CHAPTER IX.

PUBLIC FESTIVALS.

FREQUENT OCCURRENCE OF RELIGIOUS FEASTS--HUMAN

SACRIFICES--FEASTS OF THE FOURTH YEAR--MONTHLY

FESTIVALS--SACRIFICE OF CHILDREN--FEAST OF XIPE--MANNER OF

SACRIFICE--FEASTS OF CAMAXTLI, OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS, OF

CENTEOTL, OF TEZCATLIPOCA, AND OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI--FESTIVAL

OF THE SALT-MAKERS--THE SACRIFICE BY FIRE--FEAST OF THE

DEAD--THE COMING OF THE GODS--THE FOOTPRINTS ON THE

MAT--HUNTING FEAST--THE MONTH OF LOVE--HARD TIMES--NAHUA

LUPERCALIA--FEASTS OF THE SUN, OF THE WINTER

SOLSTICE--HARVEST AND EIGHT-YEAR FESTIVALS--THE BINDING OF

THE SHEAF.

[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FESTIVALS.]

The amusements described in the preceding chapter were chiefly

indulged in during the great religious festivals, when the people

flocked together from all quarters to propitiate or offer up thanks to

some particular god.

These festivals were of very frequent occurrence. The Nahuas were

close observers of nature; but like other nations in a similar or even

more advanced stage of culture, the Greeks and Northmen for example,

they entirely misunderstood the laws which govern the phenomena of

nature, and looked upon every natural occurrence as the direct act of

some particular divinity. The coming of the rains was held to be the

coming of the rain-gods, with their heralds the thunder and lightning;

the varying condition of the crops was ascribed to their Ceres;

drought, storms, eclipses, all were considered the acts of special

deities.

The religious machinery required to propitiate the anger, humor the

whims, and beseech the favor of such a vast number of capricious

divinities, was as intricate as it was ponderous. Besides the daily

services held in the various temples, prayers were offered several

times during each day in that of the sun, special rites attended every

undertaking, from the departure of a private traveler to the setting

forth of an army for war, and fixed as well as movable feasts were

held, the number of which was continually increased as opportunity

offered. The priests observed fasts among themselves, attended with

penance, scarifications, and mutilations sometimes so severe as to

result fatally. Thus, at the festival in honor of Camaxtli, the

priests fasted one hundred and sixty days, and passed several hundred

sticks, varying in thickness from half an inch to an inch and a half

through a hole freshly made in the tongue.[273] The people imitated

these penances in a less degree, and scarified the members of their

bodies that had been the means of committing a sin. Blood was drawn

from the ears for inattention, or for conveying evil utterances to the

mind; from the tongue for giving expression to bad words; the eyes,

the arms, the legs, all suffered for any reprehensible act or neglect.

The people of each province, says Las Casas, had a manner of drawing

blood peculiar to themselves.[274]

At the public festivals each private person brought such offering to

the god as his means allowed. The poor had often nothing to give but a

flower, a cake, or personal service, but the wealthy gave rich robes,

jewels, gold, and slaves. But no great feast seems to have been

complete without human sacrifice. This was always the great event of

the day, to which the people looked eagerly forward, and for which

victims were carefully preserved. Most of these miserable beings were

captives taken in war, and it was rarely that the supply failed to be

sufficient to the occasion, especially among the Mexicans, since, as I

have before said, there was nearly always trouble in some part of the

empire, if not, a lack of victims for sacrifice was held good cause

for picking a quarrel with a neighboring nation; besides, if the

number of war prisoners was not sufficient there were never wanting

refractory slaves to swell the number. We have it upon good authority

that upon almost every monthly feast, and upon numerous other grand

celebrations, several hundred human hearts were torn hot from living

breasts as an acceptable offering to the Nahua gods and a pleasant

sight to the people.[275]

The grandest festivals were celebrated during the fourth year, called

Teoxihuitl, or 'divine year,' and at the commencement of every

thirteenth year. On these occasions a greater number of victims bled

and the penances were more severe than at other times. The Nahuas also

observed a grand festival every month in the year; but, as these

feasts were closely connected with their religion, and therefore will

be necessarily described at length in the next volume, I will confine

myself here to such an outline description of them as will suffice to

give the reader an idea of what they were.[276]

[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FEASTS.]

The Aztec feast that is mentioned first by the old writers, namely

that of the month Atlcahualco, 'the diminishing of the waters,' or, as

it was called in some parts, Quahuitlehua, 'burning of the trees or

mountains,' was celebrated in honor of the Tlalocs, gods of rains and

waters. At this feast a great number of sucking infants were

sacrificed, some upon certain high mountains, others in a whirlpool in

the lake of Mexico. The little ones were mostly bought from their

mothers, though sometimes they were voluntarily presented by parents

who wished to gain the particular favor of the god. Those only who had

two curls on the head, and who had been born under a lucky sign were

thought acceptable to the gods. The sacrifices were not all made in

one place, but upon six several mountains and in the lake. These were

visited one after another by a great procession of priests attended by

the music of flutes and trumpets, and followed by a vast multitude of

people thirsting for the sight of blood; nay, more, literally

hungering for the flesh of the babes, if we may credit the assertion

of some authors, that the bodies were actually brought back and the

flesh eaten as a choice delicacy by the priests and chief men. But of

cannibalism more anon.

The little ones were carried to their death upon gorgeous litters

adorned with plumes and jewels, and were themselves dressed in a

splendid manner in embroidered and jeweled mantles and sandals, and

colored paper wings. Their faces were stained with oil of

India-rubber, and upon each cheek was painted a round white spot. No

wonder that, as the old chroniclers say, the people wept as the doomed

babes passed by; surely there was good cause for weeping in such a

sight. Gladiatorial combats and sacrifice of prisoners of war at the

temple completed this feast.[277]

The next feast, that in the month of Tlacaxipehualiztli, 'the flaying

of men,' was held in honor of Xipe, who was especially the patron

deity of the goldsmiths.[278] This god was thought to inflict sore

eyes, itch, and other diseases upon those who offended him, and they

were therefore careful to observe his feast with all due regularity

and honor. On this occasion thieves convicted for the second time of

stealing gold or jewels[279] were sacrificed, besides the usual number

of prisoners of war. The vigil of the feast, on the last day of the

preceding month, began with solemn dances. At midnight the victims

were taken from the chapel, where they had been compelled to watch,

and brought before the sacred fire. Here the hair was shaven from the

top of their heads, the captors at the same time drawing blood from

their own ears in honor of the idol; the severed topknot of each war

prisoner was afterwards hung up at the house of his captor as a token

and memorial of the father's bravery. Towards daybreak some of the

prisoners were taken up to the great temple to be sacrificed. But

before we proceed farther it will be necessary to see how these human

offerings were made.

[Sidenote: SACRIFICIAL RITES.]

Sacrifices varied in number, place, and manner, according to the

circumstances of the festival. In general the victims suffered death

by having the breast opened, and the heart torn out; but others were

drowned, others were shut up in caves and starved to death, others

fell in the gladiatorial sacrifice, which will be described elsewhere.

The customary place was the temple, on the topmost platform of which

stood the altar used for ordinary sacrifices. The altar of the great

temple at Mexico, says Clavigero, was a green stone, probably jasper,

convex above, and about three feet high and as many broad, and more

than five feet long. The usual ministers of the sacrifice were six

priests, the chief of whom was the Topiltzin, whose dignity was

preëminent and hereditary; but at every sacrifice he assumed the name

of that god to whom it was made. When sacrificing he was clothed in a

red habit, similar in shape to a modern scapulary, fringed with

cotton; on his head he wore a crown of green and yellow feathers, from

his ears hung golden ear-ornaments and green jewels, and from his

under lip a pendant of turquoise. His five assistants were dressed in

white habits of the same make, but embroidered with black; their hair

was plaited and bound with leather thongs, upon their foreheads were

little patches of various-colored paper; their entire bodies were dyed

black. The victim was carried naked up to the temple, where the

assisting priests seized him and threw him prostrate on his back upon

the altar, two holding his legs, two his feet, and the fifth his head;

the high-priest then approached, and with a heavy knife of obsidian

cut open the miserable man's breast; then with a dexterity acquired by

long practice the sacrificer tore forth the yet palpitating heart,

which he first offered to the sun and then threw at the foot of the

idol; taking it up he again offered it to the god and afterwards

burned it, preserving the ashes with great care and veneration.

Sometimes the heart was placed in the mouth of the idol with a golden

spoon. It was customary also to anoint the lips of the image and the

cornices of the door with the victim's blood. If he was a prisoner of

war, as soon as he was sacrificed they cut off his head to preserve

the skull, and threw the body down the temple steps, whence it was

carried to the house of the warrior by whom the victim had been taken

captive, and cooked and eaten at a feast given by him to his friends;

the body of a slave purchased for sacrifice was carried off by the

former proprietor for the same purpose. This is Clavigero's account.

The same writer asserts that the Otomís having killed the victim, tore

the body in pieces, which they sold at market. The Zapotecs sacrificed

men to their gods, women to their goddesses, and children to some

other diminutive deities. At the festival of Teteionan the woman who

represented this goddess was beheaded on the shoulders of another

woman. At the feast celebrating the arrival of the gods, the victims

were burned to death. We have seen that they drowned children at one

feast in honor of Tlaloc; at another feast of the same god several

little boys were shut up in a cavern, and left to die of fear and

hunger.[280]

[Sidenote: SACRIFICES IN HONOR OF XIPE.]

Let us now proceed with the feast of Xipe. We left a part of the

doomed captives on their way to death. Arrived at the summit of the

temple each one is led in turn to the altar of sacrifice seized by the

grim, merciless priests, and thrown upon the stone; the high priest

draws near, the knife is lifted, there is one great cry of agony, a

shuffle of feet as the assistants are swayed to and fro by the death

struggles of their victim, then all is silent save the muttering of

the high-priest as high in air he holds the smoking heart, while from

far down beneath comes a low hum of admiration from the thousands of

upturned faces.

The still quivering bodies were cast down the temple steps, as at

other times, but on this occasion they were not taken away until they

had been flayed, for which reason these victims were called _xipeme_,

'flayed,' or _tototecti_, 'one who dies in honor of Totec.' The

remains were then delivered over to the captor by certain priests, at

the chapel where he had made his vow of offering, a vow which involved

a fast of twenty days previous to the festival. A thigh was sent to

the king's table, and the remainder was cooked with maize and served

up at the banquet given by the captors, to which their friends were

invited. This dish was called _tlacatlaolli_; the giver of the feast,

says Sahagun, did not taste the flesh of his own captive, who was

held, in a manner, to be his son, but ate of others.

[Sidenote: GHASTLY BEGGARS.]

[Sidenote: THE FEAST OF CAMAXTLI.]

The next day another batch of prisoners, called _oavanti_, whose top

hair had also been shaved, were brought out for sacrifice. In the

meantime a number of young men also termed _tototecti_, began a

gladiatorial game, a burlesque on the real combat to follow; dressing

themselves in the skins of the flayed victims, they were teased to

fight by a number of their comrades; these they pursued and put to

flight, and thereupon turned against one another, dragging the

vanquished to the guard-house, whence they were not discharged until a

fine had been paid. A number of priests, each representing a god, now

descended from the summit of the temple, and directed their steps to

the stone of sacrifice, which stood below and must not be confounded

with the altar, and seated themselves upon stools round about it, the

high-priest taking the place of honor. After them came four braves,

two disguised as eagles, and two as tigers, who performed fencing

tactics as they advanced, and were destined to fight the captives. A

band of singers and musicians, who were seated behind the priests, and

bore streamers of white feathers mounted on long poles which were

strapped to their shoulders, now began to sound flutes, shells, and

trumpets, to whistle and to sing, while others approached, each

dragging his own captive along by the hair. A cup of pulque was given

to each of these poor wretches, which he presented toward the four

quarters of the earth, and then sucked up the fluid by means of a

tube. A priest thereupon took a quail, cut off its head before the

captive, and taking the shield which he carried from him he raised it

upwards, at the same time throwing the quail behind him--a symbol,

perhaps, of his fate. Another priest arrayed in a bear-skin, who stood

as god-father to the doomed men, now proceeded to tie one of the

captives to a ring fixed in the elevated flat stone upon which the

combat took place; he then handed him a sword edged with feathers

instead of flint, and four pine sticks wherewith to defend himself

against the four braves who were appointed to fight with him, one by

one. These advanced against him with shield and sword raised toward

the sky, and executing all manner of capers; if the captive proved too

strong for them, a fifth man who fought both with the right and left

hand was called in.[281] Those who were too faint-hearted to attempt

this hopeless combat, had their hearts torn out at once, whilst the

others were sacrificed only after having been subdued by the braves.

The bleeding and quivering heart was held up to the sun and then

thrown into a bowl, prepared for its reception. An assistant priest

sucked the blood from the gash in the chest through a hollow cane, the

end of which he elevated towards the sun, and then discharged its

contents into a plume-bordered cup held by the captor of the prisoner

just slain. This cup was carried round to all the idols in the temples

and chapels, before whom another blood-filled tube was held up as if

to give them a taste of the contents; this ceremony performed, the cup

was left at the palace. The corpse was taken to the chapel where the

captive had watched, and there flayed, the flesh being consumed at a

banquet as before.[282] The skin was given to certain priests, or

college youths, who went from house to house dressed in the ghastly

garb, with the arms swinging, singing, dancing, and asking for

contributions; those who refused to give anything received a stroke in

the face from the dangling arm. The money collected was at the

disposal of the captor, who gave it to the performers, and, no doubt,

it eventually found its way to the temple or school treasury.[283]

After the sacrifice, the priests, chiefs, and owners of the captives

commenced to dance the _motzontecomaitotia_, circling round the stone

of combat, weeping and lamenting as if going to their death, the

captors holding the heads of the dead men by the hair in their right

hands, and the priests swinging the cords which had held them toward

the four quarters of the compass, amid many ceremonies. The next

morning solemn dances were held everywhere, beginning at the royal

palaces, at which everybody appeared in his best finery, holding

tamales or cakes in his hands in lieu of flowers, and wearing dry

maize, instead of garlands, as appropriate to the season. They also

carried imitations of amaranths made of feathers and maize-stalks with

the ears. At noon the priests retired from the dance, whereupon the

lords and nobles arranged themselves in front of the palace by

threes, with the king at their head, holding the lord of Tezcuco by

the right hand and the lord of Tlacopan by the left, and danced

solemnly till sunset. Other dances by warriors, and women, chiefly

prostitutes, followed at the temple and lasted till midnight, the

motions consisting of swinging of arms and interwinding. The

festivities were varied by military reviews, sports, and concerts, and

extended over the whole month. It was held incumbent upon everyone at

this time to eat a kind of uncooked cake called _huilocpalli_. The

Tlascaltecs called this month Cohuailhuitl, 'feast of the snake,' a

name which truly indicates rejoicings, such as carnivals, sports, and

banquets, participated in by all classes. Celebrations in honor of

Camaxtli were also held at this time here as well as in Huexotzinco

and many other places, for which the priests prepared themselves by a

severe fast. The ceremonies when they took place in the fourth year,

called 'God's year,' were especially imposing. When the time came for

the long fast which preceded the feast to begin, those of the priests

who had sufficient courage to undergo the severe penance then exacted

from the devout were called upon to assemble at the temple. Here the

eldest arose and exhorted them to be faithful to their vows, giving

notice to those who were faint-hearted to leave the company of

penance-doers within five days, for, if they failed, after that time

by the rules of the fast they would be disgraced and deprived of their

estates. On the fifth day they again met to the number of two or three

hundred, although many had already deserted, fearing the severity of

the rules, and repaired to Mount Matlalcueje, stopping half-way up to

pray, while the high-priest ascended alone to the top, where stood a

temple devoted to the divinity of this name. Here he offered

chalchiuite-stones and quetzal-feathers, paper and incense, praying to

Matlalcueje and Camaxtli to give his servants strength and courage to

keep the fast. Other priests belonging to various temples in the

meantime gathered loads of sticks, two feet long and as thick as the

wrist, which they piled up in the chief temple of Camaxtli. These were

fashioned to the required form and size and polished by carpenters who

had undergone a five days' fast, and were, in return for their

services, fed outside the temple. Flint-cutters, who had also

undergone a fast to ensure the success of their work, were now

summoned to prepare knives, which were placed upon clean cloths,

exposed to the sun and perfumed; a broken blade was held as a sign of

bad fasting, and the one who broke it was reprimanded. At sunset, on

the day of the great penance, the _achcauhtli_, 'eldest brothers,'

began chanting in a solemn tone and playing upon their drums.[284] On

the termination of the last hymn, which was of a very lugubrious

character and delivered without accompaniment, the self-torture

commenced. Certain penance-doers seized each a knife and cut a hole in

the tongue of each man, through which the prepared sticks were

inserted, the smaller first and then the stouter, the number varying

according to the piety and endurance of the penitent. The chief set

the example by passing four hundred and fifty through his tongue,[285]

singing a hymn at the same time in spite of all. This was repeated

every twenty days during the fast, the sticks decreasing in size and

number as the time for the feast drew near. The sticks which had been

used were thrown as an offering to the idol within a circle formed in

the courtyard of the temple with a number of poles, six fathoms in

height, and were afterwards burnt. After the lapse of eighty days, a

branch was placed in the temple-yard, as a sign that all the people

had to join in the fast for the remaining eighty days, during which

nothing but maize-cakes, without chile--a severe infliction, indeed,

for this people--were to be eaten, no baths taken and no communion

with women indulged in.[286] Fires were to be kept alight the whole

time, and so strict was this rule that the life of the slaves in great

houses depended upon the proper attention paid to it. The chief

achcauhtli went once more to the Matlalcueje mountain[287] escorted by

four others, where, alone and at night, he offered copal, paper, and

quails; he also made a tour round the province, carrying a green

branch in his hand, and exhorting all to observe the fast. The devout

seized this opportunity to make him presents of clothes and other

valuables. Shortly before the end of the fast all the temples were

repaired and adorned, and three days previous to the festival the

achcauhtlis painted themselves with figures of animals in various

colors, and danced solemnly the whole day in the temple-yard.

Afterwards they adorned the image of Camaxtli, which stood about

seventeen feet high, and dressed the small idol by his side in the

raiments of the god Quetzalcoatl, who was held to be the son of

Camaxtli. This idol was said to have been brought to the country by

the first settlers. The raiment was borrowed from the Cholultecs, who

asked the same favor when they celebrated Camaxtli's feast. Camaxtli

was adorned with a mask of turquoise mosaic,[288] green and red plumes

waved upon his head, a shield of gold and rich feathers was fastened

to his left arm, and in his right hand he held a dart of fine

workmanship pointed with flint. He was dressed in several robes and a

_tecucxicolli_, like a priest's vestment, open in front and finely

bordered with cotton and rabbit-hair, which was spun and dyed like

silk. A number of birds, reptiles, and insects were killed before him,

and flowers offered. At midnight, a priest dressed in the vestments of

the idol lighted a new fire, which was consecrated with the blood of

the principal captive, called the Son of the Sun. All the other

temples were supplied from this flame. A great number of captives were

thereupon sacrificed to Camaxtli as well as to other gods, and the

bodies consumed at the banquets that followed. The number killed in

the various towns of the province amounted to over one thousand, a

number greatly increased by the numerous sacrifices offered at the

same time in other places where Camaxtli was worshiped.[289]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE FLOWER-DEALERS.]

The next feast, which was that of the month called Tozoztontli, or

'short vigil,' was characterized by a constant night watch observed by

the priests in the various temples, where they kept fires burning and

sounded the gongs to prevent napping. More of the children bought in

the first month were now sacrificed, and offerings of fruit and

flowers were made to induce the Tlalocs to send rain.[290] The chief

event, however, of this month, was a fast given in honor of

Cohuatlicue, or Coatlantona, by the _xochimanques_, or flower-dealers,

of Mexico. The celebration took place in the temple of Yopico, which

was under the special care and protection of the people of Xochimilco

and Quauhnahuac, whose lands were renowned for the beauty and

abundance of their flowers. Here were offered the first flowers of the

season, of which hitherto none might inhale the perfume, and here the

people sat down and chanted hymns of praise to the goddess. Cakes made

of wild amaranth or savory, called _tzatzapaltamale_, were also

offered. In this temple of Yopico was a grotto in which the skins of

the victims sacrificed at the feast of the preceding month were now

deposited by the priests who had worn them continuously until this

time. These marched in solemn procession to the grotto, accompanied by

a number of people whom the angered Xipe had smitten with itch, or eye

diseases; this act of devotion would, it was thought, induce the god

to relent and remove the curse. The owners of the captives to whom the

skins had belonged, and their families, of whom none was permitted to

wash his head during the month, in token of sorrow for the slain,

followed the procession. The priests doffed their strange and filthy

attire and deposited it in the grotto; they were then washed in water

mixed with flour, their bodies at the same time being belabored and

slapped with the moist hands of their assistants, to bring out the

unhealthy matter left by the rotting skins. This was followed by a

lustration in pure water. The diseased underwent the same washing and

slapping. On returning home feasting and amusements broke out anew.

Among other sports the owners of the late prisoners gave the paper

ornaments which had been worn by them to certain young men, who,

having put them on, took each a shield in one hand and a bludgeon in

the other; thus armed they ran about threatening to maltreat those

whom they met. Everybody fled before them, calling out "here comes the

_tetzonpac_." Those who were caught forfeited their mantles, which

were taken to the house of the warrior, to be redeemed, perhaps, after

the conclusion of the game. The paper ornaments were afterwards

wrapped in a mat and placed upon a tripod in front of the wearer's

house. By the side of the tripod a wooden pillar was erected, to which

the thigh-bone of a victim, adorned with gaudy papers, was attached

amid many ceremonies, and in the presence of the captor's friends.

Both these trophies commemorated the bravery of the owner. This

lasted six days. About this time, says Duran, certain old diviners

went about provided with talismans, generally small idols, which they

hung round the necks of boys by means of colored thread, as a security

against evil, and for this service received presents from the

parents.[291]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF CENTEOTL.]

The following month, which was called Huey-Tozoztli, 'great

vigil,'[292] a feast was celebrated in honor of Centeotl, the god of

cereals, and Chicomecoatl, goddess of provisions. At this time both

people and priest fasted four days. Offerings of various kinds were

made to the gods of the feast, and afterwards a procession of virgins

strangely and gaudily attired carried ears of corn to be used as seed,

to the temple to be blessed.[293]

The first half of the succeeding month, called Toxcatl, was, among the

Mexicans, taken up with a continuous series of festivals in honor of

Tezcatlipoca; the latter half of the month was devoted to the worship

of his brother-god Huitzilopochtli. Ten days before the feast began, a

priest, arrayed in the vestments of Tezcatlipoca, and holding a

nosegay in one hand and a clay flute in the other, came out from the

temple, and turning first to the east and then to the other three

quarters, blew a shrill note on his instrument; then, stooping, he

gathered some dust on his finger and swallowed it, in token of

humility and submission. On hearing the whistle all the people knelt,

ate dust, and implored the clemency and favor of the god. On the eve

of the festival the nobles brought to the temple a present of a new

set of robes, in which the priests clothed the idol, adorning it

besides with its proper ornaments of gold and feathers; the old dress

was deposited in the temple coffers as a relic. The sanctuary was then

thrown open to the multitude. In the evening certain fancifully

attired priests carried the idol on a litter round the courtyard of

the temple, which was strewn with flowers for the occasion. Here the

young men and maidens devoted to the service of the temple formed a

circle round the procession, bearing between them a long string of

withered maize as a symbol of drought. Some decked the idol with

garlands, others strewed the ground with maguey-thorns, that the

devout might step upon them and draw blood in honor of the god. The

girls wore rich dresses, and their arms and cheeks were dyed; the boys

were clothed in a kind of net-work, and all were adorned with strings

of withered maize. Two priests marched beside the idol, swinging their

lighted censers now towards the image, now towards the sun, and

praying that their appeals might rise to heaven, even as the smoke of

the burning copal; and as the people heard and saw they knelt and beat

their backs with knotted cords.

As soon as the idol was replaced, offerings poured in of gold, jewels,

flowers, and feathers, as well as toasted quails, corn, and other

articles of food prepared by women who had solicited and obtained the

privilege. This food was afterwards divided among the priests, who, in

fact, seem to have really reaped the benefit on most religious

occasions. It was carried to them by a procession of virgins who

served in the temple. At the head of the procession marched a priest

strangely attired in a white-bordered surplice, reaching to the knee,

and a sleeveless jacket of red skin, with a pair of wings attached,

to which hung a number of ribbons, suspending a gourd filled with

charms. The food was set down at the temple stairway, whence it was

carried to the priests by attendant boys. After a fast of five days

these divine viands were doubtless doubly welcome.

[Sidenote: FEAST OF TEZCATLIPOCA.]

Among the captives brought out for sacrifice at the same festival a

year before, the one who possessed the finest form, the most agreeable

disposition, and the highest culture, had been selected to be the

mortal representative of the god till this day. It was absolutely

necessary, however, that he should be of spotless physique, and, to

render him still more worthy of the divine one whom he personated, the

calpixques, under whose care he was placed, taught him all the

accomplishments that distinguished the higher class. He was regaled

upon the fat of the land, but was obliged to take doses of salted

water to counteract any tendency toward obesity; he was allowed to go

out into the town day and night, escorted by eight pages of rank

dressed in the royal livery, and received the adoration of the people

as he passed along. His dress corresponded with his high position; a

rich and curiously bordered mantle, like a fine net, and a maxtli with

wide, embroidered margin, covered his body; white cock-feathers,

fastened with gum, and a garland of _izquixuchitl_ flowers, encircled

the helmet of sea-shells which covered his head; strings of flowers

crossed his breast; gold rings hung from his ears, and from a necklace

of precious stones about his neck dangled a valuable stone; upon his

shoulders were pouch-like ornaments of white linen with fringes and

tassels; golden bracelets encircled the upper part of his arms, while

the lower part was almost covered with others of precious stones,

called _macuextli_; upon his ankles golden bells jingled as he walked,

and prettily painted slippers covered his feet.

Twenty days before the feast he was bathed, and his dress changed; the

hair being cut in the style used by captains, and tied with a curious

fringe which formed a tassel falling from the top of the head, from

which two other tassels, made of feathers, gold, and _tochomitl_, and

called _aztaxelli_, were suspended. He was then married to four

accomplished damsels, to whom the names of four goddesses,

Xochiquetzal, Xilonen, Atlatonan, and Huixtocioatl were given, and

these remained with him until his death, endeavoring to render him as

happy as possible. The last five days the divine honors paid to him

became still more imposing, and celebrations were held in his honor,

the first day in the Tecanman district, the second in the ward where

the image of Tezcatlipoca stood, the third in the woods of the ward of

Tepetzinco, and the fourth in the woods of Tepepulco; the lords and

nobles gave, besides, solemn banquets followed by recreations of all

kinds. At the end of the fourth feast, the victim was placed with his

wives in one of the finest awning-covered canoes belonging to the

king, and sent from Tepepulco to Tlapitzaoayan, where he was left

alone with the eight pages who attended him during the year. These

conducted him to the Tlacochcalco, a small and plain temple standing

near the road, about a league from Mexico,[294] which he ascended,

breaking a flute against every step of the staircase. At the summit he

was received by the sacrificing ministers, who served him after their

manner, and held up his heart exultingly to the sun; the body was

carried down to the courtyard on the arms of priests, and the head

having been cut off was spitted at the Tzompantli, or 'place of

skulls;' the legs and arms were set apart as sacred food for the lords

and people of the temple. This end, so terrible, signified that

riches and pleasures may turn into poverty and sorrow; a pretty moral,

truly, to adorn so gentle a tale.

After the sacrifice, the college youths, nobles, and priests commenced

a grand ball for which the older priests supplied the music; and at

sunset the virgins brought another offering of bread made with honey.

This was placed upon clay plates, covered with skulls and dead men's

bones, carried in procession to the altar of Tezcatlipoca, and

destined for the winners in the race up the temple steps, who were

dressed in robes of honor, and, after undergoing a lustration, were

invited to a banquet by the temple dignitaries. The feast was closed

by giving an opportunity to boys and girls in the college, of a

suitable age, to marry. Their remaining comrades took advantage of

this to joke and make sport of them, pelting them with soft balls and

reproving them for leaving the service of the god for the pleasures of

matrimony.[295] Tezcatlipoca's representative was the only victim

sacrificed at this festival, but every leap-year the blood flowed in

torrents.

[Sidenote: FEAST OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]

[Sidenote: INCENSING OF HUITZILOPOCHTLI.]

After this celebration commenced the festival in honor of the younger

brother of Tezcatlipoca, Huitzilopochtli, the Mexican god of war. The

priests of the god prepared a life-size statue like his original

image, the bones of which were composed of mezquite-wood, the flesh of

_tzoalli_, a dough made from amaranth and other seeds. This they

dressed in the raiments of the idol, viz: a coat decorated with human

bones, and a net-like mantle of cotton and nequen, covered by another

mantle, the _tlaquaquallo_, adorned with feather-work, and bearing a

gold plate upon its front; its wide folds were painted with the bones

and members of a human being, and fell over a number of men's bones

made of dough, which represented his power over death. A paper crown,

very wide at the top and set with plumes, covered this head, and

attached to its feather-covered summit was a bloody flint-knife,

signifying his fury in battle. The image was placed upon a stage of

logs, formed to resemble four snakes whose heads and tails protruded

at the four corners, and borne by four of the principal warriors[296]

to the temple of Huitznahuac, attended by a vast number of people, who

sang and danced along the road. A sheet of maguey-paper, twenty

fathoms in length, one in breadth, and one finger in thickness, upon

which were depicted the glorious deeds of the god, was carried before

the procession on the points of darts ornamented with feathers, the

bearers singing the praises of the deity to the sound of music.[297]

At sunset the stage was raised to the summit of the temple by means of

ropes attached to the four corners, and placed in position. The paper

painting was then rolled up in front of it, and the darts made into a

bundle. After a presentation of offerings consisting of tamales and

other food, the idol was left in charge of its priests. At dawn the

next morning similar offerings, accompanied with incense, were made to

the family image of the god at every house. That day the king himself

appeared in the sacerdotal character. Taking four quails, he wrenched

their heads off one after another, and threw the quivering bodies

before the idol; the priests did the same, and then the people. Some

of the birds were prepared and eaten by the king, priest, and

principal men at the feast, the rest were preserved for another

occasion. Each minister then placed coals and _chapopotli_

incense[298] in his _tlemaitl_,[299] and wafted the disagreeable odor

towards the idol. The ashes were then emptied from the censers into an

immense brazier, called the _tlexictli_, or 'fire-navel.' This

ceremony gave the name to the festival, which was known as the

'incensing of Huitzilopochtli.' The girls devoted to the service of

the temple now appeared, having their arms and legs decorated with red

feathers, their faces painted, and garlands of toasted maize on their

heads; in their hands they held split canes, upon which were flags of

paper or cloth painted with vertical black bars. Linking hands they

joined the priests in the grand dance called _toxcachocholoa_. Upon

the large brazier, round which the dancers whirled, stood two

shield-bearers with blackened faces, who directed the motions. These

men had cages of candlewood tied to their backs after the manner of

women. The priests who joined in the dance wore paper rosettes upon

their foreheads, yellow and white plumes on their heads, and had their

lips and their blackened faces smeared with honey. They also wore

undergarments of paper, called _amasmaxtli_, and each held a palm wand

in his hand, the upper part of which was adorned with flowers, while

the lower end was tipped with a ball, both balls and flowers being

made of black feathers; the part of the wand grasped in the hand was

rolled in strips of black-striped paper. When dancing, they touched

the ground with their wands as if to support themselves. The musicians

were hidden from view in the temple. The courtiers and warriors danced

in another part of the courtyard, apart from the priests, with girls

attired somewhat like those already described.

At the same time that the representative of Tezcatlipoca was chosen,

the year before, another youth was appointed to represent

Huitzilopochtli, to whom was given the name of Ixteocale, that is,

'eyes of the lord of the divine house.'[300] He always associated with

the other doomed one of Tezcatlipoca, and shared his enjoyments; but,

as the representative of a less esteemed god, he was paid no divine

honors. His dress was characteristic of the deity for whom he was

fated to die. Papers painted with black circles covered his body, a

mitre of eagle-feathers, with waving plumes and a flint knife in the

centre adorned his head, and a fine piece of cloth, a hand square,

with a bag called _patoxin_ above it, was tied to his breast; on one

of his arms he had an ornament made of the hair of wild beasts, like a

maniple, called _imatacax_, and golden bells jingled about his ankles.

Thus arrayed he led the dance of the plebeians,[301] like the god

conducting his warriors to battle. This youth had the privilege of

choosing the hour of his death, but any delay involved the loss to him

of a proportionate amount of glory and happiness in the other world.

When he delivered himself up to the sacrificers, they raised him on

their arms, tore out his heart, beheaded him, and spitted the head at

the place of skulls. After him several other captives were immolated,

and then the priests started another dance, the _atepocaxixilihua_,

which lasted the remainder of the day, certain intervals being devoted

to incensing the idol. On this day the male and female children born

during the year were taken to the temple and scarified on the chest,

stomach, and arms, to mark them as followers of the god.

The feast in honor of Quetzalcoatl, as it was celebrated during this

month in Cholula, and the feast of the following month, called

Etzalqualiztli, dedicated to the Tlalocs, or rain gods, the reader

will find fully described in the next volume.[302]

[Sidenote: SMALL FEAST OF THE LORDS.]

The next month was one of general rejoicing among the Nahuas, and was

for this reason called Tecuilhuitzintli, or Tecuilhuitontli, 'small

feast of the lords.' The nobles and warriors exercised with arms to

prepare for coming wars; hunting parties, open-air sports, and

theatricals divided the time with banquets and indoor parties; and

there was much interchanging of roses out of compliment. Yet the

amusements this month were mostly confined to the lower classes, the

more imposing celebrations of the nobility taking place in the

following month. The religious celebrations were in honor of

Huixtocihuatl, the goddess of salt, said to have been a sister to the

rain gods, who quarreled with her, and drove her into the salt water,

where she invented the art of making salt. Her chief devotees were, of

course, the salt-makers, mostly females, who held a ten-days' festival

in her temple, singing and dancing every evening from dusk till

midnight in company with the doomed captives. They were all adorned

with garlands of a sweet-smelling herb called _iztauhiatl_, and danced

in a ring formed by cords of flowers, led by some of their own sex;

the music was furnished by two old men. The female who represented the

goddess and was to die in her honor danced with them, generally in the

centre of the circle, and accompanied by an old man holding a

beautiful plume, called _huixtopetlacotl_; if very nervous she was

supported by old women.[303] She was dressed in the yellow robes of

the goddess, and wore on her head a mitre surmounted by a number of

green plumes; her huipil and skirt with net covering were worked in

wavy outlines, and bordered with chalchiuites; ear-rings of gold in

imitation of flowers hung from her ears; golden bells and white shells

held by straps of tiger-skin, jingled and clattered about her ankles;

her sandals were fastened with buttons and cords of cotton. On her arm

she bore a shield painted with broad leaves, from which hung bits of

parrot-feathers, tipped with flowers formed of eagle-plumage; it was

also fringed with bright quetzal-feathers. In her hand she held a

round bludgeon, one or two hands broad at the end, adorned with

rubber-stained paper, and three flowers, at equal distances apart,

filled with incense and set with quetzal-feathers; this shield she

flourished as she danced. The priests who performed the sacrifice were

dressed in an appropriate costume; on the great day, the priests

performed another and solemn dance, devoting intervals to the

sacrifice of captives, who were called Huixtoti in honor of the deity.

Finally, towards evening, the female victim was thrown upon the stone

by five young men, who held her while the priests cut open her breast,

pressing a stick or a swordfish-bone against her throat to prevent her

from screaming. The heart was held up to the sun and then thrown into

a bowl. The music struck up and the people went home to feast.[304]

[Sidenote: GREAT FEAST OF THE LORDS.]

The feast of the following month, Hueytecuilhuitl, or 'great feast of

the lords,' occurred at the time of the year when food was most

scarce, the grain from the preceding harvest being nearly exhausted

and the new crop not yet ripe for cutting. The nobles at this time

gave great and solemn banquets among themselves, and provided at their

personal expense feasts for the poor and needy. On the eleventh day a

religious celebration took place in honor of Centeotl, under the name

of Xilonen, derived from _xilotl_, which means a tender maize-ear, for

this goddess changed her name according to the state of the grain. On

this occasion, a woman who represented the goddess and was dressed in

a similar manner, was sacrificed. The day before her death a number of

women took her with them to offer incense in four places, which were

sacred to the four characters of the divisions of the cycle, the reed,

the flint, the house, and the rabbit. The night was spent in singing,

dancing, and praying before the temple of the goddess.[305] On the day

of sacrifice certain priestesses and lay women whirled in a ring about

the victim, and a number of priests and principal men who danced

before her. The priests blew their shells and horns, shook their

rattles and scattered incense as they danced, the nobles held stalks

of maize in their hands which they extended toward the woman. The

priest who acted as executioner wore a bunch of feathers on his

shoulders, held by the claws of an eagle inserted in an artificial

leg. Towards the close of the dance this priest stopped at the foot of

the temple, shook the rattle-board before the victim, scattered more

incense, and turned to lead the way to the summit. This reached,

another priest seized the woman, twisted her shoulders against his,

and stooped over, so that her breast lay exposed. On this living altar

she was beheaded and her heart torn out. After the sacrifice there was

more dancing, in which the women, old and young, took part by

themselves, their arms and legs decorated with red macaw-feathers, and

their faces painted yellow and dusted with marcasite. The whole

pleasantly finished with a feast. Offerings were also presented to the

household gods. This festival inaugurated the eating of corn.[306]

During the next month, which was called Tlaxochimaco, or 'the

distribution of flowers,'[307] gifts of flowers were presented to the

gods and mutually interchanged among friends. At noon on the day of

the great feast, the signal sounded and a pompous dance was begun in

the courtyard of the temple of Huitzilopochtli, to whom the honors of

the day were paid, in which the performers consisted of various orders

of warriors led by the bravest among them. Public women joined these

dances, one woman going hand in hand with two men, and the contrary,

or with their hands resting on each other's shoulders, or thrown round

the waist.[308] The musicians were stationed at a round altar, called

_momuztli_. The motions consisted of a mere interwinding walk, to the

time of a slow song. At sunset, after the usual sacrifices, the people

went home to perform the same dance before their household idol; the

old indulging in liquor as usual. The festival in honor of

Iyacacoliuhqui, the god of commerce, was, however, the event of the

month, owing to the number and solemnity of the sacrifices of slaves,

brought from all quarters by the wealthy merchants for the purpose,

and the splendor of the attendant banquets. The Tlascaltecs called

this month Miccailhuitzintli, 'the small festival of the dead,' and

gathered in the temples to sing sorrowful odes to the dead, the

priests, dressed in black mantles, making offerings of food to the

spirit of the departed. This seems to have been a commemoration of the

ordinary class only, for the departed heroes and great men were

honored in the following month. Duran and others assert, however, that

the festival was devoted to the memory of the little ones who had

died, and adds that the mothers performed thousands of superstitious

ceremonies with their children, placing talismans upon them and the

like, to prevent their death.[309]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE FALL OF FRUIT.]

The feast of the next month, called Xocotlhuetzin, 'fall, or maturity

of fruit,' was dedicated to Xiuhtecutli, the god of fire. At the

beginning of the month certain priests went out into the mountains and

selected the tallest and straightest tree they could find. This was

cut down and trimmed of all except its top branches.[310] It was then

moved carefully into the town upon rollers, and set up firmly in the

courtyard of the temple, where it stood for twenty days. On the eve of

the feast-day the tree was gently lowered to the ground; early the

next morning carpenters dressed it perfectly smooth, and fastened a

cross-yard five fathoms long, near the top, where the branches had

been left. The priests now adorned the pole with colored papers, and

placed upon the summit a statue of the god of fire, made of dough of

amaranth-seeds, and curiously dressed in a maxtli, sashes, and strips

of paper. Three rods were stuck into its head, upon each of which was

spitted a tamale, or native pie. The pole was then again hoisted into

an erect position.

Those who had captives to offer now appeared, dancing side by side

with the victims, and most grotesquely dressed and painted. At sunset

the dance ceased, and the doomed men were shut up in the temple, while

their captors kept guard outside, and sang hymns to the god. About

midnight every owner brought out his captive and shaved off his top

hair, which he carefully kept as a token of his valor. At dawn the

human offerings were taken to the Tzompantli, where the skulls of the

sacrificed were spitted, and there stripped by the priests of their

dress and ornaments. At a certain signal each owner seized his captive

by the hair and dragged or led him to the foot of the temple-steps.

Thereupon those priests who were appointed to execute the fearful

sacrifice descended from the temple, each bearing in his hand a bag

filled with certain stupefying powder extracted from the _yiauhtli_

plant, which they threw into the faces of the victims to deaden

somewhat the agony before them. Each naked and bound captive was then

borne upon the shoulders of a priest up to the summit of the temple,

where smoldered a great heap of glowing coal. Into this the bearers

cast their living burdens, and when the cloud of dust was blown off

the dull red mass could be seen to heave, human forms could be seen

writhing and twisting in agony, the crackling of flesh could be

distinctly heard.[311] But the victims were not to die by fire; in a

few moments, and before life was extinct, the blackened and blistered

wretches were raked out by the watching priests, cast one after

another upon the stone of sacrifice, and in a few moments all that

remained upon the summit of the temple was a heap of human hearts

smoking at the feet of the god of fire.

These bloody rites over, the people came together and danced and sang

in the courtyard of the temple. Presently all adjourned to the place

where the pole before mentioned stood. At a given signal the youths

made a grand scramble for the pole, and he who first reached the

summit and scattered the image and its accoutrements among the

applauding crowd below, was reckoned the hero of the day. With this

the festival ended, and the pole was dragged down by the multitude

amid much rejoicing.

[Sidenote: FEASTS OF TEPANECS AND TLASCALTECS.]

The Tepanecs, according to Duran, had a very similar ceremony. A huge

tree was carried to the entrance of the town, and to it offerings and

incense were presented every day during the month preceding the

festival. Then it was raised with many ceremonies, and a bird of dough

placed at the top. Food and wine were offered, and then the warriors

and women, dressed in the finest garments and holding small dough

idols in their hands, danced round the pole, while the youths

struggled wildly to reach and knock down the bird image. Lastly, the

pole was overthrown.[312]

The Tlascaltecs called the same month Hueymiccailhuitl, 'the great

festival of the dead,' and commemorated the event with much solemnity,

painting their bodies black and making much lamentation. Both here and

in other parts of Mexico the priests and nobles passed several days in

the temple, weeping for their ancestors and singing their heroic

deeds. The families of lately deceased persons assembled upon the

terraces of their houses, and prayed with their faces turned towards

the north, where the dead were supposed to sojourn. Heroes who had

fallen in battle, or died in captivity, defunct princes, and other

persons of merit were, in a manner, canonized, and their statues

placed among the images of the gods, whom, it was believed, they had

joined to live in eternal bliss.[313]

The festival of the next month, called Ochpaniztli, was held in honor

of Centeotl, the mother-goddess. Fifteen days before the festival

began those who were to take part in it commenced a dance, which they

repeated every afternoon for eight days. At the expiration of this

time the medical women and midwives brought forth the woman who was to

die on this occasion, and dividing themselves into two parties, fought

a sham battle by pelting each other with leaves. The doomed woman, who

was called 'the image of the mother of the gods,' placed herself at

the head of one party of the combatants, supported by three old women

who guarded and attended upon her continually. This was repeated

during four successive days. On the fifth day the unfortunate creature

was conducted by her guardians and the medical women through the

market-place. As she walked she scattered maize, and at the end of her

journey she was received by the priests, who delivered her again to

the women that they might console her (for it was necessary that she

should be in a good humor, say the old chroniclers) and adorn her with

the ornaments of the mother-goddess. At midnight she was carried to

the summit of the temple, caught up upon the shoulders of a priest,

and in this position beheaded. The body while yet warm was flayed, and

the skin used in certain religious ceremonies which will be described

at length elsewhere.[314] In this month the temples and idols

underwent a thorough cleansing and repairing, a sacred work in which

everyone was eager to share according to his means and ability,

believing that divine blessings would ensue. To this commendable

custom is no doubt to be attributed the good condition in which the

religious edifices were found by the Conquerors. Roads, public

buildings, and private houses also shared in this renovation, and

special prayers were offered up to the gods for the preservation of

health and property.

The festival of the succeeding month, called Teotleco, 'coming of the

gods,' was sacred to all the deities, though the principal honors were

paid to Tezcatlipoca as the supreme head. Fifteen days of the month

being passed, the college-boys prepared for the great event by

decorating the altars in the temples, oratories, and public buildings,

with green branches tied in bunches of three. In the same manner they

decked the idols in private houses, receiving from the inmates, as

their reward, baskets containing from two to four ears of maize; this

gift was called _cacalotl_.

[Sidenote: FOOTSTEPS OF THE GODS.]

Tezcatlipoca, being younger and stronger than the other gods, and

therefore able to travel faster, was expected to arrive during the

night of the eighteenth. A mat, sprinkled with flour, was therefore

placed on the threshold of his temple, and a priest set to watch for

the footprints which would indicate the august arrival.[315] He did

not, however, remain constantly close to the mat; had he done so he

would probably never have seen the longed-for marks, but he approached

the spot from time to time, and immediately on perceiving the tracks

he shouted: "His majesty has arrived;" whereupon the other priests

arose in haste, and soon their shells and trumpets resounded through

all the temples, proclaiming the joyful tidings to the expectant

people. These now flocked in with their offerings, each person

bringing four balls made of roasted and ground amaranth-seed kneaded

with water; they then returned to their homes to feast and drink

pulque. Others beside the old people appear to have been permitted to

indulge in libations on this occasion, which they euphoniously called

'washing the feet of the god' after his long journey. On the following

day other deities arrived, and so they kept coming until the last

divine laggard had left his footprints on the mat. Every evening the

people danced, feasted, 'washed the feet of the gods,' and made a

sacrifice of slaves, who were thrown alive upon a great bed of live

coal which glowed on the _tecalco_.[316] At the head of the steps

leading up to the place of sacrifice stood two young men, one of whom

wore long, false hair, and a crown adorned with rich plumes; his face

was painted black, with white curved stripes drawn from ear to

forehead, and from the inner corner of the eye to the cheek; down his

back hung a long feather, with a dried rabbit attached to it. The

other man was dressed to resemble an immense bat, and held rattles

like poppy-heads in his hands. Whenever a victim was cast into the

fire these weird figures danced and leaped, the one whistling with his

fingers and mouth, the other shaking his rattles.[317]

After the sacrificing was ended, the priests placed themselves in

order, dressed in paper stoles which crossed the chest from shoulder

to armpit, and ascended the steps of the small edifice devoted to fire

sacrifices; hand in hand they walked round, and then rushed suddenly

down the steps, releasing each other in such a manner as to cause many

to tumble. This game, which certainly was not very dignified for

priests to play at, was called _mamatlavicoa_, and gave rise to much

merriment, especially if any of the reverend players should lose his

temper, or limp, or make a wry face after a fall. The festival closed

with a general dance, which lasted from noon till night. At this

season all males, young and old, wore feathers of various colors

gummed to the arms and body, as talismans to avert evil.[318]

The festival of the next month, called Tepeilhuitl, was sacred to the

Tlalocs, and is fully described elsewhere.[319] The Mexican Bacchus,

Centzontotochtin, was also especially honored during this month,

according to Torquemada, and slaves were sacrificed to him. A captive

was also sacrificed by night to a deity named Nappatecutli.[320]

[Sidenote: FESTIVAL OF THE MONTH QUECHOLLI.]

The festivals of the ensuing month, which was called Quecholli,[321]

were devoted to various deities, though Mixcoatl, god of the chase,

seems to have carried the honors in most parts of Mexico. The first

five days of the month were passed in repose, so far as religious

celebrations were concerned, but on the sixth day the authorities of

the city wards ordered canes to be gathered and carried to the temple

of Huitzilopochtli; there young and old assembled during the four days

following, to share in the sacred work of making arrows. The arrows,

which were all of uniform length, were then formed into bundles of

twenty, carried in procession to the temple of Huitzilopochtli, and

piled up in front of the idol. The four days were, moreover, devoted

to fasting and penance, involving abstinence from strong liquors, and

separation of husbands from wives. On the second day of the fast, the

boys were summoned to the temple, where, having first blown upon

shells and trumpets, their faces were smeared with blood drawn from

their ears. This sacrifice, called _momacaico_, was made to the deer

which they proposed to hunt. The rest of the people drew blood from

their own ears, and if any one omitted this act he was deprived of his

mantle by the overseers.

On the second day following, darts were made to be used in games and

exercises, and shooting matches were held at which maguey-leaves

served for targets. The next day was devoted to ceremonies in honor of

the dead by rich and poor. The day after, a great quantity of hay was

brought from the hills to the temple of Mixcoatl. Upon this certain

old priestesses seated themselves, while mothers brought their

children before them, accompanied by five sweet tamales. On this day

were also ceremonies in honor of the god of wine, to whom sacrifices

of male and female slaves were made by the pulque-dealers.

On the tenth day of the month a number of hunters set out for mount

Cacatepec, near Tacubaya, to celebrate the hunting festival of

Mixcoatl, god of the chase. On the first day they erected straw huts,

in which they passed the night. The next morning, having broken their

fast, they formed themselves into a great circle, and all advancing

toward a common centre, the game was hemmed in and killed with ease.

The spirits of the children sacrificed to the rain-gods, whose

dwelling was upon the high mountains, were supposed to descend upon

the hunters and make them strong and fortunate. Having secured their

game, the hunters started for home in grand procession, singing songs

of triumph, and hymns to the mighty Mixcoatl. After a solemn sacrifice

of a portion of the game to the god, each took his share home and

feasted upon it.[322] The Tlascaltecs sacrificed to the god at the

place where the hunt took place, which was upon a neighboring hill.

The way leading to the spot was strewn with leaves, over which the

idol was carried with great pomp and ceremony.[323] Towards the close

of the month male and female slaves were sacrificed before

Mixcoatl.[324]

In Tlascala and the neighboring republics this was the 'month of

love,' and great numbers of young girls were sacrificed to

Xochiquetzal, Xochitecatl, and Tlazolteotl, goddesses of sensual

delights. Among the victims were many courtesans, who voluntarily

offered themselves, some to die in the temple, others on the

battle-field, where they rushed in recklessly among the enemy. As no

particular disgrace attended a life of prostitution, it seems

improbable that remorse or repentance could have prompted this

self-sacrifice; it must therefore be attributed to pure religious

fervor. As a recompense for their devotion, these women before they

went to their death had the privilege of insulting with impunity their

chaster sisters. It is further said that a certain class of young men

addicted to unnatural lusts, were allowed at this period to solicit

custom on the public streets. At Quauhtitlan, every fourth year,

during this month, a festival was celebrated in honor of Mitl, when a

slave was bound to a cross and shot to death with arrows.[325]

The feast of the next month, called Panquetzaliztli, was dedicated to

Huitzilopochtli, god of war; that of the following month, called

Atemoztli, was sacred to the Tlalocs. Both these festivals will be

described elsewhere.[326]

[Sidenote: FEAST OF THE MONTH OF HARD TIMES.]

The ensuing month was named Tititl, or the month of 'hard times,'

owing to the inclement weather. The celebrations of this period were

chiefly in honor of an aged goddess, named Ilamatecutli, to whom a

female slave was sacrificed. This woman represented the goddess and

was dressed in white garments decorated with dangling shells and

sandals of the same color; upon her head was a crown of feathers; the

lower part of her face was painted black, the upper, yellow; in one

hand she carried a white shield ornamented with feathers of the eagle

and the night-heron, in the other she held a knitting stick. Before

going to her death she performed a dance, and was permitted, contrary

to usual custom, to express her grief and fear in loud lamentations.

In the afternoon she was conducted to the temple of Huitzilopochtli,

accompanied by a procession of priests, among whom was one dressed

after the manner of the goddess Ilamatecutli. After the heart of the

victim had been torn from her breast, her head was cut off and given

to this personage, who immediately placed himself at the head of the

other priests and led them in a dance round the temple, brandishing

the head by the hair the while. As soon as the performers of the

_vecula_, as this dance was named, had left the summit of the temple,

a priest curiously attired descended, and, proceeding to a spot where

stood a cage made of candlewood adorned with papers, set fire to it.

Immediately upon seeing the flames the other priests, who stood

waiting, rushed one and all up again to the temple-top; here lay a

flower, which was secured by the first who could put hands upon it,

carried back to the fire, and there burned. On the following day a

game was played which resembled in some respects the Roman Lupercalia.

The players were armed with little bags filled with paper, leaves, or

flour, and attached to cords three feet long. With these they struck

each other, and any girl or woman who chanced to come in their way was

attacked by the boys, who, approaching quietly with their bags hidden,

fell suddenly upon her, crying out: "This is the sack of the game." It

sometimes happened, however, that the woman had provided herself with

a stick, and used it freely, to the great discomfiture and utter rout

of the urchins.[327] A captive was sacrificed during this month to

Mictlantecutli, the Mexican Pluto, and the traders celebrated a grand

feast in honor of Yacatecutli.[328] During the last Aztec month, which

was called Itzcalli, imposing rites were observed throughout Mexico in

honor of Xiuhtecutli, god of fire;[329] in the surrounding states,

such as Tlacopan, Coyuhuacan, Azcapuzalco,[330] Quauhtitlan,[331] and

Tlascala,[332] ceremonies more or less similar were gone through,

accompanied by much roasting and flaying of men and women.

[Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS FEASTS.]

Besides these monthly festivals there were many others devoted to the

patron deities of particular trades, to whom the priests and people

interested in their worship made offerings, and, in some cases, human

sacrifices. There were also many movable feasts, held in honor of the

celestial bodies, at harvest time, and on other like occasions. These

sometimes happened to fall on the same day as a fixed festival, in

which case the less important was either set aside or postponed. It is

related of the Culhuas that on one occasion when a movable feast in

honor of Tezcatlipoca chanced to fall upon the day fixed for the

celebration of Huitzilopochtli, they postponed the former, and thereby

so offended the god that he predicted the destruction of the monarchy

and the subjugation of the people by a strange nation who would

introduce a monotheistic worship.[333]

One of the most solemn of the movable feasts was that given to the

sun, which took place at intervals of two or three hundred days, and

was called Netonatiuhqualo, or 'the sun eclipsed.' Another festival

took place when the sun appeared in the sign called Nahui Ollin

Tonatiuh,[334] a sign much respected by kings and princes, and

regarded as concerning them especially.

At the great festival of the winter solstice, which took place either

in the month of Atemoztli or in that of Tititl, all the people watched

and fasted four days, and a number of captives were sacrificed, two of

whom represented the sun and moon.[335] About the same time a series

of celebrations were held in honor of Iztacacenteotl, goddess of white

maize; the victims sacrificed on this occasion were lepers and others

suffering from contagious diseases.[336] Whenever the sign of Ce

Miquiztli, or One Death, occurred, Mictlantecutli, god of hades, was

fêted, and honors were paid to the dead.[337] Of the heavenly bodies,

they esteemed next to the sun a certain star, into which Quetzalcoatl

was supposed to have converted himself on leaving the earth. It was

visible during about two hundred and sixty days of the year, and on

the day of its first appearance above the horizon, the king gave a

slave to be sacrificed, and many other ceremonies were performed. The

priests, also, offered incense to this star every day, and drew blood

from their bodies in its honor, acts which many of the devout

imitated.[338]

At harvest-time the first-fruits of the season were offered to the

sun. The sacrifice on this occasion was called Tetlimonamiquian, 'the

meeting of the stones.' The victim, who was the most atrocious

criminal to be found in the jails, was placed between two immense

stones, balanced opposite each other; these were then allowed to fall

together. After the remains had been buried, the principal men took

part in a dance; the people also danced and feasted during the day and

night.[339]

Every eight years a grand festival took place, called

Atamalqualiztli, 'the fast of bread and water,' the principal feature

of which was a mask ball, at which people appeared disguised as

various animals whose actions and cries they imitated with great

skill.[340]

[Sidenote: THE BINDING OF THE YEARS.]

The most solemn of all the Mexican festivals was that called

Xiuhmolpilli, that is to say, 'the binding-up of the years.' Every

fifty-two years was called a 'sheaf of years,' and it was universally

believed that at the end of some 'sheaf' the world would be destroyed.

The renewal of the cycle was therefore hailed with great rejoicing and

many ceremonies.[341]

FOOTNOTES:

[273] See the Totonac daily temple service, in _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxv. 'Luego aquel viejo mas principal metia

y sacaba por su lengua en aquel dia cuatro cientos y cincuenta palos

de aquellos ... otros no tan viejos sacaban trescientos.... Estos

palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan gordos como el

dedo pulgar de la mano ... y otros tanto gruezos como las dos dedos de

la mano pulgar y él con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Id._, cap.

clxxii.

[274] 'En cada provincia tenian diferente costumbre porque unos de los

brazos y otros de los pechos y otros de los muslos, &c. Y en esto se

cognoscian tambien de que Provincia eran.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx.

[275] 'En esta Fiesta, y en todas las demàs, donde no se hiciere

mencion de particulares Sacrificios de Hombres, los avia, por ser cosa

general hacerlos en todas las Festividades, y no era la que carecia de

ello.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 255.

[276] 'Le feste, che annualmente si celebravano, erano più solenni nel

_Teoxihuitl_, o Anno divino, quali erano tutti gli anni, che aveano

per carattere il Coniglio.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,

tom. ii., p. 84; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 549.

'En cada principio del mes en el dia que nombramos cabeza de sierpe

celebraban una fiesta solemnisima ... la cual era tan guardada y

festejada que ni aun barrer la casa ni hacer de comer no se permitia.'

_Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., cap. ii.

[277] Sahagun in his short résumé of the festival states that some

hold this celebration to have been in honor of Chalchihuitlicue, the

water-goddess, and others in honor of Quetzalcoatl; but thinks that it

might have been in honor of all these deities, namely, the Tlalocs,

Chalchihuitlicue, and Quetzalcoatl. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,

lib. ii., pp. 49-50, 83-7. See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.

ii., pp. 250-2, 295.

[278] Although Sahagun states that Huitzilopochtli also received

honors this month, yet no direct ceremonies were observed before his

image. The large number of captives sacrificed, however, the

universality and length of the festivities, the royal dance, etc.,

would certainly point to a celebration in honor of a greater deity

than Xipe. He also says: 'En esta fiesta mataban todos los cautivos,

hombres, mugeres, y niños,' which is not very probable. _Hist. Gen._,

tom. i., lib. ii., p. 88.

[279] Thieves convicted the second time of stealing gold articles were

sacrificed. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.

503.

[280] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 45-9. The

same author says with regard to the number of sacrifices made annually

in the Mexican Empire, that he can affirm nothing, as the reports vary

greatly. 'Zumárraga, the first bishop of Mexico, says, in a letter of

the 12th of June, 1531, addressed to the general chapter of his order,

that in that capital alone twenty thousand human victims were annually

sacrificed. Some authors quoted by Gomara, affirm that the number of

the sacrificed amounted to fifty thousand. Acosta writes that there

was a certain day of the year on which five thousand were sacrificed

in different places of the empire; and another day on which they

sacrificed twenty thousand. Some authors believe, that on the mountain

Tepeyacac alone, twenty thousand were sacrificed to the goddess

Tonantzin. Torquemada, in quoting, though unfaithfully, the letter of

Zumárraga, says, that there were twenty thousand infants annually

sacrificed. But, on the contrary, Las Casas, in his refutation of the

bloody book, wrote by Dr. Sepulveda, reduces the sacrifices to so

small a number, that we are left to believe, they amounted not to

fifty, or at most not to a hundred. We are strongly of opinion that

all these authors have erred in the number, Las Casas by diminution,

the rest by exaggeration of the truth.' _Id._, Translation, Lond.

1807, vol. i., p. 281.

[281] This farce differed from the regular gladiatorial combat which

will be described elsewhere.

[282] 'Quedauan las cabeças coraçones para los sacerdotes.' _Gomara_,

_Conq. Mex._, fol. 327.

[283] 'Guardaban alguno que fuese principal señor para este dia; el

cual dessolaban para que se vestiese Montezuma gran Rey de la tierra y

con él baylaba con sus reales contenencias.' _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx. 'Embutian los cueros de algodon o paja,

y, o los colgauan en el templo, o en palacio,' in the case of a

prisoner of rank. _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327. It is not stated

that the persons who wore the skins and made the collection were

connected with the temple, but this was no doubt the case, especially

as many authors mention that priests had to dress themselves in the

ghastly garb for a certain time. For representation of priest dressed

in a flayed skin see _Nebel_, _Viaje_, pl. xxxiv.

[284] 'Cuatro de ellos cantaban á las navajas.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.

Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 57.

[285] 'Estos palos que metian y sacaban por las lenguas eran tan

gordos como el dedo pulgar de la mano, y otros como el dedo pulgar del

pie: y otros tanto gruezos como los dos dedos de la mano pulgar y él

con que señalamos podian abrazar.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,

MS., cap. clxxii.

[286] Motolinia conveys the idea that the people also performed the

infliction on the tongue: 'aquella devota gente ... sacaban por sus

lenguas otros palillos de á jeme y del gordor de un cañon de pato.'

_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58.

[287] 'Cada dia de estos iba el viejo de noche á la sierra ya dicha y

ofrecia al demonio mucho papel, y copalli, y cordonices.' _Motolinia_,

_Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 58.

[288] 'La cual decian que habia venido con el ídolo pequeño, de un

pueblo que se dice Tollan, y de otro que se dice Poyauhtlan, de donde

se afirma que fué natural el mismo ídolo.' _Motolinia_, _Hist.

Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 58-9.

[289] See also _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 288-90,

252-3, 296.

[290] 'Echaban por el pueblo cierto pecho ó derrama recogiendo tanto

haber que pudiesen comprar cuatro niños esclavos de cinco á seis años.

Estos comprados ponianlos en una cueva y cerrabanla hasta otro año que

hacian otro tanto.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxx.

[291] Duran adds that all male children under twelve years of age were

punctured in the ears, tongue, and leg, and kept on short allowance on

the day of festival, but this is not very probable, for other authors

name the fifth month for the scarification of infants. _Hist. Indias_,

MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii. For particulars of the feast see

_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 52-4, 95-7;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 253-5, 296; _Boturini_,

_Idea_, pp. 51-2.

[292] Boturini, _Idea_, p. 52, translates this name as 'the great

bleeding,' referring to the scarifications in expiation of sins.

[293] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 255-6; _Sahagun_,

_Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 97-100. According to Duran,

_Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii., the Tlalocs were

worshiped this month also, and this involved bloody rites.

_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 43-4. Motolinia states

that food was offered to the stalks: 'delante de aquellas cañas

ofrecian comida y atolli.' _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de

Doc._, tom. i., p. 46. For a more detailed description of this feast

see Vol. III. of this work, pp. 360-2.

[294] 'Le Tlacochcalco, ou maison d'armes, était un arsenal, consacré

à Huitzilopochtli, dans l'enceinte du grand temple. Il se trouvait à

côté un teocalli où l'on offrait des sacrifices spéciaux à ce dieu et

à Tetzcatlipoca.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.

iii., p. 510. This sanctuary outside the town was also dependent on

the great temple, and, as the fate of the youth was to illustrate the

miserable end to which riches and pleasures may come, it is, perhaps,

more likely that this poor and lonely edifice was the place of

sacrifice. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 70, says

'conducevanlo ... al tempio di Tezcatlipoca.'

[295] Brasseur de Bourbourg indicates that the race in the temple, and

the liberation of the marriageable took place in leap-years only, but

he evidently misunderstands his authority. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i.,

pp. 75-7, gives an account of this festival.

[296] Contrary to the statement of others, Brasseur de Bourbourg says

that the stage was borne by temple officers; surely, warriors were the

fit persons to attend the god of war.

[297] 'Llevábanle entablado con unas saetas que ellos llamaban

_teumitl_, las cuales tenían plumas en tres partes junto el casquillo,

y en el medio, y el cabo, iban estas saetas una debajo, y otra encima

del papel; tomábanlas dos, uno de una parte, y otro de otra,

llevándolas asidas ambas juntas con las manos, y con ellas apretaban

el papelon una por encima, y otra por debajo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist.

Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 105-6.

[298] 'El Incienso no era del ordinario, que llaman Copal blanco, ni

de el Incienso comun ... sino de vna Goma, ò Betun negro, à manera de

Pez, el qual licor se engendra en la Mar, y sus Aguas, y olas, lo

hechan en algunas partes à sus riberas, y orillas, y le llaman

Chapopotli, el qual hecha de sì mal olor, para quien no le acostumbra

à oler, y es intenso, y fuerte.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.

ii., p. 266.

[299] A kind of perforated and ornamented censer, shaped like a large

spoon.

[300] Clavigero writes: '_Ixteocale_, che vale, Savio Signor del

Cielo.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72. Several other

names are also applied to him.

[301] 'Mischiavasi nel ballo de'Cortigiani.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant.

del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 72.

[302] Pp. 286-7, 334-43.

[303] 'Se juntauan todos los caualleros y principales personas de cada

prouincia ... vestian vna muger de la ropa y insignias de la diosa de

la sal, y baylauan con ella todos.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 327.

[304] 'Era esta fiesta de muy poca solemnidad y sin ceremonias, ni

comidas, y sin muertes de hombres; en fin no era mas de una

preparacion para la fiesta venidera del mes que viene.' _Duran_,

_Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist.

Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 124-8; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del

Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 74-5.

[305] Duran says that the women took the victim to mount Chapultepec,

to the very summit, and said, 'My daughter, let us hasten back to the

place whence we came,' whereupon all started back to the temple,

chasing the doomed woman before them. _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii.,

appendix, cap. iii.

[306] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 128-39;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 269-71, 297-8; Brasseur de

Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 518, says: 'Les rois

eux-mêmes prenaient alors part à la danse, qui avait lieu dans les

endroits où ils pouvait s'assembler le plus de spectateurs.'

[307] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271.

[308] 'Salian los Hombres Nobles, y muchas Mugeres Principales, y

asianse de las manos los vnos, de los otros, mezclados Hombres, y

Mugeres mui por orden, y luego se hechaban los braços al cuello, y asi

abraçados, començaban à moverse mui paso à paso.' _Torquemada_,

_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 271.

[309] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.;

_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., p. 65; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.

Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 271-3, 298; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,

lib. ii., pp. 61-2, 139-41.

[310] 'Cortaban un gran árbol en el monte, de veinte y cinco brazas de

largo.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 141.

'L'emportaient (the tree) processionnellement au temple de

Huitzilopochtli, sans rien lui enlever de ses rameaux ni de son

feuillage.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p.

521.

[311] Clavigero says that the captors sprinkled the victims and threw

them into the fire. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 77.

[312] _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.

[313] 'C'était l'époque où la noblesse célébrait la commémoration des

princes et des guerriers qui les avaient précédés.' _Brasseur de

Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 522; _Torquemada_,

_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 298, 273-5; _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_,

in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. v., pp. 130-1.

[314] See volume iii., of this work, pp. 354-9, where a detailed

description of this festival is given.

[315] Sahagun writes: 'Á la media noche de este mismo dia, molian un

poco de harina de maíz, y hacian un montoncillo de ella bien tupida: y

lo fabricaban de harina, redondo como un queso, sobre un petate. En el

mismo veían cuando habian llegado todos los dioses, porque aparecia

una pisada de un pie pequeño sobre la harina.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i.,

lib. ii., p. 157.

[316] These sacrifices by fire appear to have been made upon the

summit of a small temple which stood within the courtyard of the

larger one.

[317] 'Ballavano attorno ad un gran fuoco molti giovani travestiti in

parecchie forme di mostri, e frattanto andavano gettando

de'prigionieri nel fuoco.' _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_,

tom. ii., p. 78; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.

iii., p. 527.

[318] The burning and dancing took place on the first two days of the

following month, according to Sahagun. 'Estos dos dias postreros eran

del mes que se sigue.' _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 159;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 278-9.

[319] See vol. iii., p. 343-6.

[320] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 152-3.

[321] The name of a bird with red and blue plumage.

[322] 'Al undécimo dia de este mes, iban á hacer una casa á aquella

sierra que estaba encima de _Atlacuioayan_, y esta era fiesta por sí,

de manera que en este mes habia dos fiestas.' _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,

tom. i., lib. ii., p. 165. 'No sacrificaban este dia hombres sino

caza, y asi la caza servia de victimas á los Dioses.' _Duran_, _Hist.

Indias_, MS., appendix, tom. iii., cap. iii.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.

Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 148-9.

[323] _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 327-8; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe

Weereld_, p. 221; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.

xv.

[324] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., p. 167.

[325] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 299, 280-1;

_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 530, tom.

ii., pp. 462-3.

[326] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 297-300, 323-4, 346-8.

[327] Gomara says men and women danced two nights with the gods and

drank until they were all drunk. _Conq. Mex._, fol. 328. According to

Duran, Camaxtli was fêted in this month, and a bread called

_yocotamally_ was eaten exclusively on the day of the festival. _Hist.

Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix, cap. iii.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._,

tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 179-82.

[328] _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 83;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 153.

[329] See vol. iii. of this work, pp. 390-3.

[330] See _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 286; _Brasseur de

Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 539; _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.

[331] See _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 329; _Torquemada_, _Monarq.

Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 286-7; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,

cap. clxxi.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de

Doc._, tom. i., pp. 43-4.

[332] See _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxi.;

_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 291.

[333] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538.

[334] '_Nahui Ollin Tonatiuh_, esto es, el sol en sus cuatro

movientos, acompañado de la _Via lactea_.' _Leon y Gama_, _Dos

Piedras_, pt i., p. 91.

[335] 'Mataban quatro Cautivos de los que se llamaban Chachame, que

quiere decir: Tontos; y mataban tambien la imagen del Sol, y de la

Luna, que eran dos Hombres.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii.,

p. 148. 'On immolait ensuite un grand nombre de captifs, dont les

principaux, appelés Chachamé, figuraient le soleil et la lune.'

_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 535.

[336] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 150-2; _Leon y

Gama_, _Dos Piedras_, pt i., p. 91.

[337] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 538.

[338] 'Creen que Topilcin su rey primero se conuertio en aquella

estrella.' _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 331; _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. clxxiv.

[339] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i., pp. 249-50.

'Papahua-tlamacazqui, ou Ministres aux longs cheveux. C'est par leurs

mains que passaient les prémices des fruits de la terre qu'on offrait

aux astres du jour et de la nuit.... On immolait un grand nombre de

captifs et, à leur défaut, les criminels.... Sur leur sépulture on

exécutait un ballet.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom.

i., pp. 274-5. For description of Zapotec harvest-feast see _Burgoa_,

_Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 332-3; _Brasseur de

Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 40-2.

[340] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 195-7.

[341] For description of this feast see vol. iii. of this work, pp.

393-6. The authorities on Aztec festivals are: _Sahagun_, _Hist.

Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii., pp. 49-218, lib. i., pp. 1-40;

_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii., pp. 1-98; _Torquemada_,

_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 147-56, 246-300; _Clavigero_, _Storia

Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 66-86; _Las Casas_, _Hist.

Apologética_, MS., cap. clxix-clxxvii.; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_,

in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 38-62; _Gomara_, _Conq.

Mex._, fol. 326-36; _Duran_, _Hist. Indias_, MS., tom. iii., appendix,

cap. iii.,; _Leon_, _Camino del Cielo_, pp. 96-100; _Camargo_, _Hist.

Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcix., pp. 130-7;

_Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, pp. 99-107; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._,

pp. 327-9, 354-6, 360-4, 382-93; _Boturini_, _Idea_, pt i., pp. 50-3,

90-3; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 161-6; _Herrera_, _Hist.

Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _Purchas his Pilgrimes_,

tom. iv., pp. 1040-8; _Gemelli Careri_, in _Churchill's Col. Voyages_,

vol. iv., pp. 490-1; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, pp. 221, 248,

265-7; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., pp. 71-2; _Codex

Telleriano-Remensis_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp.

129-34; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., pp.

234-5, 274-5, tom. ii., pp. 462-3, tom. iii., pp. 40-2, 498-547;

_Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 104-14; _Carbajal

Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 515-17, 531-51; _Bussierre_,

_L'Empire Mex._, pp. 128-38; _Lenoir_, _Parallèle_, pp. 9-11.