THE PRIVILEGED CLASSES AMONG THE NAHUAS.
TITLES OF THE NOBILITY AND GENTRY--THE POWER OF THE
NOBLES--THE ARISTOCRACY OF TEZCUCO--THE POLICY OF KING
TECHOTLALATZIN--PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES--MONTEZUMA'S
POLICY--RIVALRY BETWEEN NOBLES AND COMMONS--THE KNIGHTLY
ORDER OF TECUHTLI--CEREMONY OF INITIATION--ORIGIN OF THE
ORDER--THE NAHUA PRIESTHOOD--THE PRIESTS OF
MEXICO--DEDICATION OF CHILDREN--PRIESTESSES--PRIESTHOOD OF
MIZTECAPAN--THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA--TRADITION OF
WIXIPECOCHA--THE CAVE OF YOPAA--THE ZAPOTEC PRIESTS--TOLTEC
PRIESTS--TOTONAC PRIESTS--PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN, PUEBLA, AND
TLASCALA.
[Sidenote: THE AZTEC ARISTOCRACY.]
Descending in due order the social scale of the Aztecs, we now come to
the nobility, or, more properly speaking, the privileged classes. The
nobles of Mexico, and of the other Nahua nations, were divided into
several classes, each having its own peculiar privileges and badges of
rank. The distinctions that existed between the various grades, and
their titles, are not, however, clearly defined. The title of Tlatoani
was the highest and most respected; it signified an absolute and
sovereign power, an hereditary and divine right to govern. The kings,
and the great feudatory lords who were governors of provinces, and
could prove their princely descent and the ancient independence of
their families, belonged to this order. The title of Tlatopilzintli
was given to the eldest son of the king, and that of Tlatoque to all
the princes in general. Tlacahua signified a lord without
sovereignty, but who had vassals under his orders, and was, to a
certain extent, master of his people. The appellation of Pilli was
given to all who were noble, without regard to rank. Axcahua, was a
rich man, a proprietor of wealth in general, and Tlaquihua, a landed
proprietor, or almost the same thing as an English country gentleman.
The title of Tlatoani was invariably hereditary, but many of the
others were conferred only for life, as a reward for important
military or other services to the state. Of the tenure by which they
held their lands I shall have occasion to speak hereafter.
The power of the nobles, as a body, was very great; according to some
accounts there were, in Montezuma's realms, thirty great lords who
each controlled one hundred thousand vassals, and three thousand other
lords also very powerful. A number of nobles possessing such
formidable power as this, would, if permitted to live on their
estates, some of which were a long distance from the capital, have
been a constantly threatening source of danger to the crown; at any
moment an Aztec Runnimede might have been expected. To guard against
any such catastrophe, the more powerful nobles were required to reside
in the capital, at least during the greater part of each year; and
permission to return to their homes for a short time, could only be
obtained on condition that they left a son or brother as a guarantee
of good faith during their absence.[93]
In the kingdom of Tezcuco were twenty-six great fiefs,[94] each
independent of the rest and having several fiefs of less importance
subjected to it. The greater part of these great chiefs bore the
sovereign title of Tlatoani, or a similar one. They recognized no
prerogative of the king except his right to preside at their grand
assemblies, to receive their homage upon his accession to the throne,
to levy certain tributes in their provinces, and to call upon them to
appear in the field with a contingent of troops in case of war. For
the rest, each Tlatoani was perfectly independent in his own domain,
which he governed with the same omnipotence as the king of Tezcuco
himself. Notwithstanding the precautions taken, it frequently happened
that one of these great feudatories would feel himself strong enough
to set the authority of the king at defiance, but as their private
feuds generally prevented any number of the Tlatoanis from uniting
their forces against the crown, the rebels were in most instances
speedily reduced to subjection; in which event the leaders either
suffered death or were degraded from their rank.
They were an unruly family, these overgrown vassals, and the Aztec
monarchs were often at their wit's end in endeavors to conciliate and
keep them within bounds. Torquemada tells us that Techotlalatzin, king
of Tezcuco, was sorely harassed by the powerful nobles of his realm.
He accordingly set about remedying the evil with great prudence and
perseverance. His first step was to unite, by strong bonds of
interest, the less important nobles to the crown. To this end he
heaped favors upon all. The vanity of some he flattered by conferring
the dignity and title of Tlatoani upon them, to others he gave wealth
and lands. By this means he weakened the individual power of the great
vassals by increasing their number, a policy the efficiency of which
has been frequently proved in the old world as well as in the new.
Techotlalatzin next proceeded to summon them one after another to
court, and then under pretense of being in constant need of their
advice, he formed twenty-six of their number into a council of state,
obliging them by this means to reside constantly in the capital. With
this council he conferred upon all grave and difficult questions,
whatever might be their nature. It was the duty of its members to
draw up and issue ordinances, both for the general government and for
the administration of affairs in particular provinces; and to enact
laws for enforcing good order in towns and villages, as well as those
relating to agriculture, science and art, military discipline, and the
tribunals of justice.
[Sidenote: ORDERS OF NOBILITY.]
At the same time Techotlalatzin created a large number of new offices
and honorary trusts, which were dependent on the crown. Four of the
most powerful nobles were invested with the highest dignities. The
first, with the title Tetlahto, was made commander-in-chief of the
army, and president of the military council. The second was entitled
Yolqui; his office was that of grand master of ceremonies; it was his
duty to receive and introduce the ambassadors and ministers of foreign
princes, to conduct them to court, to lodge them and provide for their
comfort, and to offer them the presents appointed by the king. The
third lord received the title of Tlami or Calpixcontli; he was master
of the royal household, and minister of finance, and was assisted in
his functions by a council of other nobles. It was the duty of this
body to keep strict account of all taxes paid by the people; its
members were required to be well informed as to the exact condition of
each town and province, with the nature of its produce, and the
fertility of its soil; they had also to distribute the taxes with
equality and justice, and in proportion to the resources of the
people. The care and management of the interior of the palace was also
intrusted to them, and it was their place to provide all the food for
the consumption of the royal household. The fourth great officer was
styled Amechichi; he acted as grand chamberlain, and attended to the
king's private apartments. Like the Tlami, he was assisted by other
nobles. A fifth officer was afterward appointed, who bore the title of
Cohuatl, and superintended the workers in precious metals, jewels, and
feathers, who were employed by the court. At first sight it may
appear that such duties as these would be below the dignity of a
haughty Aztec grandee, yet we find the nobles of Europe during the
middle ages not only filling the same positions, but jealous of their
right to do so, and complaining loudly if deprived of them. Sismondi
tells us that the count of Anjou, under Louis VI., claimed the office
of grand seneschal of France; that is, to carry dishes to the king's
table on state days. The court of Charlemagne was crowded with
officers of every rank, some of the most eminent of whom exercised
functions about the royal person which would have been thought fit
only for slaves in the palace of Augustus or Antonine. The free-born
Franks saw nothing menial in the titles of cup-bearer, steward,
marshal, and master of the horse, which are still borne by some of the
noblest families in many parts of Europe.
As soon as habits of submission and an appreciation of the honors
showered upon them had taken root among his great vassals,
Techotlalatzin subdivided the twenty-six provinces of his kingdom into
sixty-five departments. The ancient lords were not by this measure
despoiled of all their authority, nor of those estates which were
their private property; but the jurisdiction they exercised in person
or through their officials was greatly diminished by the nomination of
thirty-five new governors, chosen by the king, and of whose fidelity
he was well assured. This was a mortal blow to the great aristocrats,
and a preliminary step toward the total abolition of feudal power. But
the master-stroke was yet to come. The inhabitants of each province
were carefully counted and divided into sections. They were then
changed about from place to place, in numbers proportioned to the size
and population of the territory. For example, from a division
containing six thousand people, two thousand were taken and
transported into the territory of another lord, from the number of
whose vassals two thousand were also taken and placed upon the
vacated land in the first lord's possessions; each noble, however,
retained his authority over that portion of his vassals which had been
removed. By this means, although the number of each lord's subjects
remained the same, yet as a large portion of each territory was
occupied by the vassals of another, a revolt would be difficult. Nor
could two nobles unite their forces against the crown, as care was
taken that the interchange of dependents should not be effected
between two estates adjoining each other.
These measures, despotic as they were, were nevertheless executed
without opposition from either nobles or people,--such was the awe in
which the sovereign was held and his complete ascendancy over his
subjects.[95]
[Sidenote: PRIVILEGES OF THE NOBLES.]
The privileges of the nobles were numerous. They alone were allowed to
wear ornaments of gold and gems upon their clothes, and, indeed, in
their entire dress, as we shall presently see, they were distinguished
from the lower classes. The exact limits of the power they possessed
over their vassals is not known, but it was doubtless nearly absolute.
Fuenleal, bishop of Santo Domingo, writes to Charles V. of the lower
orders, that "they were, and still are, so submissive that they allow
themselves to be killed or sold into slavery without complaining."[96]
In Mexico their power and privileges were greatly augmented by
Montezuma II., who we are told ousted every plebeian that held a
position of high rank, and would allow none who were not of noble
birth to be employed in his palace or about his person. At the time of
this monarch's accession there were many members of the royal council
who were men of low extraction; all these he dismissed and supplied
their places with creatures of his own.
It is related that an old man who had formerly been his guardian or
tutor had the boldness to remonstrate with him against such a course;
telling him with firmness that he acted contrary to his own interests,
and advising him to weigh well the consequences of the measures he was
adopting. To banish the plebeians from the palace, added the old man,
was to estrange them forever from the king; and the time would come
when the common people would no longer either wish or dare to look
upon him. Montezuma haughtily made answer, that this was precisely
what he wished; it was a burning shame, he said, that the low and
common people should be allowed to mix with the nobles in the royal
service; he was astonished and indignant that his royal predecessors
had so long suffered such a state of things to be.[97]
By these measures the services of many brave soldiers, promoted, as a
reward for their gallantry, from the ranks of the people, were lost to
the crown; nor were such men likely to be slow to show their
discontent. The new policy, incited by a proud aristocracy, struck
exactly those men who had the best right to a share in the government.
It was the officers promoted for their merits from the ranks who had
contributed most to the success of the Mexican arms; it was the great
merchants who, by their extended commerce, had made the wealth of the
country. A spirit of rivalry had long existed between the poor
well-born nobles, and the wealthy base-born merchants. During many
successive reigns the importance of the latter class had been steadily
increasing, owing to the valuable services they had rendered the
state. From the earliest times they were permitted a certain degree of
familiarity with the kings, who took great delight in hearing them
recount the wonderful adventures they had met with while on their
long expeditions into strange parts. Doubtless the royal ear did not
always meet the truth unembellished, any more than did that of Haroun
Alraschid upon similar occasions, but probably the monarchs learned
many little secrets in this way that they could never know by other
means. Afterward these merchants were admitted to the royal councils,
and during the latter years of the reign of Ahuitzotl we find them
enjoying many of the exclusive privileges hitherto reserved to the
warrior aristocracy.
[Sidenote: CLASS CONFLICTS.]
The merchants appear to have partly brought upon themselves the
misfortunes which subsequently overtook them, by aggravating the
envious feelings with which they were already regarded. Not content
with being admitted to equal privileges with the nobles, and vexed at
not being able to vie with them in brilliant titles and long lines of
illustrious ancestry, they did their utmost to surpass them in the
magnificence of their houses, and in the pomp which they displayed
upon every occasion. At the public feasts and ceremonies these
parvenus outshone the proudest nobles by the profuseness of their
expenditure; they strove for and obtained honors and exalted positions
which the aristocracy could not accept for lack of wealth; they were
sparing of money in no place where it could be used for their own
advancement. It is easy to conceive the effect such a state of things
had on the proud and overbearing nobles of Mexico. On several
occasions they complained to their kings that their order was losing
its prestige by being obliged to mix on equal terms with the
plebeians; but the services that the great commercial body rendered
every day to the crown were too material to allow the kings to listen
patiently to such complaints. During the reign of Ahuitzotl, the pride
of the merchants had reached its zenith; it is not therefore
surprising that the leaders of the aristocratic party, when that
monarch was dead, elected as his successor Montezuma II., a prince
well known for his partiality for the higher classes. His policy, as
events proved, was a far less wise one than that of Techotlalatzin of
Tezcuco, of which we have already spoken. By not restraining his
overweening pride he prepared the way for disaffection and revolt; he
furnished his enemies with weapons which they were not slow to use; he
alienated the affections of his subjects, so that when aid was most
needed there was none to help him, and when, fettered and a prisoner
in the hand of the Spaniards, he called upon his people, the only
replies were hoots and missiles.
The generals of the army and military officers of the higher ranks,
must of course be included among the privileged classes; usually,
indeed, they were noble by birth as well as influential by position,
and in Mexico, from the time of Montezuma's innovations this was
always the case. There were several military orders and titles which
were bestowed upon distinguished soldiers for services in the field or
the council. Of those which were purely the reward of merit, and such
as could be attained by a plebeian, I shall speak in a future chapter.
There was one, however, the membership of which was confined to the
nobility; this was the celebrated and knightly order of the Tecuhtli.
To obtain this rank it was necessary to be of noble birth, to have
given proof in several battles of the utmost courage, to have arrived
at a certain age, and to have sufficient wealth to support the
enormous expenses incurred by members of the order.
[Sidenote: CEREMONY OF INITIATING A TECUHTLI.]
For three years before he was admitted, the candidate and his parents
busied themselves about making ready for the grand ceremony, and
collecting rich garments, jewels, and golden ornaments, for presents
to the guests. When the time approached, the auguries were consulted,
and a lucky day having been fixed upon, the relations and friends of
the candidate, as well as all the great nobles and Tecuhtlis that
could be brought together, were invited to a sumptuous banquet. On the
morning of the all-important day the company set out in a body for
the temple of Camaxtli,[98] followed by a multitude of curious
spectators, chiefly of the lower orders, intent upon seeing all there
is to see. Arrived at the summit of the pyramid consecrated to
Camaxtli, the aspirant to knightly honors bows down reverently before
the altar of the god. The high-priest now approaches him, and with a
pointed tiger's bone or an eagle's claw perforates the cartilage of
his nose in two places, inserting into the holes thus made small
pieces of jet or obsidian,[99] which remain there until the year of
probation is passed, when they are exchanged for beads of gold and
precious stones. This piercing the nose with an eagle's claw or a
tiger's bone, signifies, says Torquemada, that he who aspires to the
dignity of Tecuhtli must be as swift to overtake an enemy as the
eagle, as strong in fight as the tiger. The high-priest, speaking in a
loud voice, now begins to heap insults and injurious epithets upon the
man standing meekly before him. His voice grows louder and louder; he
brandishes his arms aloft, he waxes furious. The assistant priests are
catching his mood; they gather closer about the object of the
pontiff's wrath; they jostle him, they point their fingers sneeringly
at him, and call him coward. For a moment the dark eyes of the victim
gleam savagely, his hands close involuntarily, he seems about to
spring upon his tormentors; then with an effort he calms himself and
is passive as ever. That look made the taunters draw back, but it was
only for a moment; they are upon him again; they know now that he is
strong to endure, and they will prove him to the uttermost. Screaming
insults in his ears, they tear his garments piece by piece from his
body until nothing but the maxtli is left, and the man stands bruised
and naked in their midst. But all is useless, their victim is
immovable, so at length they leave him in peace. He has passed safely
through one of the severest ordeals of the day, but that fierce look a
while ago was a narrow escape; had he lifted a finger in resistance,
he must have gone down from the temple to be scorned and jeered at by
the crowd below as one who had aspired to the dignity of Tecuhtli, yet
who could restrain his temper no better than a woman. The long months
of careful preparation would have been all in vain, his parents would
have spat upon him for vexation and shame, perchance he would have
been punished for sacrilege. But he is by no means a member of the
coveted order yet. He is next conducted to another hall of the
temple,[100] where he commences his noviciate, which is to last from
one to two years, by four days of penance, prayer, and fasting. As
soon as he is conducted to this hall the banquet which has been
prepared for the guests commences, and after a few hours of
conviviality each returns to his home.
During these first four days the candidate's powers of endurance are
sorely taxed. The only articles of furniture allowed him are a coarse
mat and a low stool; his garments are of the coarsest description.
When night comes, the priests bring him a black preparation, with
which to besmear his face, some spines of the maguey-plant to draw
blood from his body with, a censer and some incense. His only
companions are three veteran warriors, who instruct him in his duties
and keep him awake, for during the four days he is only allowed to
sleep for a few minutes at a time, and then it must be sitting upon
his stool. If, overcome by drowsiness, he exceed this time, his
guardians thrust the maguey-thorns into his flesh, crying: Awake,
awake! learn to be vigilant and watchful; keep your eyes open that you
may look to the interests of your vassals. At midnight he goes to burn
incense before the idol, and to draw blood from different parts of his
body as a sacrifice. He then walks round the temple, and as he goes he
burns paper and copal in four holes in the ground, which he makes at
the four sides of the building, facing the cardinal points; upon each
of these fires he lets fall a few drops of blood drawn from his body.
These ceremonies he repeats at dawn and sunset. He breaks his fast
only once in twenty-four hours, at midnight: and then his repast
consists merely of four little dumplings of maize-meal, each about the
size of a nut, and a small quantity of water; but even this he leaves
untasted if he wishes to evince extraordinary powers of endurance. The
four days having elapsed, he obtains permission from the high-priest
to complete his time of probation in some temple of his own district
or parish; but he is not allowed to go home, nor, if married, to see
his wife during this period.
[Sidenote: FINAL CEREMONIES.]
For two or three months preceding his formal admission into the order,
the home of the postulant is in a bustle of preparation for the coming
ceremony. A grand display is made of rich stuffs and dresses, and
costly jewels, for the use of the new knight when he shall cast off
his present chrysalis-husk of coarse nequen and emerge a full-blown
Tecuhtli. A great number of presents are provided for the guests; a
sumptuous banquet is prepared, and the whole house is decorated for
the occasion. The oracles are again consulted, and upon the lucky day
appointed the company assemble once more at the house of the
candidate, in the same manner as at the commencement of his noviciate.
In the morning the new knight is conducted to a bath, and after having
undergone a good scrubbing, he is again carried, in the midst of music
and dancing, to the temple of Camaxtli. Accompanied by his brother
Tecuhtlis he ascends the steps of the teocalli. After he has
respectfully saluted the idol, the mean garments he has worn so long
are taken off, and his hair is bound up in a knot on the top of his
head with a red cord, from the ends of which hang some fine feathers;
he is next clad in garments of rich and fine materials, the principal
of which is a kind of tunic, ornamented with a delicately embroidered
device, which is the insignia of his new rank; in his right hand he
receives some arrows and in his left a bow. The high-priest completes
the ceremony with a discourse, in which he instructs the new knight in
his duties, tells him the names which he is to add to his own, as a
member of the order; describes to him the signs and devices which he
must emblazon on his escutcheon, and impresses upon his memory the
advantages of being liberal and just, of loving his country and his
gods. As soon as the newly made Tecuhtli has descended into the court
of the temple, the music and dancing recommence, and are kept up until
it is time to begin the banquet. This is served with great
magnificence and liberality, and, to the guests at least, is probably
the most interesting feature of the day. In front of each person at
table are placed the presents intended for him, consisting of costly
stuffs and ornaments in such quantity that each bundle was carried
with difficulty by two slaves; each guest is also given a new garment,
which he wears at table.
The value of the gifts was proportioned to the rank of the receiver,
and such distinctions must be made with great care, for the Aztec
nobility were very jealous of their rights of precedence. The places
of such nobles as had been invited to the feast but were from illness
or other cause unable to attend were left vacant, and their share of
presents and food was placed upon the table exactly as if they had
been present; Torquemada tells us, moreover, that the same courtesy
was extended to the empty seat as to the actual guest.[101] Upon
these occasions the absent noble generally sent a substitute, whose
seat was placed next to that of the person he represented. On the
following day the servants and followers of the guests were feasted
and presented with gifts, according to the means and liberality of the
donor.
The privileges of the Tecuhtlis were important and numerous. In
council they took the first places, and their votes outweighed all
others; in the same manner at all feasts and ceremonies, in peace or
in war, they were always granted preëminence. As before remarked, the
vast expenses entailed upon a Tecuhtli debarred the honor from many
who were really worthy of it. In some instances, however, when a noble
had greatly distinguished himself in war, but was too poor to bear the
expenses of initiation, these were defrayed by the governor of his
province, or by the other Tecuhtlis.[102]
[Sidenote: ORIGIN OF THE ORDER.]
The origin of the order of Tecuhtli is not known. Both the Toltecs and
the Tlascaltecs claim to have established it. Veytia, however, asserts
that this was not the case, but that it was first instituted by
Xolotl, king of the Chichimecs.[103] M. l'Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg
infers from ancient Toltec history that the ceremony of initiation and
the probation of the candidate derive their origin from the mysterious
rites of which traces are still found among the nations of Mexico and
Central America. The traditions relating to Votan and Quetzalcoatl, or
Gucumatz, evidently allude to it. The birth of Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl is
celebrated by his father, Mixcohua-Camaxtli, at Culhuacan, with great
rejoicings and the creation of a great number of knights; it is these
same knights who are afterwards sent to avenge his death upon his
assassins at Cuitlahuac, a town which appears, since that time, to
have been always the principal place of residence of the order. After
the separation of Cholula from the rest of the Toltec empire by
Ceacatl-Quetzalcoatl, that town, together with Huexotzinco and
Tlascala, appears to have had special privileges in this particular.
It is in these places that after the conquest of the Aztec plateau by
the Teo-Chichimecs, we find most of their chiefs bearing the title of
Tecuhtli; it may be that the priests were forced into confirming their
warlike conquerors in the honor, or it may be that they did so
voluntarily, hoping by this means to submit the warriors to their
spiritual power. This, however, is certain, that the rank of Tecuhtli
remained to the last the highest honor that a prince or soldier could
acquire in the states of Tlascala, Cholula, and Huexotzinco.[104]
[Sidenote: THE MEXICAN PRIESTHOOD.]
The priesthood filled a very important place among the privileged
classes, but as a succeeding volume has been set apart for all matters
relating to religion, I will confine myself here to such an outline of
the sacerdotal system as is necessary to make our view of Aztec social
distinctions complete. The learned Abbé, M. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
gives us a very correct and concise account of the Mexican priesthood,
a partial translation of which will answer the present purpose.
Among the nations of Mexico and Central America, whose civilization is
identical, the priesthood always occupied a high rank in the state,
and up to the last moment its members continued to exercise a powerful
influence in both public and private affairs. In Anáhuac the priestly
offices do not appear to have been appropriated exclusively by an
hereditary caste; all had an equal right to fill them, with the
exception of the offices about the temple of Huitzilopochtli, at
Mexico, which were granted to some families dwelling in certain
quarters of that city.[105] The ministers of the various temples, to
be fitted for an ecclesiastical career, must be graduates of the
Calmecac, colleges or seminaries to which they had been sent by their
parents in their infancy. The dignities of their order were conferred
by vote; but it is evident that the priests of noble birth obtained
almost invariably the highest honors. The quarrels between the priest
and warrior classes, which, in former times, had brought so much harm
to the Mexican nation, had taught the kings to do their best to effect
a balance of power between the rival bodies; to this end they
appropriated to themselves the privilege of electing priests, and
placed at the head of the clergy a priest or a warrior of high rank,
as they saw fit; this could be all the more easily done, as both
classes received the same education in the same schools.
The august title of Topiltzin, which in ancient times expressed the
supreme military and priestly power, came to mean, in after years, a
purely ecclesiastical authority. In Tezcuco and Tlacopan, where the
crown was inherited in a direct line by one of the sons of the
deceased monarch, the supreme pontiff was usually selected from among
the members of the royal family; but in Mexico, where it involved,
almost always, the duties of Tlacochcalcatl, or commander-in-chief of
the army, and, eventually, succession to the throne, the office of
high-priest, like that of king, was elective. The election of the
spiritual king, for so we may call him, generally followed close upon
that of the temporal monarch, and such was the honor in which the
former was held, that he was consecrated with the same sacred unguent
with which the king was anointed. In this manner Axayacatl, Montezuma
II., and Quauhtemoc, were each made pontiff before the royal crown was
placed upon their head. The title of him who held this dignity was
Mexicatl-Teohuatzin, that is to say, the 'Mexican lord of sacred
things;' he added also, besides a great number of other titles, that
of Teotecuhtli, or 'divine master,' and he was, by right, high-priest
of Huitzilopochtli; he was the 'head of the church,' and of all its
branches, not only at Mexico, but in all the provinces of the Mexican
empire; he had absolute authority over all priests, of whatever rank,
and the colleges and monasteries of every class were under his
control. He was elected by the two dignitaries ranking next to himself
in the aboriginal hierarchy. The Mexicatl-Teohuatzin was looked upon
as the right arm of the king, particularly in all matters of war and
religion, and it rarely happened that any important enterprise was set
on foot without his advice. At the same time it is evident that the
high-priest was, after all, only the vicar and lieutenant of the king,
for on certain solemn occasions the monarch himself performed the
functions of grand sacrificer.
The Quetzalcoatl, that is, the high-priest of the god of that name,
was almost equal in rank to the Mexicatl-Teohuatzin; but his political
influence was far inferior. The ordinary title of the priests was
Teopixqui, or 'sacred guardian;' those who were clothed with a higher
dignity were called Huey-Teopixqui, or 'great sacred guardian.' The
Huitznahuac-Teohuatzin and the Tepan-Teohuatzin followed, in priestly
rank, the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli; they were his vicars, and
superintended the colleges and monasteries in every part of his
kingdom. The Tlaquimilol-Tecuhtli, or 'grand master of relics,'[106]
took charge of the ornaments, furniture, and other articles specially
relating to worship. The Tlillancalcatl, or 'chief of the house of
Tlillan,' exercised the functions of principal sacristan; he took care
of the robes and utensils used by the high-priest. The choristers were
under the orders of the Ometochtli, the high-priest of the god so
named, who had, as director of the singing-schools, an assistant
styled Tlapitzcatzin; it was this latter officer's duty to instruct
his pupils in the hymns which were chanted at the principal
solemnities. The Tlamacazcatlotl, or 'divine minister' overlooked the
studies in the schools; another priest discharged the duties of grand
master of the pontifical ceremonies; another was archdeacon and judge
of the ecclesiastical courts; the latter had power to employ and
discharge the attendants in the temples; besides these there was a
crowd of other dignitaries, following each other rank below rank in
perfect order.
[Sidenote: SACERDOTAL OFFICES.]
In Mexico and the other towns of the empire, there were as many
complete sets of priests as there were temples. Besides the
seventy-eight sanctuaries dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, which were in
part directed by the priests we have already enumerated, the capital
contained many others. Each had jurisdiction in its own section, which
corresponded to our parish; the priests and their pupils dwelling in a
school or college which adjoined the temple.
It was the province of the priests to attend to all matters relating
to religion and the instruction of youth. Some took charge of the
sacrifices, others were skilled in the art of divination; certain of
them were entrusted with the arrangement of the festivals and the care
of the temple and sacred vessels, others applied themselves to the
composition of hymns and attended to the singing and music. The
priests who were learned in science superintended the schools and
colleges, made the calculations for the annual calendar, and fixed the
feast-days; those who possessed literary talent compiled the
historical works, and collected material for the libraries. To each
temple was attached a monastery, or we might call it a chapter, the
members of which enjoyed privileges similar to those of our canons.
The Tlamacazqui, 'deacons' or 'ministers' and the Quaquacuiltin,
'herb-eaters,' were those who dedicated themselves to the service of
the gods for life. They led a very ascetic life; continence was
strictly imposed upon them, and they mortified the flesh by deeds of
penance in imitation of Quetzalcoatl, who was their patron deity. The
name of Tlamacazcayotl, signifying 'government of the religious,' was
given to these orders, and they had monasteries for the reception of
both sexes. The high-priest of the god Quetzalcoatl was their supreme
lord; he was a man of great authority, and never deigned to put his
foot out of doors unless it was to confer with the king. When a father
of a family wished to dedicate one of his children to the service of
Quetzalcoatl, he with great humility advised the high-priest of his
intention. That dignitary deputed a Tlamacazqui to represent him at
the feast which was given in his honor, and to bring away the child.
If at this time the infant was under four years of age, a slight
incision was made on his chest, and a few drops of blood were drawn as
a token of his future position. Four years was the age requisite for
admission into the monastery. Some remained there until they were of
an age to enter the world, some dedicated their whole lives to the
service of the gods; others vowed themselves to perpetual continence.
All were poorly clothed, wore their hair long, lived upon coarse and
scanty fare, and did all kinds of work. At midnight they arose and
went to the bath; after washing, they drew blood from their bodies
with spines of the maguey-plant; then they watched and chanted praises
of the gods until two in the morning. Notwithstanding this austerity,
however, these monks could betake themselves alone to the woods, or
wander through the mountains and deserts, there in solitude to spend
the time in holy contemplation.
[Sidenote: MEXICAN PRIESTESSES.]
Females were consecrated to the service of the gods in several ways.
When a girl was forty days old, the father carried her to the
neighboring temple; he placed in her little hands a broom and a
censer, and thus presented her to the Teopixqui, or priest; who by
accepting these symbols of his future state, bound himself to perform
his part of the engagement. As soon as the little one was able to do
so in person, she carried a broom and a censer to the temple, with
some presents for the priest; at the required age she entered the
monastery. Some of the girls took an oath of perpetual continence;
others, on account of some vow which they had made during sickness, or
that the gods might send them a good husband, entered the monastery
for one, two, three, or four years. They were called Cihuatlamacasque,
'deaconesses,' or Cihuaquaquilli, 'eaters of vegetables.' They were
under the surveillance of a number of staid matrons of good character;
upon entering the monastery each girl had her hair cut short.[107]
They all slept in one dormitory, and were not allowed to disrobe
before retiring to rest, in order that they might always be ready when
the signal was given to rise. They occupied themselves with the usual
labors of their sex; weaving and embroidering the tapestry and
ornamental work for the temple. Three times during the night they rose
to renew the incense in the braziers, at ten o'clock, at midnight, and
at dawn.[108] On these occasions a matron led the procession; with
eyes modestly bent upon the ground, and without daring to cast a
glance to one side or the other, the maidens filed up one side of the
temple, while the priests did the same on the other, so that all met
before the altar. In returning to the dormitory the same order was
observed. They spent part of the morning in preparing bread and
confectionery, which they placed, while warm, in the temple, where the
priests partook of it after sacrifice.[109] The young women, for
their part, fasted strictly; they first broke their fast at noon, and
with the exception of a scanty meal in the evening, this was all they
ate during the twenty-four hours. On feast-days they were permitted to
taste meat, but at all other times their diet was extremely meagre.
While sweeping the temple they took great care never to turn their
back to the idol, lest the god should be insulted.
If one of these young women unhappily violated her vows of chastity
she redoubled her fasting and severity, in the fear that her flesh
would rot, and in order to appease the gods and induce them to conceal
her crime, for death was the punishment inflicted on the Mexican
vestal who was convicted of such a trespass. The maiden who entered
the service of the gods for a certain period only, and not for life,
did not usually leave the monastery until she was about to be married.
At that time the parents, having chosen a husband for the girl, and
gotten everything in readiness, repaired to the monastery, taking care
first to provide themselves with quails, copal, hollow canes filled
with perfume, which Torquemada says they called _poquietl_, a brassier
for incense, and some flowers. The girl was then clothed in a new
dress, and the party went up to the temple; the altar was covered with
a cloth, upon which were placed the presents they had brought with
them, accompanied by sundry dishes of meats and pastry. A
complimentary speech was next made by the parents to the Tequaquilli,
or chief priest of the temple, and when this was concluded the girl
was taken away to her father's house. But of those young men and
maidens who stayed in the temple-schools for a time only, and received
a regular course of instruction at the hands of the priests, it is my
intention to speak further when treating of the education of the
Mexican youth. The original accounts are rather confused on this
point, so that it is difficult to separate with accuracy those who
entered with the intention of becoming permanent priests from those
who were merely temporary scholars.
[Sidenote: DRESS OF THE MEXICAN PRIESTS.]
The ordinary dress of the Mexican priests differed little from that of
other citizens; the only distinctive feature being a black cotton
mantle, which they wore in the manner of a veil thrown back upon the
head. Those, however, who professed a more austere life, such as the
Quaquaquiltin and Tlamacazqui before mentioned, wore long black robes;
many among them never cut their hair, but allowed it to grow as long
as it would; it was twisted with thick cotton cords, and bedaubed with
unctuous matter, the whole forming a weighty mass, as inconvenient to
carry as it was disgusting to look at. The high-priest usually wore,
as a badge of his rank, a kind of fringe which hung down over his
breast, called Xicolli; on feast-days he was clothed in a long robe,
over which he wore a sort of chasuble or cope, which varied in color,
shape, and ornamentation, according to the sacrifices he made and the
divinity to which he offered them.[110]
Among the Miztecs and Zapotecs the priests had as much or even more
influence than among the Mexicans. In briefly reviewing the sacerdotal
system of these nations, let us once more take M. Brasseur de
Bourbourg for our guide.
The kingdom of Tilantongo, which comprised upper Miztecapan, was
spiritually governed by the high-priest of Achiuhtla; he had the title
of Taysacaa,[111] and his power equalled, if it did not surpass, that
of the sovereign. This office, it appears, was reserved for the royal
family, and was transmitted from male to male; a member of any free
family could, however, become a sacaa, or simple priest. All, even to
the successor of the Taysacaa, had to submit to a vigorous noviciate
of one year's duration, and to this rule no exceptions were made. Up
to the time of commencing his noviciate, and for four years after it
was ended, the candidate for the priesthood was supposed to have led a
perfectly chaste life, otherwise he was judged unworthy to be admitted
into the order. His only food during the year of probation was herbs,
wild honey, and roasted maize; his life was passed in silence and
retirement, and the monotony of his existence was only relieved by
waiting on the priests, taking care of the altars, sweeping the
temple, and gathering wood for the fires.
When four years after his admission to the priesthood had elapsed,
during which time he seems to have served a sort of apprenticeship, he
was permitted to marry if he saw fit, and at the same time to perform
his priestly functions. If he did not marry he entered one of the
monasteries which were dependent on the temples, and while performing
his regular duties, increased the austerity of his life. Those priests
who were entrusted with the higher and more important offices, such as
the instruction of youth or a seat in the royal council, were selected
from the latter class. The king, or the nobles, each in his own state,
provided for their wants, and certain women, sworn to chastity,
prepared their food. They never left the monastery except on special
occasions, to assist at some feast, to play at ball in the court of
their sovereign lord, to go on a pilgrimage for the accomplishment of
a vow made by the king or by themselves, or to take their place at the
head of the army, which, on certain occasions, they commanded. If one
of these monks fell sick, he was well cared for in the monastery; if
he died he was interred in the court of the building. If one of them
violated his vow of chastity, he was bastinadoed to death.
[Sidenote: THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.]
[Sidenote: THE CAVE OF YOPAA.]
In Zapotecapan the supreme pontiff was called the Wiyatao;[112] his
residence was in the city of Yopaa,[113] and there he was from time
immemorial spiritual and temporal lord, though, indeed, he made his
temporal power felt more or less throughout the whole kingdom; and he
appears in the earliest history of this country as master and lord of
both the princes and the people of those nations who acknowledged him
as the supreme head of their religion. The origin of the city of Yopaa
is not known; it was situated on the slope of Mount Teutitlan,[114]
which in this place formed a valley, shut in by overshadowing rocks,
and watered by a stream which lower down flowed into the river
Xalatlaco. The original inhabitants of this region were the disciples
and followers of a mysterious, white-skinned personage named
Wixipecocha. What race he belonged to, or from what land he came when
he presented himself to the Zapotecs, is not known; a certain vague
tradition relates that he came by sea from the south, bearing a cross
in his hand, and debarked in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec;[115] a
statue representing him is still to be seen, on a high rock near the
village of Magdalena. He is described as a man of a venerable aspect,
having a bushy, white beard, dressed in a long robe and a cloak, and
wearing a covering upon his head resembling a monk's cowl. The statue
represents him seated in a pensive attitude, apparently occupied in
hearing the confession of a woman who kneels by his side.[116] His
voice, to accord with his appearance, must have been of remarkable
sweetness. Wixipecocha taught his disciples to deny themselves the
vanities of this world, to mortify the flesh with penance and fasting,
and to abstain from all sensual pleasures. Adding example to precept,
he utterly abjured female society, and suffered no woman to approach
him except in the act of auricular confession, which formed part of
his doctrine.[117] This extraordinary conduct caused him to be much
respected; especially as it was an unheard-of thing among these people
for a man to devote his life to celibacy. Nevertheless, he was
frequently persecuted by those whose vices and superstitions he
attacked. Passing through one province after another he at length
arrived in the Zapotec valley, a large portion of which was at that
time occupied by a lake named Rualo. Afterwards, being entered into
the country of the Miztecs, to labor for their conversion, the people
sought to take his life. Those who were sent to take him prisoner,
overtook him at the foot of Cempoaltepec, the most lofty peak in the
country; but at the moment they thought to lay hands upon him, he
disappeared suddenly from their sight, and soon afterwards, adds the
tradition, his figure was seen standing on the summit of the highest
peak of the mountain. Filled with astonishment, his persecutors
hastened to scale the rocky height. When after great labor they
arrived at the point where they had seen the figure, Wixipecocha
appeared to them again for a few instants, then as suddenly vanished,
leaving no traces of his presence save the imprints of his feet deeply
impressed upon the rock where he had stood.[118] Since then we do not
know that Wixipecocha reappeared in the ordinary world, though
tradition relates that he afterwards showed himself in the enchanted
island of Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec, whither he probably went for
the purpose of obtaining new proselytes. In spite of the silence which
history maintains concerning the time of his advent and the disciples
which he left behind him, there can be no doubt that the priests of
Yopaa did not continue to promulgate his doctrines, or that the
Wiyatao, the supreme pontiff in Zapotecapan, was not there as the
vicar and successor of the prophet of Monapostiac. Like the ancient
Brahmans of Hindustan, the first disciples of Wixipecocha celebrated
the rites of their religion in a deep cave, which M. de Bourbourg
thinks was most probably hollowed out in the side of the mountain by
the waters of the flood. This was afterwards used as a place of
worship by the Wiyataos, who, as the number of their proselytes
increased, brought art to the aid of nature, and under the hands of
able architects the cave of Yopaa was soon turned into a temple,
having halls, galleries, and numerous apartments all cut in the solid
rock. It was into the gloomy recesses of this temple that the priests
descended on solemn feast-days to assist at those mysterious
sacrifices which were sacred from the profane gaze of the vulgar, or
to take part in the burial rites at the death of a king.[119]
The classes of religious men were as numerous and their names and
duties as varied among the Zapotecs as elsewhere. A certain order of
priests who made the interpreting of dreams their special province
were called Colanii Cobee Pécala. Each form of divination was made a
special study. Some professed to foretell the future by the aid of
stars, earth, wind, fire, or water; others, by the flight of birds,
the entrails of sacrificial victims, or by magic signs and circles.
Among other divinities a species of parroquet, with flaming plumage,
called the _ara_,[120] was worshiped in some districts. In this bird a
god was incarnate, who was said to have descended from the sky like a
meteor. There were among the Zapotecs hermits or fakirs, who passed
their entire lives in religious Ecstasy and meditation, shut up in
dark caves, or rude huts, with no other companion but an ara, which
they fed respectfully upon a species of altar; in honor of the bird
they lacerated their flesh and drew blood from their bodies; upon
their knees they kissed it morning and evening, and offered it with
their prayers sacrifices of flowers and copal.
[Sidenote: ZAPOTEC PRIESTS.]
Priests of a lower order were styled Wiyana and Wizaechi, and the
monks Copapitas. The influence which they were supposed to have with
the gods, and the care which they took to keep their number constantly
recruited with scions of the most illustrious families, gained them
great authority among the people. No noble was so great but he would
be honored by having a son in the temple. They added, also, to the
credit of their profession by the strict propriety of their manners,
and the excessive rigor with which they guarded their chastity.
Parents who wished to consecrate one of their children to the service
of the gods, led him, while still an infant, to the chief priest of
the district, who after carefully catechizing the little one,
delivered him over to the charge of the master of the novices. Besides
the care of the sanctuary, which fell to their lot, these children
were taught singing, the history of their country, and such sciences
as were within their comprehension.
These religious bodies were looked upon with much respect. Their
members were taught to bear themselves properly at home and in the
street, and to preserve a modest and humble demeanor. The least
infraction of the rules was severely punished; a glance or a sign
which might be construed into a carnal desire, was punished as
criminal, and those who showed by their actions a strong disposition
to violate their vow of chastity were relentlessly castrated.
The Wiyanas were divided into several orders, but all were ruled in
the most absolute manner by the pontiff of Yopaa. I have already
spoken of the veneration in which this spiritual monarch was held, and
of the manner in which he surmounted the difficulty of having children
to inherit the pontifical chair, when continence was strictly imposed
upon him.[121]
The ordinary dress of the Zapotec priests was a full white robe, with
openings to pass the arms through, but no sleeves; this was girt at
the waist with a colored cord. During the ceremony of sacrifice, and
on feast-days, the Wiyatao wore, over all, a kind of tunic, with full
sleeves, adorned with tassels and embroidered in various colors with
representations of birds and animals. On his head he wore a mitre of
feather-work, ornamented with a very rich crown of gold; his neck,
arms, and wrists were laden with costly necklaces and bracelets; upon
his feet were golden sandals, bound to his legs with cords of gold and
bright-colored thread.[122]
[Sidenote: PRIESTS OF MICHOACAN.]
The Toltec sacerdotal system so closely resembled the Mexican already
described that it needs no further description in this volume. Their
priests wore a long black robe reaching to the ground; their heads
were covered with a hood, and their hair fell down over their
shoulders and was braided. They rarely put sandals on their feet,
except when about to start on a long journey.[123] Among the Totonacs
six great ecclesiastics were elected, one as high-priest, one next to
him in rank, and so on with the other four. When the high-priest died,
the second priest succeeded him. He was anointed and consecrated with
great ceremony; the unction used upon the occasion was a mixture of a
fluid called in the Totonac tongue _ole_, and blood drawn at the
circumcision of children.[124] There existed also among these people
an order of monks devoted to their goddess Centeotl. They lived a very
austere and retired life, and their character, according to the
Totonac standard, was irreproachable. None but men above sixty years
of age, who were widowers of virtuous life and estranged from the
society of women, were admitted into this order. Their number was
fixed, and when one of them died another was received in his stead.
They were so much respected that they were not only consulted by the
common people, but likewise by the great nobles and the high-priest.
They listened to those who consulted them, sitting upon their heels,
with their eyes fixed upon the ground, and their answers were received
as oracles even by the kings of Mexico. They were employed in making
historical paintings, which they gave to the high-priest that he might
exhibit them to the people. The common Totonac priests wore long black
cotton robes with hoods; their hair was braided like the other common
priests of Mexico, and anointed with the blood of human sacrifices,
but those who served the goddess Centeotl were always dressed in the
skins of foxes or coyotes.[125] At Izacapu, in Michoacan, there was a
pontiff named Curinacanery, who was looked upon with such deep
veneration that the king himself visited him once a year to offer him
the first-fruits of the season, which he did upon his knees, having
first respectfully kissed his hand. The common priests of Michoacan
wore their hair loose and disheveled; a leathern band encircled their
foreheads; their robes were white, embroidered with black, and in
their hands they carried feather fans.[126] In Puebla they also wore
white robes, with sleeves, and fringed on the edges.[127] The papas,
or sacrificing priests of Tlascala, allowed their hair to grow long
and anointed it with the blood of their victims.[128] Much more might
be written concerning the priests of these countries, but as it does
not strictly come within the province of this volume, it is omitted
here.[129]
FOOTNOTES:
[93] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 231; _Herrera_, _Hist.
Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., p. 502.
[94] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 88; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 182, makes the number twenty-seven.
[95] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 88, _et seq._; see also
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 182, _et seq._; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 428, _et seq._;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 353, _et seq._; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 502;
_Herrera_, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. xii.
[96] _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i., tom. x., p.
251.
[97] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 196.
[98] Camaxtli was the Tlascaltec god of war, corresponding with and
probably the same as the Mexican Huitzilopochtli. The order of
Tecuhtli being held in higher esteem in Tlascala than elsewhere, the
ceremony of initiation is generally described as it took place in that
state.
[99] 'Unas piedras chequitas de piedra negra, y creo eran de la piedra
de que hacen las navajas.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
lxvii.
[100] 'Se iba à vna de las Salas, ò Aposentos de los Ministros que
servian al Demonio, que se llamaba Tlamacazcalco.' _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 362. It seems unlikely, however, that the
candidate would be taken to another temple at this juncture. Brasseur
explains the name of the hall to which he was taken as 'le Lieu des
habitations des Ministres, prêtres de Camaxtli.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
tom. iii., p. 587.
[101] 'Y à las Sillas solas que representaban las Personas ausentes,
hacian tanta cortesia, y le captaban Benevolencia, como si realmente
estuvieran presentes los Señores que faltaban.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. ii., p. 364.
[102] Concerning the ceremony of initiation see: _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 361-6; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_,
MS., cap. lxvii.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 306-8; _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 120-1; _Camargo_, _Hist.
Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., pp.
147-9.
[103] _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., pp. 58-60.
[104] _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 586.
[105] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv.
[106] The Tlaquimilloli, from whence the title is derived, was a
sacred package or bundle, containing relics of gods and heroes.
[107] Clavigero asserts that the hair of such only as entered the
service on account of some private vow, was cut.
[108] Clavigero says that only a part of them rose upon each occasion.
'S'alzavano alcune due ore incirca innanzi alla mezza notte, altre
alla mezza notte, ed altre allo spuntar del di per attizzar, e
mantener vivo il fuoco, e per incensare gl'Idoli.' _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 42.
[109] 'Elles passaient une partie de la matinée à preparer le pain en
galette et les pâtisseries qu'elles présentaient, toutes chaudes, dans
le temple, où les prêtres allaient les prendre après l'oblation.'
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 556.
Clavigero says they prepared the offering of provisions which was
presented to the idols: 'Tutte le mattine preparavano l'obblazioni di
commestibili da presentarsi agl'Idoli.' _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. ii., p. 42.
[110] Clavigero writes: 'L'insegna de' Sommi Sacerdoti di Messico era
un fiocco, o nappa di cotone pendente dal petto, e nelle feste
principali vestivansi abiti sfarzosi, ne' quali vedevansi figurate le
insegne di quel Dio, la cui festa celebravano.' _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 38. The most important works that can be
consulted concerning the Mexican priesthood are: _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 549-59; from which I
have principally taken my account; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., pp. 163-5, 175-91; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, caps.
cxxxiii., cxxxix., cxl.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i., lib. ii.,
pp. 112 et seq., 218-23, tom. iii., pp. 276-7; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 323-5; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 335-42; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xv-xvii.; _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 36 et seq.
[111] This is the title given by the Spanish authors; it is probably
derived from _tay_, a man, and _sacaa_, a priest. _Vocabul. en lengua
Mixteca, etc._, according to _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, tom. iii., p. 17, note.
[112] Wiyatao, Burgoa writes _huijatoo_, and translates, 'great
watchman;' the Zapotec vocabulary translates it by the word _papa_, or
priest.
[113] Yopaa, Burgoa also writes Lyobaa and Yobaa; it signifies the
Place of Tombs, from _Yo_, place, or ground, and _paa_, tomb, in the
Zapotec tongue, 'the centre of rest.'
[114] Teutitlan was its name in the Nahuatl language. Its Zapotecan
name was Xaquiya.
[115] _Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo_,
MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; _Carriedo_, _Estudios históricos y
estadísticos del Estado Oaxaqueño_, _Mexico_, 1850, tom. i., cap. i.;
quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 9.
[116] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.
[117] _Rasgos y señales de la primera predicacion en el Nuevo-Mundo_,
MS. de Don Isidro Gondra; quoted in _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 10.
[118] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. lxxii.
[119] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., pt ii., cap. liii.
[120] So called from the cry of _ara_, _ara_, which it constantly
repeats.
[121] See this vol., pp. 142-3.
[122] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, tom. ii., cap. liii. Of the Miztec
high-priest Torquemada writes: 'Se vestia, para celebrar sus Fiestas,
de Pontifical, de esta manera. Unas mantas mui variadas de colores,
matiçadas, y pintadas de Historias acaecidas à algunos de sus Dioses:
poniase vnas como Camisas, ò Roquetes, sin mangas (à diferencia de los
Mexicanos) que llegaban mas abajo de la rodilla, y en las piernas vnas
como antiparas, que le cubrian la pantorrilla; y era esto casi comun à
todos los Sacerdotes Sumos, y calçado, con que adornaban las Estatuas
de los Dioses; y en el braço izquierdo, vn pedaço de manta labrada, à
manera de liston, como suelen atarse algunos al braço, quando salen à
Fiestas, ò Cañas, con vna borla asida de ella, que parecia manipulo.
Vestia encima de todo vna Capa, como la nuestra de Coro, con vna borla
colgando à las espaldas, y vna gran Mitra en la cabeça, hecha de
plumas verdes, con mucho artificio, y toda sembrada, y labrada de los
mas principales Dioses, que tenian. Quando bailaban, en otras
ocasiones, y patios de los Templos (que era el modo ordinario de
cantar sus Horas, y reçar su Oficio) se vestian de ropa blanca
pintada, y vnas ropetas, como camisetas de Galeote.' _Monarq. Ind._,
tom. ii., p. 217.
[123] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Relaciones_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
tom. ix., p. 327.
[124] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxxiii.
[125] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. cxxi.; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 181; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. ii., p. 44; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. v.,
cap. xiv.
[126] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 52-3; Herrera says of
the priests of Mechoacan: 'Trahian los cabellos largos, y coronas
abiertas en la cabeça, como los de la Yglesia Catolica, y guirnaldas
de fluecos colorados.' _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.
[127] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 438.
[128] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 201.
[129] Less important, or more modern, authorities that treat of the
privileged classes among the Aztecs, are: _Pimentel_, _Mem. sobre la
Raza Indígena_, pp. 19-22; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i.,
pp. 495-504; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i., pp. 114-15; _Carbajal_,
_Discurso_, pp. 108-14; _Chaves_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. v., pp. 303-6, 337; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._,
p. 36; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 14-19, 32-5; _Hazart_,
_Kirchen-Geschichte_, tom. ii., pp. 503-5; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe
Weereld_, pp. 74, 235-6, 264-5; _West und Ost Indischer Lustgart_, pt
i., pp. 73-7, 98-100; _Cortés_, _Aventuras_, pref., p. 6; _Baril_,
_Mexique_, pp. 201-2; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
59-70, 88-98, 209-10; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 12-13,
19; _Chevalier_, _Mex., Ancien et Mod._, pp. 116-120.