to bear a part in the next proceeding. The repast being prepared, an

invitation was sent to the priests who were instructors of the youth,

accompanied with presents of food and pipes of tobacco; all the

relations were also invited. When the meal was finished, the

relations, and guardians of the ward in which the parents of the pair

lived, seated themselves. Then one of the youth's relations,

addressing the priestly instructors of the youth said: "Here, in the

presence of all, we beg of you not to be troubled because this lad,

our son, desires to withdraw from your company, and to take a wife;

behold this axe, it is a sign that he is anxious to separate from you;

according to our Mexican custom, take it, and leave us the youth."

Then the priest answered: "I, and the young men with whom your son has

been educated have heard how that you have determined to marry him and

that from henceforward, forever, he will be parted from us; let

everything be done as you wish." The tutor of the youth next addressed

him, entreating him to persevere in the paths of virtue, not to forget

the teachings he has received, and to continue to be a zealous servant

of the gods; he advised him that as he was now about to take a wife he

must be careful to provide for her support, and to bring up and

instruct his children in the same manner as he had been educated. He

adjured him to be courageous in battle, to honor and obey his parents,

to show respect to his seniors and all aged persons; and so the

speaker ambled morally along at some length, but I spare the reader

the remainder of the discourse.[183] The priests then took their

leave, bearing the axe with them, and the young man remained in his

father's house.

[Sidenote: PRELIMINARIES TO MARRIAGE CEREMONY.]

Soon after this the parents called the relations together once more to

consult upon the selection of a maiden suitable to be the wife of

their son. Their first act, and one that was of paramount importance,

was to ascertain the day and sign of his birth. If they were unable to

remember or calculate the sign they called in the aid of astrologers,

or soothsayers, who by certain reckonings and ceremonies interpreted

all they sought to know. The birthday and sign of the damsel were in

like manner ascertained. If the horoscope of both was favorable, the

astrologers predicted a happy union with prosperity and good fortune

to both, but if the signs did not agree they foretold adversity and

evil fortune, and it became necessary to choose another maiden. Once

assured of a favorable combination according to the auguries, steps

were taken to obtain the consent of the girl's parents. For this

purpose the parents and relatives of the youth commissioned two old

women, chosen from among the most discreet and virtuous of the

district, who were to act as negotiators in the affair; these were

called _cihuatlanque_. They went on the part of the bridegroom and

conveyed the message to the parents or nearest relatives of the young

girl. Their first visit was made shortly after midnight or upon the

following morning, upon which occasion they took with them some

presents to offer to the girl's parents. Upon their arrival they

commenced a suitable address, in which they formally solicited the

hand of the girl in marriage. The first overture was invariably

rejected and some frivolous excuse given, even though the girl's

relatives might be more desirous of the match than those who solicited

it. The embassy was told that the girl was not yet of an age to marry,

or that she was not worthy of the honor offered her. After some few

more such compliments had been paid, the matrons returned to those who

had sent them. A few days having elapsed, the old women were sent back

bearing more presents, and with instructions to again solicit the

alliance, and to define clearly the position of the suitor, his

qualifications and riches. Upon this second interview the negotiations

assumed a more business-like aspect; the conversation turned upon the

portion that each would bring to the other, and finally the relatives

of the girl consented to consider the affair; yet they still

maintained a semblance of reluctance, insisting that the girl was not

worthy to become the wife of so estimable a young man; but adding

that, as the matter was urged with so much importunity, they would on

the morrow assemble all the relations of the young woman, that they

might consult together about the affair; they then closed the

conference by inviting their visitors to be present on that occasion

and receive their final decision.

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE CEREMONIES.]

The next day the parents of the girl called a meeting of all her

relatives, at which the proposed alliance was discussed with due

deliberation; and the girl being called before them, much good advice

was given her; her duties as a wife were defined, she was charged to

serve and please her husband, and not bring disgrace upon her parents.

Information of their decision was then sent to the parents of the

young man, and preparations for a fitting celebration of the wedding

commenced. The augurs were consulted and requested to name a lucky day

for the ceremony; the signs _Acatl_, _Ozomatli_, _Cipactli_,

_Quauhtli_, or _Calli_, were deemed most favorable, and one or other

of them was generally selected for the celebration of the nuptials.

Several ensuing days were spent by both families in preparing for the

marriage celebration, and in issuing invitations to friends and

relations. The ceremony was always performed at the house of the

bridegroom's parents, where the best room was put in order for the

occasion; the roof and walls were festooned with green branches and

garlands of flowers, disposed with great taste, and the floor was

strewn with the same. In the centre stood a brazier containing fire.

When all the arrangements were completed, certain of the bridegroom's

friends and relatives went to the house of his intended to conduct her

to the room. If the distance was great, or the bride the daughter of a

lord or great personage, she was borne upon a litter, otherwise she

was carried on the back of the bride's-woman, or sponsor, accompanied

by a large concourse of people, disposed in two rows and bearing

torches. The bride occupied the centre of the procession, and

immediately about her walked her nearest relatives. As the procession

passed, many of the lookers-on profited by the occasion, to point her

out to their own daughters as an example worthy of emulation.

[Sidenote: CONSUMMATION OF MARRIAGE.]

[Sidenote: DANCING THE CHEMISE.]

The bridegroom met his betrothed at the entrance of his house,

preceded by four women bearing lighted torches; in his hands he

carried a censer with burning incense, and another was given to the

bride; with these they at once perfumed each other, and the groom,

taking her by the hand, led her into the room prepared for the

ceremony. They were then seated upon an ornamented and painted mat

spread close to the fireplace, the woman being placed on the left of

the man.[184] The bridegroom's mother then came forward with presents

for her daughter-in-law, and dressed her in a _huipil_, or short

chemise, at the same time laying at her feet a _cuatli_, or skirt,

richly embroidered and worked. Next the bride's mother gave presents

to the bridegroom; she covered him with a mantle, which she fastened

at the shoulder, and placed a maxtli or breech-clout at his feet. The

most important part in the ceremony was next performed by the priest,

who made a long address to the betrothed couple, in which he defined

the duties of the married state, and pointed out to them the obedience

a wife should observe towards her husband, and the care and attention

the latter should give to her, how that he was bound to maintain and

support her, and the children they might have. He was enjoined to

bring up and educate his children near him, teaching all according to

their abilities, to make them useful members of society, and to

instruct them in habits of industry. A wife's duties, he said, were to

labor and aid her husband in obtaining sustenance for their family.

Both were exhorted to be faithful to one another, to maintain peace

and harmony between themselves, to overlook each other's failings, and

to help one another, ever bearing in mind that they were united for

life by a tie which only death could sever. The rites of marriage were

always conducted with much solemnity, and during the ceremony nothing

was said or done contrary to the rules of modesty and decorum. At the

conclusion of the address the couple stood up, and the priest tied the

end of the man's mantle to the dress of the woman; they then walked

seven times round the fire, casting therein copal and incense, and

giving presents to each other, while their friends and relatives threw

chains of flowers about their necks and crowned them with

garlands.[185] The mother-in-law of the bride now brought some food,

and gave four mouthfuls to the bride to eat and afterwards gave the

same quantity to the bridegroom. They then received the

congratulations of their friends, while at the same time a dance was

performed to the sound of musical instruments. Accompanied by the

dancers and musicians, the newly wedded pair was conducted to the

temple, at the door of which the tlamacaxques, or priests, appeared to

receive them. While the company remained below, the wedded couple with

their sponsors and parents ascended the steps of the temple. The

priest wore his robes of ceremony, and carried in his hand an

incensory filled with incense, with which he proceeded to perfume

them. He then placed himself between the two, with the man on his

right and the woman on his left, and taking them by the hands led them

to the altar of the idol, muttering prayers as he went. The altar

reached, he placed upon each of the parties a very fine and showy

shawl woven and variegated with many colors, in the centre of which

was painted a skeleton, as a symbol that death only could now separate

them from each other. He then perfumed them again with the incensory,

and led them back to the door of the temple, where they were received

by the assemblage and accompanied to their home with dancing and

music. The marriage ceremonies being finished, the relatives and

friends partook of a banquet, and amidst much rejoicing congratulated

each other on the new relations they had acquired. In the feasting,

drinking, and dancing the bridal pair took no part; they had now to

enter upon a season of fasting and penance, which lasted four days, in

the strict retirement of their room, where they were closely guarded

by old women; on no account were they permitted to leave their room

except for the necessary calls of nature, or to offer sacrifice to the

gods; the time was to be passed in prayer, and on no account were they

to allow their passions to get the better of them or indulge in carnal

intercourse. Such weakness on their part would, they believed, bring

discord or death or some other dire misfortune between them. The close

confinement, the watchful guard and imposed penances were intended to

calm their passions and purify their minds, whereby they would be more

fitted to undertake the duties before them, and not be led astray by

unruly desires. What small supply of sustenance they received in the

four days of their retirement was carried to them by the old women who

had charge of them, and during this time they neither washed nor

bathed themselves; they were dressed in new garments and wore certain

charms and regalia pertaining to their patron idol. At midnight they

came forth to offer sacrifice and burn incense on the altar in their

house, in front of which they also left food offerings for their god;

this they did during the four days of abstinence, while their friends

and relatives continued their rejoicings, festivities, and

dancing.[186] Upon the fourth night, when the marriage was to be

consummated, two priests of the temple prepared a couch of two mats,

between which were placed some feathers and a stone somewhat the color

of an emerald, called _chalchiuite_; underneath they put a piece of

tiger-skin, and on top of all they spread some cotton cloths. At the

four corners of the bed were placed green reeds perfumed, and thorns

of the maguey with which the pair were to draw blood from their

tongues and ears when they sacrificed to the gods.[187] The following

morning the bridal pair took the bed on which they had lain, with the

cloths, reeds, and food they had offered to their god during the four

days of penance, to the temple and left them as a thanksgiving

offering.[188] If any charcoal or ashes were found in the bridal

chamber they considered it an evil omen, but if, on the other hand, a

grain of corn or other seed was found, they considered it a sign of a

long and prosperous life and a happy union. A baptismal ceremony was

next performed, the wedded pair being placed on green reed mats, while

the priests poured water over them. Nobles received four ablutions

with water in honor of _Chalchihuitlicue_, the goddess of waters, and

four of wine, in reverence to _Tezcatzoncatl_, the god of wine. After

the bath they were dressed in new vestments, the bride's head was

adorned with white feathers and her hands and feet with red. To her

husband was given a thurible, filled with incense wherewith to perfume

his household gods. At the conclusion of these ceremonies a further

distribution of dresses and presents was made, and the company partook

of food and wine, while the scene was enlivened with songs and dances.

Some more good advice, of which the Aztecs seem to have had a

never-failing store, was then given to the wedded pair by the

mothers-in-law or nearest relatives, and thus ended the nuptial

ceremonies, which were conducted in accordance with the means of the

principal parties concerned.[189] In some places, proof of the

maiden's virginity was required on the morning following the

consummation of the marriage. In such case the sponsors entered the

room where the wedded pair had passed the night and demanded the

bride's chemise; if they found it stained with blood they brought it

out, placed it on a stick, and exhibited it to all present as an

evidence that the bride was a virgin; then a dance was formed and the

procession went through all the place, carrying the chemise on a

stick, dancing and expressing their joy, and this was called 'dancing

the chemise.' If it happened that the chemise was unstained, tears and

lamentations took the place of rejoicing, abuse and insults were

heaped upon the bride, and her husband was at liberty to repudiate

her.[190] In the kingdom of Miztecapan, before the ceremony of tying

their mantles together was performed it was customary to cut a lock of

hair from the bridegroom's head and from the bride's, after which they

took each other by the hand and their dresses were tied by the ends.

The man then took the girl on his back and carried her a short

distance; which proceeding terminated the nuptials.

In Ixcatlan, he who desired to get married presented himself before

the priests, and they took him to the temple, where in presence of the

idols he worshiped they cut off some of his hair, and showing it to

the people, shouted "This man wishes to get married." From thence he

was obliged to descend and take the first unmarried woman he met, in

the belief that she was especially destined for him by the gods. They

were then married according to the customary Mexican rites. The

Mazatec bridegroom abstained for the first fifteen days of his wedded

life from carnal knowledge of his wife, and both spent the time in

fasting and penance. Among the Otomís it was not considered an offence

for an unmarried man to deflour a single woman. The husband was

permitted to repudiate the woman the day following his marriage if she

did not please him; but if he remained satisfied upon that occasion he

was not afterwards allowed to send her away. They had then to undergo

a period of penance and abstinence and remain secluded for twenty or

thirty days, during which time they were to abstain from all sexual

intercourse, to draw blood from themselves as a sacrifice, and to

bathe frequently. The Chichimecs, although they contracted marriage at

a very early age, could not have legitimate connection with their

wives until the woman was forty years old. After their intercourse

with the Toltecs this custom began to be abolished, although the

princes and nobles observed it rigorously for some time longer.

Marriage with near relatives was never permitted among them, and

polygamy was strictly prohibited.[191]

[Sidenote: DIVORCE AND DIVISION OF PROPERTY.]

Among the Mexicans divorce was permitted, but as a general rule was

discouraged. In the event of discord arising between man and wife so

that they could not live together peacefully, or where one or other of

the parties had just cause of complaint, they applied to a judge for

permission to separate. Such permission was not granted unless good

and sufficient cause was shown in support of the application. The

judge investigated the case with much care and attention, closely

examining the parties in reference to their marital relations; whether

they had been married with the consent of their parents, and if all

the ceremonies of marriage had been fully observed. If the answers

proved that the parties had not been married according to the usual

rites and ceremonies, or if they had been living together in a state

of fornication, the judge refused to interfere between them; but if he

found they had properly complied with the regulations governing

marriage, he used his best efforts to reconcile them; he reminded them

of the solemn obligations appertaining to the marriage contract, and

warned them not to bring disgrace upon themselves and their parents by

breaking the bonds by which they were united, thereby creating a

scandal in the community. If his endeavors to effect a reconciliation

were of no avail, and he found that one or other of the parties had

just cause of complaint, a license to separate could be issued, but

more frequently the judge refused to interfere in the matter, and

dismissed them with a stern reproval. Marriage was looked upon as a

solemn and binding tie only to be dissolved by death, and any attempt

or desire to annul the contract was deemed a disgrace and a bad

example. Under these circumstances divorce was always discouraged both

by the magistrates and the community. A judge was generally unwilling

to sanction with the authority of the law the annulment of so binding

an engagement; therefore only a tacit consent was given by the court,

by which the whole onus of the disgrace attending a separation was

thrown upon the parties themselves. When a dissolution took place

between man and wife, they could not again under any circumstances be

united; the divorce once effected, no subsequent condonation could

authorize their living together.[192]

We have no information how or on what terms a division of property was

made in the event of a dissolution of marriage, or to which of the

parties the custody of the children belonged. The ancient historians

throw no light upon the subject. As much deference and respect was

shown to old age, it is probable that the decision of such matters was

left to the influence and wisdom of the friends and relatives, and

that through their intervention equitable arrangements were made.

[Sidenote: CONCUBINES IN MEXICO.]

Concubinage, of which there were three classes, was permitted

throughout the Mexican empire. The first class was the union of young

men with unmarried women, before they arrived at the age when they

were expected to marry. All young men, with the exception of those who

were consecrated to a perpetual chastity, were allowed to have

concubines. The youth usually asked his parents to select a girl for

him, and the one upon whom their choice fell cohabited with him. Such

women were called _tlacacavili_. No contract was made nor any ceremony

performed; the connection was a simple private arrangement of the

relatives on both sides. When a girl lived with an unmarried man as

his concubine without the consent of her parents she was called

_temecauh_, which had a more general signification. It does not

appear, however, that concubinage among the unmarried men was common;

on the contrary, the manner in which parents are reputed to have

brought up their children, and the care taken by the priests in their

education would seem to show that such a practice was discouraged, or

rather tolerated than allowed, and it is probable the custom was

chiefly confined to the sons of nobles and wealthy men. When a young

man arrived at the age when he should marry, he was expected to

dispense with his concubine that he might marry the girl selected by

his parents to be his lawful wife. He could, however, legitimatize the

connection between his concubine and himself by notifying his parents

of his wishes and having the usual marriage ceremonies performed; she

then became his lawful wife and was called _ciuatlantli_. If while

they lived together in concubinage the woman had a child, her parents

then required that he should at once restore her to them, or make her

his wife, as they considered it proper that having a child she should

also have a husband as a legal protector. Young women were not

dishonored by living in a state of concubinage, nor were their chances

of contracting advantageous marriages in any degree lessened.

The second order of concubines might rather be termed, perhaps, the

less legitimate wives of married men; with them the tying of garments

constituted the entire marriage ceremony; the husband could not

repudiate them without just cause and the sanction of the courts, but

neither they nor their children could inherit property; in this

respect they were treated as concubines, but nevertheless they were

called _Ciuatlantli_, which corresponds with the latin word _uxor_,

and was the title borne by the first and legitimate wife.

The third class of concubines were merely kept mistresses; with them

no marriage rite of any kind was performed. They were kept usually by

the nobles and chief men who could afford to maintain large

establishments; they occupied a third rank in the domestic circle

after the principal wife and less legitimate ones, and were called

_ciuanemactli_, or _tlaciuantli_, if their master had obtained them

from their parents; those whom he took without such permission were

called _tlaciuaantin_.[193]

The Toltec kings could only marry one woman, and in case of her death

could not marry again or live in concubinage with any woman; the same

rule held good with their queens in the event of the king dying

first. Prostitution among the Mexicans was tolerated, but at the same

time was restrained within certain bounds; that is, the law took

cognizance of the practice as regarded the women engaged in such

traffic. It was looked upon as a necessary evil, and the law did not

interfere with men who consorted with prostitutes; but the latter, if

they plied their traffic too openly, or with too great frequency, so

as to create a public scandal and become a nuisance, were punished

according to the extent of the offence.[194]

* * * * *

We may suppose that, the marriage ceremonies being concluded, the

young couple were left in peace, and that for a time there was a truce

to the speech-making and ever-ready advice of anxious parents and

meddling relatives. But this respite was generally of brief duration.

As soon as the woman found herself to be pregnant, all her friends and

relations were immediately upon the tiptoe of expectation and interest

again. The parents were at once informed of the interesting event, and

a feast was prepared, of which all who had been present at the wedding

partook. After the repast the inevitable speeches commenced. An old

man, squatting on his hams, first spoke in behalf of the husband,

referring to the precious burden carried by the pregnant woman and to

the future prospects of the child; after a while another relieved the

speaker and pursued the subject in the same strain; the man and his

wife then responded, dwelling upon the pleasure in store for them, and

expressing their hopes that, with the favor of the gods, it might be

realized. The parents of the pair were next addressed directly by one

of the guests upon the same theme and made a reply. Certain elderly

relatives then seized the opportunity to admonish and instruct the

young woman, to which she made a suitable answer, thanking them for

their solicitude on her behalf.[195]

[Sidenote: PREGNANCY AND CHILDBIRTH.]

During the months of her pregnancy the mother was very careful to

insure the safety and health of the child, though many of the rules

observed for this purpose were of a partly superstitious nature. Thus,

sleeping in the day-time would contort the child's face; approaching

too near the fire or standing in the hot sun would parch the foetus;

hard and continued work, lifting weights, running, mental excitement,

such as grief, anger, or alarm, were particularly avoided; in case of

an earthquake all the pots in the house were covered up or broken to

stop the shaking; eating _tzictli_, or _chicle_, was thought to harden

the palate of the unborn child, and to make its gums thick so that it

would be unable to suck, and also to communicate to it a disease

called _netentzzoponiztli_; neither must the edible earth, of which,

as we shall see in a future chapter, the Mexicans were very fond, be

eaten by the mother, lest the child should prove weak and sickly; but

everything else the woman fancied was to be given her, because any

interference with her caprices might be hurtful to her offspring.[196]

Moderation in sexual connection with her husband was recommended to a

woman from one to three months advanced in pregnancy, but total

abstinence in this respect was thought to be injurious to the unborn

child; during the later stages of the woman's pregnancy, however, the

husband abstained entirely from having intercourse with her.[197] When

the time for the confinement drew near another feast was prepared and

the usual invitations were issued. When all were gathered an old man

was the first to speak, on behalf of the married couple. By virtue of

his long experience in these matters he recommended that the pregnant

woman be placed in the _xuchicalli_, or bath, under the protection of

Xuchicaltzin, the god of the bath, and of Yoalticitl, goddess of the

bath and of childbirth. He further advised the parents to select a

competent _ticitl_, or midwife. This functionary having been named, a

female relative of the husband addressed her, asking her to accept the

trust, praising her qualifications, and exhorting her to exert her

utmost skill and care. The mother and relatives of the wife also made

brief speeches to the same purpose. The midwife-elect then expressed

her wish and intention to do all in her power.[198] Wealthy people

frequently employed several midwives, who for some days prior to the

birth busied themselves in waiting on their patient and putting

everything in readiness for the important hour. Zuazo states that some

of these acted merely as witnesses to the fact of the birth.[199]

The 'hour of death,' as the time of confinement was named, having

arrived, the patient was carried to a room previously set in order for

the purpose; here her hair was soaped and she was placed in a bath to

be washed. Care was taken that the water should not be too hot, lest

the foetus should be scalded; in some cases the woman was beaten on

the back with maize leaves which had been boiled in the water used for

the bath. The midwife next proceeded to rub and press the abdomen of

the patient in order to set the child in place. If the pain grew

worse, soothing remedies were administered. A decoction of

_cihoapatli_ herbs was given to promote the delivery; should this not

prove effective, however, a small piece, about an inch and a half

long, of the tail of the _tlaquatzin_, or _tlaquatl_, was given, which

is a very powerful emetic. If after all the woman got no ease, it was

concluded that she would die. In cases of great danger prayers were

addressed to Cioacoatl, Quilaztli, Yoalticitl, and other deities.

Should the child die in the womb it was removed piecemeal, unless the

parents objected, in which case the mother was left to die.

[Sidenote: GHASTLY TALISMANS.]

Mocioaquezqui, 'brave woman,' was the name given to her who died in

childbed. After death the body was washed, dressed in good, new

clothes, and buried with great ceremony in the courtyard of the temple

dedicated to the 'celestial women.'[200] Talismanic virtues were

supposed to reside in the corpse; thus, the middle fingers of the left

hand, and the hair, were thought to make their possessor irresistible

in battle; soldiers, therefore, sought by every means, fair or foul,

to procure them. Thieves believed that the left hand and arm of the

corpse would strike terror into their victims, and they therefore

engaged sorcerers to procure it. The birth of twins was believed to

foretell the death of one of the parents at the hands of their child;

to prevent this, one of the infants was killed.[201] Abortion was not

unusual, and was procured by taking a decoction of certain herbs; the

crime was nevertheless punished with death.[202] If everything went

well, and the woman was easily delivered, the midwife gave a loud cry

of triumph. She next addressed some words of counsel to the child,

and then proceeded to wash it. Turning to the water, she addressed

the goddess of waters, Chalchihuitlicue, asking her favor and

protection for the child. Then taking some water, the midwife breathed

upon it, gave some to the infant to taste, and then touched its head

and chest therewith, saying: "Come, my son (or daughter) to

Chalchihuitlicue; it is for her to bear you on the back and in her

arms throughout this life!" Then, placing the infant in the water, she

continued: Enter thou into the water called _metlalac_ and _tuspalac_;

may it wash thee, and may the Omnipotent cleanse from thee all ill

that is inherent in thee from the beginning of the world and from

before the beginning. Begone, all evil imparted to thee by thy father

and thy mother.[203] Having washed the child, the midwife clothed it,

addressing it meanwhile in whispers of welcome and admonition. Then,

raising her voice, she complimented the mother on her bravery and

endurance.[204] A female relative next praised the fortitude of the

patient, who in her response dilated on the trouble and pain she had

gone through, and expressed her joy at the treasure vouchsafed her by

the gods. The midwife then closed the ceremony by congratulating the

grandparents and assembled friends. A few days after the confinement

the mother took a bath in the temazcalli, and indulged in rich food

and wine; on this occasion a feast was also tendered to invited

friends, who partook of it near the spot where the woman bathed.

All these elaborate preparations and midwife ceremonies at birth

could, however, only have been in vogue among the well-to-do classes,

for the Mexican women, were, as a rule, little affected by the

troubles of child-bearing; their training and manner of life were not

calculated to make them delicate. Motolinia, and many with him, say,

for instance, that the Tlascaltec women delivered themselves, the

mother applying to a neighbor only at the birth of her first

child.[205]

[Sidenote: CASTING THE NATIVITY OF INFANTS.]

It was now time to cast the nativity of the infant. For this purpose

the services of a _tonalpouhqui_, or horoscopist, were engaged. These

tonalpouhquis were a highly respected class, and were therefore

approached with much respect and liberally fed with mantles, food, and

other articles. Having been told the hour of birth, the horoscoper

consulted his book for the sign of the day on which the infant was

born.[206] If the birth had taken place exactly at midnight, the signs

for the closing and breaking day were combined. Comparing the birthday

sign with the other twelve signs, as well as with the principal sign

of the group, he deduced the required fortune, and, if the augury was

favorable, dwelt on the honors and happiness in store for the infant.

Should the augury prove unfavorable, as well as the sign for the fifth

day after birth, which was the occasion of the second bath, or

baptism, this ceremony was postponed to another day, generally the

most favorable of the thirteen, in order to moderate, if possible,

the threatened misfortune. The fortune-teller dilated upon the

troubles in store for the infant and the vices it would develop, but

'hedged' his oracle by adding that the adjoining signs contained

certain redeeming features which might have power to counterbalance

the evil import of the birthday sign.[207]

[Sidenote: BAPTISM OF INFANTS.]

Preparations are now made for the baptism. The portals of the dwelling

are decorated with green branches, flowers, and sweet-smelling herbs

are scattered over the floors and courtyard, and the approaches to the

house are carefully swept; tamales are cooked, maize and cacao ground,

and delicacies of every description prepared for the table, not

forgetting the liquors; for any shortcoming in this respect would

reflect severely on the hospitality of the host.[208] The relatives of

the family assemble before sunrise, and other friends drop in as the

day advances; each, as he congratulates the host, presents a gift of

clothing for the infant, and receives in his turn a present of

mantles, flowers, and choice food.[209] In the course of the morning

the midwife carries the infant to the courtyard, and places it upon a

heap of leaves, beside which are set a new _apaxtle_, or earthenware

vessel, filled with clear water, and several miniature implements,

insignia of the father's trade or profession. If he is a noble or a

warrior, the articles consist of a small shield, and a bow with arrows

of a corresponding size, placed with their heads directed toward the

four cardinal points. Another set of arms made from dough of

amaranth-seed, and bound together with the dried navel-string of the

child, is also prepared. If the child is a girl, there are placed

beside it, instead of the little weapons, a spindle and distaff, and

some articles of girl's clothing. When the sun rises the midwife sets

her face and the face of the child toward the west, and addressing the

infant, says: "O eagle, O tiger, O brave little man and grandson of

mine, thou hast been brought into the world by thy father and mother,

the great lord and the great lady. Thou wast created in that house

which is the abode of the supreme gods that are above the nine

heavens. Thou art a gift from our son Quetzalcoatl, the omnipresent;

be joined to thy mother, Chalchihuitlicue, the goddess of water." Then

placing her dripping fingers on the lips of the child, she continues:

"Take this, for upon it thou hast to live, to wax strong, and

flourish; by it we obtain all necessary things; take it!" Then

touching the child on the breast with her moistened fingers, she says:

"Take this holy and pure water that thine heart may be cleansed." Then

the midwife pours water on the child's head, saying: "Receive, O my

son, the water of the Lord of the World, which is our life, with which

we wash and are clean; may this celestial light-blue water enter into

thy body, and there remain; may it destroy and remove from thee all

evil and adverse things that were given thee before the beginning of

the world; behold, all of us are in the hands of Chalchihuitlicue, our

mother." She now washes the body of the child, exclaiming: "Evil,

wheresoever thou art, begone, avaunt; for the child liveth anew and is

born again; once more it is purified; a second time is it renewed of

our mother, Chalchihuitlicue." Then lifting up the little one toward

heaven, she addresses Ometochtli and Omecioatl:[210] "Behold, O Lord,

the creature which thou hast sent to this place of sorrow, affliction,

and anguish, to this world; give it, O Lord, of thy gifts and

inspiration, for thou art the great god and the great goddess." Then

stooping as if to set the child down, she raises it a second time,

crying upon the goddess of the waters:[211] "O lady goddess, mother of

the gods, inspire this child with thy virtue." A third time she stoops

and raising the child toward heaven, addresses the gods: "O lords

celestial, and gods who dwell in heaven, behold this creature whom ye

have sent among men, fill it with your spirit and mercy, that it may

live." A fourth time she sets down and raises the babe, and calling

now upon the sun and the earth she says:[212] "O our Lord, Sun, father

of all, and thou, O Earth, our mother, take ye this child for your

own, and, as it is born for war,[213] so let it die defending the

cause of the gods, and be permitted to enjoy the delights prepared in

heaven for the brave."

The midwife now takes the implements and prays to the patron deity of

the trade or profession they represent on behalf of the child; then

she places the mantle upon the shoulders of the infant, girds on the

little maxtli, and asks the boys present to give the child a name.

This was, however, merely a matter of form; the parents really had the

choosing of the name and told it to the boys. It was usually taken

either from the sign of the day, or from a bird or animal, in the case

of a boy; the girls were named from flowers, and this rule was

especially observed by the Toltecs and Miztecs. Sometimes a child took

its name from some important event which occurred at the time of its

birth; as when the Tlascaltec chief Citlalpopoca, 'smoking star,' was

so named because at his birth a flaming comet was seen in the sky.

Sometimes children were named after the feast held at the time of

their nativity; thus, boys born during the festival of the renewal of

the sacred fire, called _toxilmolpilia_, were named _molpilli_, 'a

tied object,' and girls _xiuhnenetl_, 'little doll of the year of

fire.' Occasionally a child was named after some renowned ancestor. A

second name could be acquired by valiant deeds in battle. Motolinia

adds that sons of prominent men took a surname from the dignity or

office held by the father, either in youth or manhood; or they

inherited it with the estate at the death of the parent. Children born

during the last five days of the year, called _nemontemi_, 'unlucky

days,' were considered unfortunate; boys born under such circumstances

were often named _nemoquichtli_, 'unlucky man,' and girls

_nencihuatl_, 'unlucky woman.'[214]

The midwife, having baptized the child, now calls upon it three times

by its new name; admonishing it to make good use of the implements or

weapons placed in its hands.[215] It is thereupon carried into the

house, preceded by torch-bearers, and placed in the cradle, before

which the midwife offers prayers to Yoalticitl, 'goddess of the

cradle,' commending the child to her care, and beseeching her to

nourish and protect it; then, turning to the cradle, she adds: "O

thou, the mother of the child, receive this babe with gentleness,

taking heed not to injure it." Then she places the child in the

cradle, the parents meanwhile calling upon Yoalticitl to protect it,

and upon Yoaltecutli, 'the god of night,' to lull it to sleep. During

this ceremony, which is termed _tlacoculaquilo_, or 'the act of

placing the child in the cradle,' the boys of the village, dressed to

imitate soldiers, enter the house, seize certain food previously

prepared for them, called the 'child's navel,' scatter the rest, and

rush forth, munching and shouting the child's name and future

destinies. The lights, called _ocote_, which have been used during the

ceremonies, must be left to burn out, and the fire that was lighted on

the birthday must be kept brightly burning until after the baptizing,

nor is any one allowed to borrow from its flame, for that would injure

the prospects of the child. The umbilical cord is buried with the

mimic weapons in a place where a battle may be expected to take place

on a future day. The girl's instruments and navel-string are buried

under a metate. The afterbirth is interred in a corner of the house.

After the cradling ceremony the guests proceed to the banqueting-room,

where they seat themselves according to age and rank.

The festivities lasted twenty days,[216] or even longer, if the father

was wealthy, during which time the house was kept open to all comers.

Each visitor presented his gifts and made a speech to the infant on

the duties, honors, and happiness in store for it, and adorning his

discourse according to the rank of the parents, or his own courtesy.

He next congratulated the mother, then the midwife, urging her further

care of the infant, and lastly the father, referring to his character

and services, and wishing him joy. If the father was a lord, the

neighboring princes sent an embassy, preceded by numerous presents,

and a chosen orator delivered a congratulatory address before the

father and those present, to which an old man responded on behalf of

all, commenting upon the good wishes of the neighboring nobles. The

orator of the embassy then begged that the shortcomings of his former

speech might be excused, and was answered by the oldest or most

respected person present, on the parent's behalf. The female friends

who came to inspect the infant, rubbed the joints of the body,

especially the knees, with ashes, thinking that this would strengthen

them and prevent the bones from becoming loose. The same was done to

the children who accompanied them.[217] In some parts the baptismal

ceremony consisted in putting some quicklime upon the child's knee,

and saying to it: "O thou little one, that hast come into the world to

suffer, suffer and be silent. Thou livest, but thou shalt die; much

pain and anguish shall come upon thee; thou shalt become dust, even as

this lime, which was once stone."[218] If a boy, an arrow or dart was

then placed in the child's left hand, to indicate that he must be

brave and defend his country; if a girl, she was given a distaff, as a

sign that she must become industrious in all womanly pursuits.[219] In

Tlascala and Miztecapan the infant was bathed in a sacred spring,

which, it was thought, would avert misfortune. Mendieta says that the

midwife merely sprinkled the child a certain number of times, first

with wine and then with water.[220] Among the Zapotecs both mother and

child were washed in a river, and invocations were addressed to all

land and aquatic animals, entreating their favor and deprecating their

anger;[221] it was also customary to assign some animal or bird to a

child, as its _nagual_, or tutelary genius, and with the fortune of

such creature its fate was supposed to be so intimately connected,

that the death of one involved the death of the other.[222] Burgoa

adds further that this was assigned by lot, but it is stated

elsewhere, and with greater probability if we may judge by similar

superstitions in the old world, that the first bird or beast that

appeared after the birth of the child was appointed its spiritual

protector.[223]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CIRCUMCISION AND SCARIFICATION.]

Whether the custom of circumcision, which has been the great prop of

argument in favor of the Jewish origin of the Aztecs, really obtained

among these people, has been doubted by numerous authors. Although

circumcision was certainly not by any means general, yet sufficient

proof exists to show that it was in use in some form among certain

tribes. Las Casas and Mendieta state that the Aztecs and Totonacs

practiced it, and Brasseur de Bourbourg has discovered traces of it

among the Mijes. Las Casas affirms that the child was carried to the

temple on the twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth day after birth; there the

high-priest and his assistant placed it upon a stone, and cut off the

prepuce at the root; the part amputated they afterward burned to

ashes. Girls of the same age were defloured by the finger of the

priest, who ordered the mother to repeat the operation at the sixth

year. Zuazo adds that these rites were only performed upon the

children of great men, and that there was no compulsion in the matter,

the parents having the option of having their children defloured or

circumcised at any time within five years.[224]

In the fifth month, at Huitzilopochtli's festival, all children born

during the year were scarified on the breast, stomach, or arms, and by

this means received as followers of their god.[225] At the festival in

honor of Teteionan or Toci, 'mother of the gods,' in the eleventh

month, the women delivered during the year underwent purification and

presented their children. In the evening a signal was sounded from the

temple, and the mothers, dressed in their best, accompanied by

friends, and preceded by torch-bearers and servants carrying the

babes, made the tour of the town or quarter; a halt was made at every

temple to leave an offering and a lighted torch for the presiding

goddess. At the temple of Toci extra offerings were made, including

_tzocoyotl_, cakes of flour and honey; and here the priest performed

the ceremony of purification by pronouncing certain prayers over the

women.[226] In the eighteenth month of every fourth year, the

children born since the last corresponding feast, were taken to the

temple, where their ears were pierced with a sharp bone, and

macaw-feathers, _tlachcayotl_, inserted; the god-father and

god-mother, or, as they are termed, uncles and aunts, whose duty it

was to initiate the children into the service of the gods, holding

them during the operation.[227]

An offering of flour of the _chian_ seed was made, and the god-father

was presented with a red robe, the god-mother with a huipil. Each

child was then passed through the flames of a fire prepared for the

purpose; the priest next took its head between his hands, and in that

manner lifted it bodily from the ground. Everyone thereupon went home

to feast, but at noon the god-father and god-mother returned to the

temple and executed a dance, holding the children on their backs, and

giving them pulque to drink, in very small cups. This went on till

dusk, when they retired to their houses to continue the dancing and

drinking. This feast and month, Itzcalli, 'growth,' obtained its name

from the ceremony of squeezing the heads of children, which, it was

thought, would make them grow; but it was also called the 'feast of

the intoxication of boys and girls.'[228]

[Sidenote: HEAD-FLATTENING.]

Among the Miztecs, the mother took hot baths for twenty days after

delivery, at the end of which time a feast was held in honor of the

goddess of the bath, the child sharing in the honors of the

occasion.[229] They also gave the child a feast on its first

birthday. Great care was exercised to make children hardy and strong,

and no mother, however high in rank, allowed her child to be given to

a nurse, unless her own health demanded such a step. The test of a wet

nurse was to press out a drop of milk upon the nail, when if it did

not run the milk was considered good.[230] No food was given to the

child the first day, in order to create an appetite.[231] It was

suckled for three years, in some places much longer;[232] and, during

this time the mother adhered to a diet that would keep up the quality

of the milk; many abstained from intercourse with their husbands for

the same period, to prevent the possibility of another child

interfering with the proper nurture of the first one. Another feast

was given at the weaning of the child. Gomara mentions that a kind of

head-flattening was practiced; he says that the infants were so placed

in the cradle as not to allow the occiput to grow, for such a

development was considered ugly.[233] Humboldt, however, says that the

Aztecs never flattened the head. That it was practiced to a

considerable extent in remote times by people inhabiting the country,

seems to be shown by the deformed skulls found in their graves, and by

the sculptured figures upon the ruins. Klemm states that the cradle

consisted of a hard board to which the infant was bound in such a

manner as to cause the malformation. The cradle among the poor Aztecs

was generally of light cane, and could be tied to the back of the

mother.[234]

FOOTNOTES:

[170] Clavigero writes: 'Nella dipintura cinquantesimaseconda si

rappresentano due ragazzi d'undici anni, ai quali per non essersi

emendati con altri gastighi, fanno i lor Padri ricevere nel naso il

fumo del _Chilli_, o sia peverone.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del

Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103. But this is a mistake; in this picture we

see a girl being punished by her mother in the manner described, and a

boy by his father.

[171] Clavigero mentions this girl as 'una putta ... cui fa sua Madre

spazzar la notte tutta la casa, e parte della strada.' _Storia Ant.

del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 103.

[172] For these picture-writings and the interpretations of them, see:

_Purchas his Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1103-7; _Codex Bodleian_, in

_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. i., plates 59-62; _Codex Mendoza_,

in _Id._, vol. i., and vol. v., pp. 92-7; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.

Mex._, tom. i., pp. 566-575; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,

tom. ii., pp. 102-3.

[173] 'Tenian estas gentes tambien por ley que todos los niños

llegados à los seis años hasta los nueve habian de enviar los padres à

los Templos para ser instruidos en la doctrína y noticia de sus leyes

las cuales contenian casi todas las virtudes esplicadas la en ley

natural.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., ccxv.

'Todos estos religiosos visten de negro y nunca cortan el cabello ...

y todos los hijos de las personas principales, así señores como

ciudadanos honrados, estan en aquellas religiones y hábito desde edad

de siete ú ocho años fasta que los sacan para los casar.' _Cortés_,

_Cartas_, p. 105. 'Cuando el niño llegaba á diez ó doce años, metíanle

en la casa de educacion ó _Calmecac_.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.

ii., lib. viii., p. 326; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 302;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 187.

[174] A native author asserts that this 'house of song' was frequently

the scene of debauch and licentiousness. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,

_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 553.

[175] 'Los hijos de los nobles no se libraban tampoco de faenas

corporales, pues hacian zanjas, construian paredes y desempeñaban

otros trabajos semejantes, aunque tambien se les enseñaba á hablar

bien, saludar, hacer reverencias y, lo que es mas importante,

aprendian la astronomía, la historia y demas conocimientos que

aquellas gentes alcanzaban.' _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la Raza

Indígena_, p. 66; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 444-6.

[176] 'Iban tan honestas que no alzaban los ojos del suelo, y si se

descuidaban, luego les hacian señal que recogiesen la vista ... las

mujeres estaban por si en piezas apartadas, no salian las doncellas de

sus aposentos á la huerta ó verjeles sin ir acompañadas con sus

guardas.... Siendo las niños de cinco años las comenzaban á enseñar á

hilar, tejer y labrar, y no las dejaban andar ociosas, y á la que se

levantaba de labor fuera de tiempo, atábanle los piés, porque asentase

y estuviese queda.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 121-2.

[177] See further, for information on the education of the Mexicans:

_Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 421-3; _Carbajal_,

_Discurso_, pp. 17-18; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,

tom. iii., pp. 563-4; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 144-5;

_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix.; _Montanus_,

_Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 267-8; _Fuenleal_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,

série i., tom. x., p. 251; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.; _Laet_,

_Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.

38-47; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 119-20.

[178] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex.

Antiq._, tom. ix., pp. 244-5.

[179] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 113-19. A

literal translation of Sahagun would be unintelligible to the reader.

I therefore have merely followed as closely as possible the spirit and

sense of this discourse. For further exhortations and advice to

children see _Id._, pp. 119-52; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 112;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 493-9; _Clavigero_,

_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 104-9.

[180] Although Gomara says 'casan ellos a los veinte años, y aun

antes: y ellas á diez.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 314.

[181] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 330; _Carbajal_,

_Discurso_, p. 16.

[182] 'Por otro respecto no era pena trasquilar los tales mancebos,

sino ceremonia de sus casamientos: esto era, por que dejando la

cabellera significaba dejar la lozania y liviandad de mancebo; y asi

como desde adelante habia de criar nueva forma de cabellos, tuviese

nueva seso y cordura para regir su muger y casa. Bien creo que debia

de haber alguna diferencia en estos trasquilados cuando se

trasquilaban por ceremonia ó por pena.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxix.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,

tom. i. p. 577.

[183] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 152-3;

_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 125; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,

MS., cap. cxxxix.

[184] 'Venian los de la casa del mozo á llevar á la moza de parte de

noche: llevábanla con gran solemnidad _acuestas_ de una matrona, y con

muchas hachas de teas encendidas en dos rencles delante de ella.'

_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 82, 157. 'Pronuba,

quam _Amantesam_ vocabant, sponsam tergo gestans, quatuor foeminis

comitantibus quæ pineis tædis, prælucerent, illam post Solis occasum,

ad limen domus in qua parentes sponsi manebant, sistebat.' _Laet_,

_Novus Orbis_, p. 239. 'La celebracion era que la desposada la llevaba

á cuestas á prima noche una amanteca, que es medica, é hiban con ellas

cuatro mujeres con sus achas de pino resinado encendidas, con que la

hiban alumbrando, y llegada á casa del desposado, los padres del

desposado la salian á recibir al patio de la casa, y la metian en una

sala donde el desposado la estava aguardando.' _Codex Mendoza_, in

_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 99.

[185] 'Un sacerdote ataba una punta del _hueipilli_, ó camisa de la

doncella, con otra del _tilmatli_, ó capa del jóven.' _Carbajal

Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Al tiempo que los novios se

avian de acostar é dormir en uno, tomaban la halda delantera de la

camisa de la novia, é atábanla á la manta de algodon que tenia

cubierta el novio.' _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 548. 'Unas

viejas que se llaman titici, ataban la esquina de la manta del mozo,

con la falda del vipil de la moza.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,

lib. ii., p. 83. 'Hechos los tratados, comparecian ambos contrayentes

en el templo, y uno de los sacerdotes examinaba su voluntad con

preguntas rituales; y despues tomaba con una mano el velo de la muger,

y con otra el manto del marido, y los añudaba por los extremos,

significando el vínculo interior de las dos voluntades. Con este

género de yugo nupcial volvian á su casa, en compañia del mismo

sacerdote: donde ... entraban á visitar el fuego doméstico, que á su

parecer, mediaban en la paz de los casados, y daban siete vueltas á él

siguiendo al sacerdote.' _Solis_, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, tom. i., pp.

432-3.

[186] 'Quedando los esposos en aquella estancia durante los cuatro

dias siguientes, sin salir de ella, sino á media noche para incensar á

los ídolos y hacerles oblaciones de diversas especies de manjares.'

_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 557. 'Á la media noche

y al medio dia salian de su aposento á poner encienso sobre un altar

que en su casa tenian.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'Los

padrinos llevaban á los novios á otra pieza separada, donde los

dejaban solos, encerrándolos por la parte de afuera, hasta la mañana

siguiente, que venian á abrirles, y todo el concurso repetia las

enhorabuenas, suponiendo ya consumado el matrimonio.' _Veytia_, _Hist.

Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 26.

[187] The position of the tiger-skin is doubtful: 'Ponian tambien vn

pedaço de cuero de Tigre, debajo de las esteras.' _Torquemada_,

_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 415. 'Ponian un pedazo de cuero de tigre

encima de las esteras.' _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 128. 'La estera

sobre que habian dormido, que se llamaba _petatl_, la sacaban al medio

del patio, y allí la sacudian con cierta ceremonia, y despues tornaban

á ponerla en el lugar donde habian de dormir.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.

Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 158.

[188] 'Otra ceremonia, casi como esta, vsaban los del Pueblo de

Israèl, acerca del acostar los Novios, la primera noche de sus Bodas,

que les ponian vna sabana, ó lienço, para que en èl se estampase el

testimonio de la virginidad, que era la sangre, que del primer acto se

vertìa, la qual se quitaba de la cama delante de testigos, que

pudiesen afirmar haverla visto, con la señal de la sangre, que

comprobaba la corrupcion de la Doncella y embuelta, ó doblada, la

ponian en cierto lugar, diputado para esto, donde quedaba guardada, en

memoria de la limpieça, y puridad, con que la dicha Doncella venia á

poder de su Marido. Seria posible, que quisiese significar entre estos

Indios lo mismo, este cuidado de los viejos, de traer manta, ó sabana,

y tenderla sobre la cama de los desposados, para los primeros actos

matrimoniales; y es creible, que seria este el intento, pues la ropa,

y esteras, que sirvieron en este Sacrificio, se llevaban al Templo, y

no servian mas en casa, como ni mas, ni menos la ceremonia antigua de

guardar la sabana, con sangre, entre los Hebreos, en lugar particular,

y seguro.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416.

[189] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 116-20, 127-8; _Torquemada_,

_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 416; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii.,

pp. 548-9; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 158-60;

_Carbajal_, _Discurso_, p. 19.

[190] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 26-7.

[191] For further information relating to marriage ceremonies and

customs see _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 125-8; _Torquemada_,

_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83, 186, 412-20, 496-7; _Sahagun_,

_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 81-3, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp.

152-62, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 116-17; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._,

tom. ii., pp. 23-7, 178; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.

cxxxix., clxxv.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's

Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 214; _Id._, _Relaciones_, in _Id._, pp.

327, 335, 340, 400; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 374-5;

_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 189, tom.

iii., pp. 79, 565-7; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 33-5;

_Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 298, 314-16; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,

dec. ii., lib. vi., cap. xvi., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.;

_Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v.,

pp. 308-9; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, p. 265; _Gemelli Careri_, in

_Churchill's Col. Voyages_, vol. iv., p. 484; _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp.

de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 279; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom.

i., pp. 555-9, 577; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp. 202-3; _Touron_, _Hist.

Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 11-12; _Simon's Ten Tribes_, pp. 274-5;

_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 145-7; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp.

15-30; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 89-93,

111.

[192] 'Nunca sentenciaban en disfavor del Matrimonio, ni consentian,

que por autoridad de Justicia, ellos se apartasen; porque decian ser

cosa ilicita, y de mucho escandalo para el Pueblo, favorecer, con

autoridad publica, cosa contraria à la raçon; pero ellos se apartaban

de hecho, y este hecho se toleraba, aunque no en todos, segun el mas,

ò menos escandalo, que se engendraba en el Pueblo. Otros dicen, que

por Sentencia difinitiva, se hacia este Repudio, y Divorcio ... los

Jueces sentenciaban (si acaso concedemos, que havia sentencia) que se

apartasen, y quedasen libres, y sin obligacion el vno, al otro; pero

no de la murmuracion del Pueblo, que buelto contra ellos, decian ser

dignos de grandisima pena, por haver quebrado la Fè è integridad del

Matrimonio, y haver dado tan mal exemplo à la Republica.'

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 442; _Carbajal_,

_Discurso_, pp. 20-1; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, p. 31; _Clavigero_,

_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 131.

[193] 'Tengono molte moglie, & tante quante ne possono mantenere come

i mori, però come si è detto, vna è la principale & patrona & i

figliuoli di qsta hereditano, & quei dell'altre no, che non possono

anzi son tenuti per bastardi. Nelle nozze di questa patrona principale

fanno alcune cirimonie, il che non si osserua nelle nozze

dell'altre.' _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando

Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 310. See

further, _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 376; _Las Casas_,

_Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in _Kingsborough's Mex.

Antiq._, vol. viii., pp. 127-8; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 20-7;

_Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.

xcviii., pp. 169, 197; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 107; _Carbajal

Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 430-1; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._,

tom. iii., p. 260; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iv., dec. v., lib.

x.

[194] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, cap. ccxiii., ccxiv., in

_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii., p. 127; _Torquemada_,

_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 370; _Carbajal_, _Discurso_, pp. 27-8;

_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 37-8; _Clavigero_,

_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 132-3.

[195] I have thought it unnecessary to give these speeches in full,

but the reader can find them all together in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,

tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 161-73.

[196] Sahagun adds: 'Mandaba que á la preñada la diesen de comer

suficientemente y buenos manjares, calientes y bien guisados, con

especialidad cuando á la preñada le viene su purgacion, ó como dicen

la regla, y esto llaman que la criatura se laba los pies, porque no se

halle ésta en vacio, ó haya alguna vaciedad ó falta de sangre ó humor

necesario, y así reciba algun daño.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi.,

p. 182.

[197] Sahagun's original MS. contains twenty-four additional lines on

this subject, but these his editor deems too indelicate to print.

_Id._, p. 181.

[198] For these addresses see _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib.

vi., pp. 174-83.

[199] 'Se llegan algunas mujeres como parteras, y otras como testigos

para ver si el parto es supuesto ó natural; y al tiempo del nacer no

permiten que la criatura llegue á la tierra con la vida; é antes que

se la cortenle hacen ciertas señales en el corpezuelo.' _Zuazo_,

_Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 363-4.

[200] _Cihuapipiltin_, or _Ciuapipilti_. A long description of the

burial rites upon these occasions in _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.

ii., lib. vi., pp. 186-91. These will, however, be described in a

future chapter.

[201] Motolinia, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,

tom. i., p. 130, and Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 84, who

seems to have copied from him, are the authorities for this, but the

custom could not have been very general, for it is said that in

Tlascala the mother assigned a breast to each of the twins.

[202] The principal authority on the matter of pregnancy and

childbirth, and the one whom I have thus far followed, is Sahagun,

_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-92.

[203] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86, differs

from Sahagun in these prayers or invocations; Torquemada, _Monarq.

Ind._, tom. ii., p. 445, Klemm, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., p. 36,

and Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560,

follow Clavigero more or less closely.

[204] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 199-200;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6.

[205] The Teochichimec husband undertook the office of midwife when

the birth took place on the road. He heated the back of his wife with

fire, threw water over her in lieu of a bath, and gave her two or

three kicks in the back after the delivery, in order to promote the

issue of superfluous blood. The new-born babe was placed in a wicker

basket, and thrown over the back of the mother, who proceeded on her

journey. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 191-203;

also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 445-6; _Clavigero_,

_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 86; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,

_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 560; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.

Mex._, tom. i., pp. 551-2, 673, etc. The utensils which served at the

birth of the child were, according to Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_,

MS., cap. clxxix., offered at the fountain or river where the mother

washed herself.

[206] By Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 282-328, and

Duran, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii., the signs of the

calendar and their subdivisions are described at length. Each sign had

thirteen sub-signs, representing the same number of days, by whom its

good or bad import was moderated to a certain extent. Under certain

signs the child was liable to become a drunkard, under another a

jester, under a third a warrior, and so on. Brasseur de Bourbourg,

_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 560, and Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom.

i., p. 552, state that the sign which had been most frequent at this

period during the past thirteen years was also considered by the

astrologer.

[207] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 215-7;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 449.

[208] A long description of this feast, the table, attendance, etc.,

is given by Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 332-6, and

by Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 457-8. I shall have

occasion to describe it in a future chapter of this volume, devoted to

such matters.

[209] The poorer classes contented themselves with an interchange of

flowers and food.

[210] A dual deity, uniting both sexes in one person.

[211] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 220, makes the

midwife, in this instance, call upon Citlalatonac. This goddess was,

however, identical with Ometochtli and Omecioatl (see, more

especially, _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 472), to

whom the preceding prayer was directed. Clavigero and Torquemada

assert that the prayer was addressed to the water-goddess.

[212] Sahagun addresses the Sun-God only.

[213] We may presume that the midwife is here addressing the child of

a warrior.

[214] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 84,

Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 287, and Brasseur de

Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 287, translate

Nemoquichtli and Nencihuatl 'useless man' and 'useless woman.'

Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 454-6, discusses names, why

and how they were applied, in Mexico and elsewhere. Motolinia, in

_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 37, states that the name

given at baptism was discarded for one applied by the priest, when the

parents carried the child to the temple in the third month. See also

_Ritos Antiguos_, p. 22, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.

Gomara, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312, says that the name given by the priest

was the surname, nobles sometimes taking a third name. Brasseur de

Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 562, says that several

additional names could be taken under various circumstances. In _Codex

Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., p. 90, it is

stated that the name was given by three boys who sat by eating

_yxcue_.

[215] Boturini states that the infant is thereupon passed four times

through the fire. _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p.

88; but this ceremony is described elsewhere in this volume as taking

place in the temple.

[216] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. iv., pp. 330-6.

[217] It was believed, says Torquemada, that this rubbing of their own

limbs had a strengthening effect upon the new-born. _Monarq. Ind._,

tom. ii., p. 457.

[218] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312.

[219] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18.

[220] _Hist. Ecles._, p. 107.

[221] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329.

[222] _Id._, fol. 395.

[223] The following are contradictory accounts of baptism. On the

fourth day the child and mother took a purification bath, and the

assembled guests were feasted on zamorra, a dish made from maize and

the flesh of hens, deer, etc. Three days after, the mother carried the

child to the adjoining ward, accompanied by six little boys, if it was

a male child, otherwise six girls went with her, to carry the

implements or insignia of the father's trade. Here she washed the

child in a stream, and then returned home. Two years after a feast was

served in the house of the most intimate neighbor, who was asked to

name the child, and with him it remained and was held as a member of

his family. _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série

ii., tom. v., pp. 306-8. The infant was carried to the temple, where

the priest made an oration on the miseries to be endured in this

world, and placed a sword in the right hand of the child and a buckler

in the left; or, if it was destined to be a mechanic, an artisan's

tool; if a girl it received a distaff. The priest then took the child

to the altar and drew a few drops of blood from its body with a

maguey-thorn or knife, after which he threw water over it, delivering

certain imprecations the while. _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp.

12-13. The implements were placed in the hands of the child by the

priest before the idol. _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374. Also

_Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii. The child

underwent three baptisms or baths. _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_,

_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 364. On the seventh day the baptism took

place, and a dart was placed in the hand of the child to signify that

he should become a defender of his country. _Motolinia_, _Hist.

Indios_, in _Id._, p. 37. In _Spiegazione delle Tavole del Codice

Mexicano_ (Vaticano), tav. xxxi., in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.

v., p. 181, it is stated that the child was sprinkled with a bunch of

ficitle dipped in water, and fumigated with incense before receiving

its name. Offerings were made at the temple which the priest divided

among the school children. Tylor, in his _Anahuac_, p. 279, and

_Primitive Culture_, vol. ii., pp. 429-36 gives short reviews of the

baptismal ceremony and its moral import.

[224] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv.;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist.

Ecles._, pp. 107-8; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de

Doc._, tom. i., p. 364; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,

tom. iii., p. 35. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p.

73, reviews the subject of circumcision and denies that it was ever

practiced. Ternaux-Compans, _Voy._, série i., p. 45, tom. x.,

referring to Diaz' statement that all Indians of the Vera Cruz Islands

are circumcised, says that he must have confounded the custom of

drawing blood from the secret organs with circumcision. Cogolludo,

_Hist. Yuc._, p. 191, says circumcision was unknown to the Indians of

Yucatan. Duran and Brasseur evidently consider the slight incisions

made for the purpose of drawing blood from the prepuce or ear, in the

eleventh month, as the act. Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,

p. 538, following Clavigero, holds the scarification of breast,

stomach and arms to be the circumcision referred to by other authors.

Herrera, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., and especially

Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374, consider the incision on the

prepuce and ear to have been mistaken for circumcision, and state that

it was chiefly performed upon sons of great men; they do not state

when the ceremony took place.

[225] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 266; _Carbajal

Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 538.

[226] This rite was followed by another, which usually took place in

the temple of Huitzilopochtli. The priest made a slight incision on

the ear of the female child, and on the ear and prepuce of the male,

with a new obsidian knife handed to him by the mother, then, throwing

the knife at the feet of the idol, he gave a name to the infant, at

the request of the parent, after duly considering the horoscope and

signs of the time. _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.,

quoted by _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp.

525-6. Duran really states that these ceremonies took place in the

fourth month, but as Toci's festival occurs in the eleventh month,

Brasseur alters the evident mistake. The naming of the infant may have

been a mere confirmation of the name given by the midwife.

[227] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii. p. 286.

[228] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 189-90. Sahagun

translates Itzcalli by 'growth,' but other authors differ from him, as

we shall see in a future chapter on the Calendar.

[229] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii.

[230] _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,

tom. i., p. 77; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 460-1.

[231] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 312.

[232] _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 553.

[233] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 318.

[234] The authorities on childbirth, baptism, and circumcision are:

_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 187-90, lib. iv., pp.

281-337, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 160-222, tom. iii., lib. x., pp.

119-20; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 2-73,

86-89; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 83-4, 266, 286,

445-61; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xvii., lib.

iii., cap. xii., lib. iv., cap. xvi.; _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv., clxxix.; _Codex Mendoza_, pp. 90-1, in

_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in

_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 37-8, 77, 108; _Zuazo_,

_Carta_, in _Id._, pp. 363-4; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 107-8,

139; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 329, 395;

_Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, tom. i., p. 18; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._,

in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 203; _Carbajal

Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 538, 551-5, 673; _Brasseur de

Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 240, tom. iii., pp. 35,

525-6, 560-3; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 374; _Gomara_, _Conq.

Mex._, fol. 312, 317-18; _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 12-13;

_Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. v.,

pp. 306-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 32, 265; _Klemm_,

_Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 36-9; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._,

pp. 140-1; _D'Avity_, _L'Amérique_, tom. ii., p. 73; _Baril_,

_Mexique_, pp. 199-200; _Ritos Antiguos_, pp. 22-3, in _Kingsborough's

Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_, p. 239; _Adair's Amer.

Ind._, p. 217; _Müller_, _Reisen_, tom. iii., pp. 118-20; _Purchas his

Pilgrimes_, vol. iv., pp. 1102-3, 1140; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., p.

101; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Diaz_,

_Itinéraire_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p. 45;

_Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, tom. i., p. 90; _Morton's Crania Amer._, p.

147; _Delafield's Antiq. Amer._, p. 19.