PALACES AND HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NAHUA KINGS.
EXTENT AND INTERIOR OF THE GREAT PALACE IN MEXICO--THE
PALACE OF NEZAHUALCOYOTL, KING OF TEZCUCO--THE ZOÖLOGICAL
COLLECTIONS OF THE NAHUA MONARCHS--MONTEZUMA'S
ORATORY--ROYAL GARDENS AND PLEASURE-GROUNDS--THE HILL OF
CHAPULTEPEC--NEZAHUALCOYOTL'S COUNTRY RESIDENCE AT
TEZCOZINCO--TOLTEC PALACES--THE ROYAL GUARD--THE KING'S
MEALS--AN AZTEC CUISINE--THE AUDIENCE CHAMBER--AFTER-DINNER
AMUSEMENTS--THE ROYAL WARDROBE--THE KING AMONG HIS
PEOPLE--MEETING OF MONTEZUMA II. AND CORTÉS--THE KING'S
HAREM--REVENUES OF THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD--POLICY OF AZTEC
KINGS.
[Sidenote: RELIABILITY OF AUTHORITIES.]
In the preceding chapter we have seen how the monarchs were chosen,
and anointed, and crowned, and feasted, and lectured; now let us
follow them to their homes. And here I must confess I am somewhat
staggered by the recitals. It is written that as soon as the new king
was formally invested with the right of sovereignty, he took
possession of the royal palaces and gardens, and that these abodes of
royalty were on a scale of magnificence almost unparalleled in the
annals of nations. How far we may rely on these accounts it is
difficult to say; how we are to determine disputed questions is yet
more difficult. In the testimony before us, there are two classes of
evidence: one having as its base selfishness, superstition, and
patriotism; the other disaffection, jealousy, and hatred. Between
these contending evils, fortunately, we may at least approximate to
the truth. To illustrate: there can be no doubt that much concerning
the Aztec civilization has been greatly exaggerated by the old Spanish
writers, and for obvious reasons. It was manifestly to the advantage
of some, both priests and adventurers, to magnify the power and
consequence of the people conquered, and the cities demolished by them,
knowing full well that tales of mighty realms, with countless man-eaters
and fabulous riches, would soonest rouse the zeal and cupidity of the
Spaniards, and best secure to them both honors and supplies. Gathered
from the lips of illiterate soldiers little prone to diminish the
glory of their achievements in the narration, or from the manuscripts
of native historians whose patriotic statements regarding rival states
no longer in existence could with difficulty be disproved, these
accounts passed into the hands of credulous writers of fertile
imagination, who drank in with avidity the marvels that were told
them, and wrote them down with superhuman discrimination--with a
discrimination which made every so-called fact tally with the writings
of the Fathers. These writers possessed in an eminent degree the
faculty called by latter-day scholars the imaginative in
history-writing. Whatever was told them that was contrary to tradition
was certainly erroneous, a snare of the devil; if any facts were
wanting in the direction pointed out by doctrines or dogmas, it was
their righteous duty to fill them in. Thus it was in certain
instances. But to the truth of the greater part of these relations,
testimony is borne by the unanimity of the authors, though this is
partly owing to their copying each from the writings of the others,
and, more conclusively, by the architectural remains which survived
the attacks of the iconoclastic conquerors, and the golden and
bejeweled ornaments of such exquisite workmanship as to equal if not
surpass anything of the kind in Europe, which ornaments were sent to
Spain as proofs of the richness of the country. At this distance of
time it is impossible to draw a definite line between the true and
the false; nor do I feel it my duty to dogmatize in these matters, but
rather to tell the tale as I find it, at the same time laying every
shade of evidence before the reader.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: ROYAL PALACE AT MEXICO.]
The principal palace in the city of Mexico was an irregular pile of
low buildings, enormous in extent, constructed of huge blocks of
_tetzontli_, a kind of porous stone common to that country, cemented
with mortar. The arrangement of the buildings was such that they
enclosed three great plazas or public squares, in one of which a
beautiful fountain incessantly played. Twenty great doors opened on
the squares, and on the streets, and over these was sculptured in
stone the coat of arms of the kings of Mexico,--an eagle gripping in
his talons a jaguar.[23] In the interior were many halls, each of
immense size, and one in particular is said by a writer who
accompanied Cortés, known as the Anonymous Conqueror, to have been of
sufficient extent to contain three thousand men; while upon the
terrace that formed its roof thirty men on horseback could have gone
through the spear exercise.[24] In addition to these there were more
than one hundred smaller rooms, and the same number of marble baths,
which together with the fountains, ponds, and basins in the gardens,
were supplied with water from the neighboring hill of Chapultepec.
There were also splendid suites of apartments retained for the use of
the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and their attendants, when they
visited Mexico, and for the ministers and counselors, and the great
lords and their suites, who constantly resided at the capital. Besides
these, the private attendants of the king--and their name was
legion--had to be provided for; so that when we consider the other
extensive buildings, such as the harem, in which, according to some
authorities, were nearly three thousand women; the armory, the
granaries, storehouses, menageries, and aviaries, which either formed
part or were in the immediate vicinity of the palace buildings, we are
prepared somewhat to credit the Anonymous Conqueror aforesaid when he
affirms that, although he four times wandered about the palace until
he was tired, with no other purpose than to view its interior, yet he
never succeeded in seeing the whole of it.[25] The walls and floors of
halls and apartments were many of them faced with polished slabs of
marble, porphyry, jasper, obsidian, and white tecali;[26] lofty
columns of the same fine stones supported marble balconies and
porticoes, every niche and corner of which was filled with wondrous
ornamental carving, or held a grinning grotesquely sculptured head.
The beams and casings were of cedar, cypress, and other valuable
woods, profusely carved and put together without nails. The roofs of
the palace buildings formed a suite of immense terraces, from which a
magnificent view of the whole city could be obtained. Superb mats of
most exquisite finish were spread upon the marble floors; the tapestry
that draped the walls and the curtains that hung before the windows
were made of a fabric most wonderful for its delicate texture, elegant
designs and brilliant colors; through the halls and corridors a
thousand golden censers, in which burned precious spices and
perfumes, diffused a subtle odor.[27]
The palace built by Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, even surpassed
that of Montezuma in many respects. The Tezcucan historian,
Ixtlilxochitl, has given a full description of it, which I partially
translate. The collection of buildings, which composed not only the
royal residence, but also the public offices and courts of law,
extended from east to west twelve hundred and thirty-four and a half
yards, and from north to south, nine hundred and seventy-eight yards.
These were encompassed by a wall made of adobes strongly cemented
together, and standing on a foundation of very hard mortar, six feet
in width at the base. On its southern and eastern sides the wall was
three times a man's stature in height; on the western side, towards
the lake, and on the northern side it rose to the height of five times
a man's stature.[28] For one third of the distance from the base to
the top, the wall grew gradually thinner, while the remainder was of
one thickness.[29] Within this inclosure were the royal dwelling, the
council-chambers, and other halls and apartments. There were also two
large plazas, the outer one of which served as the public
market-place. The inner court-yard was surrounded by the various
courts of justice, and other halls where matters relative to science,
art, and the army were judicially and otherwise considered, all of
which will be described in their place, and also a hall where the
archives of the kingdom were preserved. In the centre of the
court-yard, which was also used as a market-place, was a tennis-court;
on the west side were the apartments of the king, more than three
hundred in number, all admirably arranged; here were also storehouses
for tribute, and splendid suites of apartments reserved for the use of
the kings of Mexico and Tlacopan when they visited Tezcuco. These
apartments led into the royal pleasure-gardens, which were
artistically laid out with labyrinthian walks winding through the dark
foliage, where often the uninitiated would lose themselves; then there
were sparkling fountains, and inviting baths, and shady groves of
cedar and cypress, and ponds well stocked with fish, and aviaries
filled with birds of every hue and species, besides extensive
menageries.[30] The city of Mexico, however, furnished the largest
collection of animals, or at all events it is more fully described by
the conquerors than others. The Aztec monarchs took special pleasure
in maintaining zoölogical collections on an immense scale, which fancy
was probably more fully indulged by Montezuma II. than by any other.
That prince caused to be erected in the city of Mexico an immense
edifice, surrounded by extensive gardens, which was used for no other
purpose than to keep and display all kinds of birds and beasts.
[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA'S MENAGERIE.]
One portion of this building consisted of a large open court, paved
with stones of different colors, and divided into several
compartments, in which were kept wild beasts, birds of prey, and
reptiles. The larger animals were confined in low wooden cages made of
massive beams. They were fed upon the intestines of human sacrifices,
and upon deer, rabbits, and other animals. The birds of prey were
distributed according to their species, in subterranean chambers,
which were more than seven feet deep, and upwards of seventeen feet in
length and breadth. Half of each chamber was roofed with slabs of
stone, under which perches were fixed in the wall, where the birds
might sleep and be protected from the rain; the other half was covered
only with a wooden grating, which admitted air and sunlight. Five
hundred turkeys were daily killed for food for these birds. Alligators
were kept in ponds walled round to prevent their escape, and serpents
in long cages or vessels, large enough to allow them to move about
freely. These reptiles were also fed on human blood and intestines. Mr
Prescott tells us that the whole of this menagerie "was placed under
the charge of numerous keepers, who acquainted themselves with the
habits of their prisoners, and provided for their comfort and
cleanliness."
Thomas Gage, the shrewd old English heretic, takes another view. In
his quaint though free and slashing style he writes: "But what was
wonderful to behold, horrid to see, hideous to hear in this house, was
the Officers' daily occupations about these beasts, the floor with
blood like a gelly, stinking like a slaughter-house, and the roaring
of the Lions, the fearful hissing of the Snakes and Adders, the
doleful howling and barking of the Wolves, the sorrowful yelling of
the Ownzes and Tigres, when they would have meat. And yet in this
place, which in the night season seemed a dungeon of hell, and a
dwelling place for the Devil, could a heathen Prince pray unto his
Gods and Idols; for near unto this Hall was another of a hundred and
fifty foot long and thirty foot broad, where was a chappel with a roof
of silver and gold in leaf, wainscotted and decked with great store of
pearl and stone, as Agats, Cornerines, Emeralds, Rubies, and divers
other sorts; and this was the Oratory where Montezuma prayed in the
night season, and in that chappel the Devil did appear unto him, and
gave him answer according to his prayers, which as they were uttered
among so many ugly and deformed beasts, and with the noise of them
which represented Hell it self, were fitted for a Devil's answer."[31]
[Sidenote: ZOÖLOGICAL COLLECTION OF MONTEZUMA.]
In another part of the building was an immense hall which served as an
aviary, in which were collected specimens of all the birds in the
empire, excepting those of prey. They were of infinite variety and
splendid plumage; many specimens were so difficult to obtain that
their feathers brought almost fabulous prices in the Mexican market;
while some few, either because of their extreme rarity or their
inability to live in confinement, did not appear even in the royal
aviary, except in imitation, for we are told that, both in Mexico and
Tezcuco, all kinds of birds and animals that could not be obtained
alive were represented in gold and silver so skillfully that they are
said to have served the naturalist Hernandez for models. But to attain
this honor, a bird must indeed have been a rara avis, a very
phoenix, for it is related by Torquemada and many others, on the
authority of a Spanish eye-witness, that the Emperor Montezuma II.
happening one day to see a sparrow-hawk soaring through the air, and
"taking a fancy to its beauty and mode of flight," ordered his
followers to catch it without delay and bring it alive to his hand;
and such were the efforts made and care used, that in an incredibly
short space of time "they captured that fierce and haughty hawk as
though it had been but a gentle domestic pigeon, and brought it to the
king."[32]
Marble galleries, supported upon jasper pillars, all of one piece,
surrounded this building, and looked out upon a large garden, wherein
were groves of rare trees, choice shrubbery and flowers, and fountains
filled with fish. But the prominent feature of the garden was ten
large ponds for the use of water-fowl, some of which were filled with
fresh and some with salt water, according to the nature of the birds
that frequented them. Each pond was surrounded with tessellated
marble pavement and shaded by clumps of trees. As often as the water
began to stagnate it was drained off and renewed. Montezuma is said to
have passed much of his time here, alone or with his women, seated in
the shade, amid the plashing of fountains and odor of flowers, musing
upon affairs of state or diverting his mind from such cares by
watching the motions of the strange birds upon the water.
No less than three hundred persons were employed in attending upon the
water-fowl and the birds in the aviary; feeding them and in the
moulting season carefully gathering the gorgeous plumes, which served
as material for the celebrated Aztec feather-work. The habits of the
birds were closely studied, and great care was taken that every
species should be supplied with the food best suited to its taste,
whether it consisted of worms, insects, or seeds. The fish with which
the water-fowl were supplied amounted to one hundred and fifty pounds
daily. In another hall a collection of human monstrosities was kept.
As we shall presently see, many of these unfortunate creatures were
trained to play the part of jesters at the royal table. Yet another
hall contained a number of albinos, or white Indians, who were
considered a great curiosity.
In addition to these city palaces the Aztec monarchs had numerous
equally splendid country residences, besides whole tracts of country
set apart as royal hunting-grounds. In these parts timber was not
allowed to be cut nor game disturbed, which regulations were enforced
with great rigor.
[Sidenote: THE HILL OF CHAPULTEPEC.]
The principal country villa of Montezuma II., and the only one of
which any signs are yet visible, was situated upon the hill of
Chapultepec, which stood in a westerly direction from the city of
Mexico. In the days of the Aztec kings, the lake of Tezcuco washed the
base of the hill, round which the royal grounds stretched for miles in
every direction. The gardens were laid out in terraces, that wound
down the hillside amid dense groves of pepper-trees, myrtles, and
cypresses, innumerable fountains and artificial cascades. Little of
the ancient glory of either palace or gardens is now left, except the
natural beauty of the foliage that clothes the hill, and the
magnificent view to be obtained from the summit. Two statues of
Montezuma II. and his father, cut in bas relief on the porphyry rock,
were still to be seen, Gama tells us, in the middle of the last
century, but these are now gone, swept away by the same ruthless hands
that laid waste the hanging gardens and tore down halls and monuments
until the groves of gigantic cypresses are all that is left standing
in the gardens of Chapultepec that ministered to the pleasure of the
ancient owners. Peter Martyr, describing the palace at Iztapalapan,
writes, in the language of an early translator: "That house also hath
orchardes, finely planted with diuers trees, and herbes, and
flourishing flowers, of a sweete smell. There are also in the same,
great standing pooles of water with many kindes of fish, in the which
diuers kindes of all sortes of waterfoule are swimminge. To the
bottome of these lakes, a man may descend by marble steppes brought
farr of. They report strange thinges of a walke inclosed with
nettinges of Canes, least any one should freely come within the voyde
plattes of grounde, or to the fruite of the trees. Those hedges are
made with a thousande pleasant deuises, as it falleth out in those
delicate purple crosse alleyes, of mirtle, rosemary, or boxe, al very
delightfull to behold."[33]
Nezahualcoyotl, the Tezcucan Solomon, was no whit behind his royal
brother of Mexico in the matter of splendid country residences and
gardens. Not content with the royal pleasure-grounds called
Huectecpan, writes the Chichimec historian,[34] this great king made
others, such as the forest so famous in Tezcotzincan history, and
those called Cauchiacac, Tzinacamoztoc, Cozcaquauhco, Cuetlachatitlan,
or Tlateitec, and those of the lake Acatelelco, and Tepetzinco; he
likewise marked out a large tract, where he might pass his leisure
moments in hunting. These gardens were adorned with fountains, drains,
sewers, ponds, and labyrinths, and were planted with all kinds of
flowers and trees, both indigenous and foreign.
But Nezahualcoyotl was not one to overlook utility in laying out his
grounds. Five large patches of the most fertile lands lying near the
capital were brought under cultivation and the products appropriated
exclusively to the use of the royal household.
Certain towns and provinces in the vicinity of the court furnished
attendants and laborers for the palaces, gardens, and plantations. In
return for such service said towns and provinces were exempt from
taxation and enjoyed certain privileges. The manner of service was
divided; thus twenty-eight towns supplied those who attended to the
cleanliness and order of the royal buildings and waited upon the king
and his suite; fourteen of these towns[35] did service during one half
of the year and the remainder[36] during the other half. Five towns
provided attendants for the king's chamber,[37] and eight
provinces,[38] with their dependent towns, furnished, each in its
turn, foresters, gardeners, and agricultural laborers for the woods
and gardens, ornamental or otherwise.
[Sidenote: SUMMER PALACE AT TEZCOZINCO.]
King Nezahualcoyotl's favorite country residence, some remains of
which are still visible, was at Tezcozinco, on a conical hill lying
about two leagues from Tezcuco. A broad road, running between high
hedges, and probably winding spirally round the hill, appears to have
led up to the summit,[39] which, however, could be reached in a
shorter time by means of a flight of steps, many of which were cut
into the living rock, and the remainder made of pieces of stone firmly
cemented together. Dávila Padilla, who wrote in the latter part of the
sixteenth century, says that he counted five hundred and twenty of
these steps, without reckoning those that had already crumbled to
pieces.[40] He furthermore adds that for the last twelve steps in the
ascent the staircase was tunneled through the solid rock, and became
so narrow that only one person could pass at a time. Dávila Padilla
inquired the reason of this of the natives, and was told by them, as
they had heard it from their fathers, that this narrow passage enabled
the Tezcucan monarch to assert his rank by taking precedence of his
royal visitors when they went in a body to worship the idol that stood
upon the summit; not a very polite proceeding certainly.[41] Water was
brought over hill and dale to the top of the mountain by means of a
solid stone aqueduct. Here it was received in a large basin, having in
its centre a great rock, upon which were inscribed in a circle the
hieroglyphics representing the years that had elapsed since
Nezahualcoyotl's birth, with a list of his most noteworthy
achievements in each.[42] Within this circle the royal coat of arms
was sculptured, the elaborate device of which it is almost impossible
to imagine from the clumsy description of it given by Ixtlilxochitl.
As nearly as I can make it out, certain figures representing a deer's
foot adorned with feathers and having a precious stone tied to it, a
hind supporting an arm which grasps a bow and arrows, and a corseleted
warrior, wearing a helmet with its ear-pieces, formed the centre;
these were flanked by two houses, one in flames and falling to pieces,
the other whole and highly ornamented; two tigers of the country,
vomiting fire and water, served as supporters; the whole was
surrounded by a border composed of twelve heads of kings and great
nobles. From this basin the water was distributed through the gardens
in two streams, one of which meandered down the northern side of the
hill, and the other down the southern side. Dávila Padilla relates
that there also stood upon the summit an image of a coyote, hewn from
the living rock, which represented a celebrated fasting Indian.[43]
There were likewise several towers or columns of stone, having their
capitals made in the shape of a pot, from which protruded plumes of
feathers, which signified the name of the place. Lower down was the
colossal figure of a winged beast, called by Ixtlilxochitl a lion,[44]
lying down, with its face toward the east, and bearing in its mouth a
sculptured portrait of the king; this statue was generally covered
with a canopy adorned with gold and feather-work.[45]
[Sidenote: ORNAMENTAL GARDENS AT TEZCOZINCO.]
A little lower yet were three basins of water, emblematic of the great
lake, and on the borders of the middle one three female figures were
sculptured on the solid rock, representing the heads of the
confederated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan.[46] Upon the
northern side of the hill was another pond; and here upon the rock was
carved the coat of arms of the city of Tollan, which was formerly the
chief town of the Toltecs; upon the southern slope of the hill was yet
another pond, bearing the coat of arms and the name of the city of
Tenayuca, which was formerly the head town of the Chichimecs. From
this basin a stream of water flowed continually over the precipice,
and being dashed into spray upon the rocks, was scattered like rain
over a garden of odorous tropical plants.[47] In the garden were two
baths, dug out of one large piece of porphyry,[48] and a flight of
steps also cut from the solid rock, worked and polished so smooth that
they looked like mirrors, and on the front of the stairs were carved
the year, month, day, and hour in which information was brought to
King Nezahualcoyotl of the death of a certain lord of Huexotzinco,
whom he esteemed very highly, and who died while the said staircase
was being built.[49] The garden is said to have been a perfect little
paradise. The gorgeous flowers were all transplanted from the distant
tierra caliente; marble pavilions, supported on slender columns, with
tesselated pavements and sparkling fountains, nestled among the shady
groves and afforded a cool retreat during the long summer days. At the
end of the garden, almost hidden by the groups of gigantic cedars and
cypresses that surrounded it, was the royal palace,[50] so situated
that while its spacious halls were filled with the sensuous odors of
the tropics, blown in from the gardens, it remained sheltered from the
heat.[51]
[Sidenote: TOLTEC PALACES.]
If the ancient traditions may be believed, the Toltec monarchs built
as magnificent palaces as their Aztec successors. The sacred palace of
that mysterious Toltec priest-king, Quetzalcoatl, had four principal
halls, facing the four cardinal points. That on the east was called
the Hall of Gold, because its halls were ornamented with plates of
that metal, delicately chased and finished; the apartment lying toward
the west was named the Hall of Emeralds and Turquoises, and its walls
were profusely adorned with all kinds of precious stones; the hall
facing the south was decorated with plates of silver and with
brilliant-colored sea-shells, which were fitted together with great
skill. The walls of the fourth hall, which was on the north, were red
jasper, covered with carving and ornamented with shells. Another of
these palaces or temples, for it is not clear which they were, had
also four principal halls decorated entirely with feather-work
tapestry. In the eastern division the feathers were yellow; in the
western they were blue, taken from a bird called Xiuhtototl; in the
southern hall the feathers were white, and in that on the north they
were red.[52]
The number of attendants attached to the royal houses was very great.
Every day from sunrise until sunset the antechambers of Montezuma's
palace in Mexico were occupied by six hundred noblemen and gentlemen,
who passed the time lounging about and discussing the gossip of the
day in low tones, for it was considered disrespectful to speak loudly
or make any noise within the palace limits. They were provided with
apartments in the palace,[53] and took their meals from what remained
of the superabundance of the royal table, as did, after them, their
own servants, of whom each person of quality was entitled to from one
to thirty, according to his rank. These retainers, numbering two or
three thousand, filled several outer courts during the day.
[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA AT TABLE.]
[Sidenote: THE ROYAL WARDROBE.]
The king took his meals alone, in one of the largest halls of the
palace. If the weather was cold, a fire was kindled with a kind of
charcoal made of the bark of trees, which emitted no smoke, but threw
out a delicious perfume; and that his majesty might suffer no
inconvenience from the heat, a screen ornamented with gold and carved
with figures of the idols[54] was placed between his person and the
fire. He was seated upon a low leather cushion, upon which were thrown
various soft skins, and his table was of a similar description, except
that it was larger and rather higher, and was covered with white
cotton cloths of the finest texture. The dinner-service was of the
finest ware of Cholula, and many of the goblets were of gold and
silver, or fashioned of beautiful shells. He is said to have possessed
a complete service of solid gold, but as it was considered below a
king's dignity to use anything at table twice, Montezuma with all his
extravagance, was obliged to keep this costly dinner-set in the
temple. The bill of fare comprised everything edible of fish, flesh,
and fowl, that could be procured in the empire or imported from beyond
it. Relays of couriers were employed in bringing delicacies from afar,
and as the royal table was every day supplied with fresh fish brought,
without the modern aids of ice and air-tight packing, from a sea-coast
more than two hundred miles distant, by a road passing chiefly through
a tropical climate, we can form some idea of the speed with which
these couriers traveled. There were cunning cooks among the Aztecs,
and at these extravagant meals there was almost as much variety in the
cooking as in the matter cooked. Sahagun[55] gives a most formidable
list of roast, stewed, and boiled dishes of meat, fish, and poultry,
seasoned with many kinds of herbs, of which, however, the most
frequently mentioned is chile.[56] He further describes many kinds of
bread, all bearing a more or less close resemblance to the modern Mexican
tortilla,[57] and all most tremendously named; imagine, for instance,
when one wished for a piece of bread, having to ask one's neighbor to
be good enough to pass the totanquitlaxcallitlaquelpacholli; then
there were tamales of all kinds,[58] and many other curious messes,
such as frog-spawn, and stewed ants cooked with chile, but more
loathsome to us than even such as these, and strangest of all the
strange compounds that went to make up the royal carte, was one highly
seasoned, and probably savory-smelling dish, so exquisitely prepared
that its principal ingredient was completely disguised, yet that
ingredient was nothing else than human flesh.[59] Each dish was kept
warm by a chafing-dish placed under it. Writers do not agree as to the
exact quantity of food served up at each meal, but it must have been
immense, since the lowest number of dishes given is three hundred,[60]
and the highest three thousand.[61] They were brought into the hall by
four hundred pages of noble birth, who placed their burdens upon the
matted floor and retired noiselessly. The king then pointed out such
viands as he wished to partake of, or left the selection to his
steward, who doubtless took pains to study the likes and dislikes of
the royal palate. This steward was a functionary of the highest rank
and importance; he alone was privileged to place the designated
delicacies before the king upon the table; he appears to have done
duty both as royal carver and cup-bearer, and, according to
Torquemada, to have done it barefooted and on his knees.[62]
Everything being in readiness, a number of the most beautiful of the
king's women[63] entered, bearing water in round vessels called
xicales, for the king to wash his hands in, and towels that he might
dry them, other vessels being placed upon the ground to catch the
drippings. Two other women at the same time brought him some small
loaves of a very delicate kind of bread made of the finest
maize-flour, beaten up with eggs. This done, a wooden screen, carved
and gilt, was placed before him, that no one might see him while
eating.[64] There were always present five or six aged lords, who
stood near the royal chair barefooted, and with bowed heads. To these,
as a special mark of favor, the king occasionally sent a choice morsel
from his own plate. During the meal the monarch sometimes amused
himself by watching the performances of his jugglers and tumblers,
whose marvelous feats of strength and dexterity I shall describe in
another place; at other times there was dancing, accompanied by
singing and music; there were also present dwarfs, and professional
jesters, who were allowed to speak, a privilege denied all others
under penalty of death, and, after the manner of their kind, to tell
sharp truths in the shape of jests. The more solid food was followed
by pastry, sweetmeats, and a magnificent dessert of fruit. The only
beverage drank at the meal was chocolate,[65] of which about fifty
jars were provided;[66] it was taken with a spoon, finely wrought of
gold or shell, from a goblet of the same material. Having finished his
dinner, the king again washed his hands in water brought to him, as
before, by the women. After this, several painted and gilt pipes were
brought, from which he inhaled, through his mouth or nose, as suited
him best, the smoke of a mixture of liquid-amber, and an herb called
tobacco.[67] His siesta over, he devoted himself to business, and
proceeded to give audience to foreign ambassadors, deputations from
cities in the empire, and to such of his lords and ministers as had
business to transact with him. Before entering the presence-chamber,
all, no matter what their rank might be, unless they were of the
blood-royal, were obliged to leave their sandals at the door, to cover
their rich dresses with a large coarse mantle, and to approach the
monarch, barefooted and with downcast eyes, for it was death to the
subject who should dare to look his sovereign in the face.[68] The
king usually answered through his secretaries,[69] or when he deigned
to speak directly to the person who addressed him, it was in such a
low tone as scarcely to be heard;[70] at the same time he listened
very attentively to all that was communicated to him, and encouraged
those who, from embarrassment, found difficulty in speaking. Each
applicant, when dismissed, retired backward, keeping his face always
toward the royal seat. The time set apart for business having elapsed,
he again gave himself up to pleasure, and usually passed the time in
familiar badinage with his jesters, or in listening to ballad-singers
who sang of war and the glorious deeds of his ancestors, or he amused
himself by looking on at the feats of strength and legerdemain of his
jugglers and acrobats; or, sometimes, at this hour, he would retire to
the softer pleasures of the harem. He changed his dress four times
each day, and a dress once worn could never be used again. Concerning
this custom, Peter Martyr, translated into the quaintest of English,
writes: "Arising from his bed, he is cloathed after one maner, as he
commeth forth to bee seene, and returning backe into his chamber after
he hath dined, he changeth his garments: and when he commeth forthe
againe to supper, hee taketh another, and returning backe againe the
fourth which he weareth vntill he goe to bed. But concerning 3.
garments, which he changeth euery day, many of them that returned haue
reported the same vnto me, with their owne mouth: but howsoeuer it be,
all agree in the changing of garmentes, that being once taken into the
wardrope, they are there piled vp on heaps, not likely to see the face
of Muteczuma any more: but what manner of garmentes they be, we will
elswhere declare, for they are very light. These things being
obserued, it wil not be wondred at, that we made mention before
concerning so many garments presented. For accounting the yeares, and
the dayes of the yeares, especially, wherein Muteczuma hath inioyed
peace & howe often he changeth his garments euery daye, all admiration
will cease. But the readers will demand, why he heapeth vp so great a
pile of garments, & that iustly. Let them knowe that Muteczuma vsed to
giue a certeine portion of garments to his familiar friends, or well
deseruing soldiers, in steed of a beneuolence, or stipend, when they
go to the wars, or returne from ye victory, as Augustus Cæsar lord of
the world, a mightier Prince than Muteczuma, commanded only a poore
reward of bread to be giuen ouer & aboue to such as performed any
notable exployt, while being by Maro admonished, that so smal a larges
of bread was an argument yet he was a bakers son: then although it be
recorded in writing that Cæsar liked ye mery conceit, yet it is to be
beleued yet he blushed at that diuination, because he promised Virgil
to alter his disposition & that hereafter he would bestow gifts worthy
a great king, & not a bakers son."[71]
[Sidenote: THE KING OUT OF DOORS.]
The kings did not often appear among their people,[72] though we are
told that they would sometimes go forth in disguise to see that no
part of the religious feasts and ceremonies was omitted, to make sure
that the laws were observed, and probably, as is usual in such cases,
to ascertain the true state of public opinion with regard to
themselves.[73] Whenever they did appear abroad, however, it was with
a parade that corresponded with their other observances. Upon these
occasions the king was seated in a magnificent litter, overshadowed by
a canopy of feather-work, the whole being adorned with gold and
precious stones, and carried upon the shoulders of four noblemen. He
was attended by a vast multitude of courtiers of all ranks, who
walked without speaking, and with their eyes bent upon the ground. The
procession was headed by an official carrying three wands, whose duty
it was to give warning of the king's approach, and by others who
cleared the road of all obstructions.[74] All who chanced to meet the
royal party, instantly stopped, and remained motionless with heads
bent down, like friars chanting the Gloria Patri, says Father
Motolinia, until the procession had passed. When the monarch alighted,
a carpet was spread upon the ground for him to step on. The meeting of
Montezuma II. and Cortés, as described by Bernal Diaz, will show the
manner in which the Aztec kings were attended when out of doors:
"When we arrived at a spot where another narrow causeway led towards
Cuyoacan, we were met by a number of caciques and distinguished
personages, all splendidly dressed. They had been sent by Montezuma to
meet us and welcome us in his name; and as a sign of peace each
touched the earth with his hand and then kissed it.[75] While we were
thus detained, the lords of Tezcuco, Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Cuyoacan,
advanced to meet the mighty Montezuma, who was approaching seated on a
splendid litter, and escorted by a number of powerful nobles. When we
arrived at a place not far from the capital, where were certain
fortifications, Montezuma, descending from his litter, came forward
leaning on the arms of some of the attendant lords, while others held
over him a canopy of rich feather-work ornamented with silver and
gold, having an embroidered border from which hung pearls and
chalchihuis stones.[76] Montezuma was very sumptuously dressed,
according to his custom, and had on his feet a kind of sandals, with
soles of gold, the upper part being studded with precious stones. The
four grandees[77] who supported him were also very richly attired, and
it seemed to us that the clothes they now wore must have been held in
readiness for them somewhere upon the road, for they were not thus
dressed when they first came out to meet us. And besides these great
lords there were many others, some of whom held the canopy over the
king's head, while others went in advance, sweeping the ground over
which he was to walk, and spreading down cotton cloths that his feet
might not touch the earth. Excepting only the four nobles upon whose
arms he leaned, and who were his near relatives, none of all his
followers presumed to look in the king's face, but all kept their eyes
lowered to the ground in token of respect."[78]
[Sidenote: THE ROYAL HAREM.]
Besides the host of retainers already mentioned there were innumerable
other officers attached to the royal household, such as butlers,
stewards, and cooks of all grades, treasurers, secretaries, scribes,
military officers, superintendents of the royal granaries and
arsenals, and those employed under them. A great number of artisans
were constantly kept busy repairing old buildings and erecting new
ones, and a little army of jewelers and workers in precious metals
resided permanently at the palace for the purpose of supplying the
king and court with the costly ornaments that were eventually such a
windfall for the conquerors, and over the description of which they
one and all so lovingly linger. Nor was the softer sex unrepresented
at court. The Aztec sovereigns were notorious for their uxoriousness.
Montezuma II. had in his harem at least one thousand women, and this
number is increased by most of the historians to three thousand,
including the female attendants and slaves. Of these we are told on
good authority that he had one hundred and fifty pregnant at one time,
all of whom killed their offspring in the womb;[79] yet
notwithstanding this wholesale abortion, he had more than fifty sons
and daughters. His father had one hundred and fifty children, of whom
Montezuma II. killed all his brothers and forced his sisters to marry
whom he pleased;--at least such is the import of Oviedo's
statement.[80] Nezahualpilli, of Tezcuco, had between seventy and one
hundred children.[81] Camargo tells us that Xicotencatl, one of the
chiefs of Tlascala had a great number of sons by more than fifty wives
or concubines.[82] These women were the daughters of the nobles, who
thought themselves honored by having a child in the royal harem.
Occasionally the monarch presented one of his concubines to some great
lord or renowned warrior, a mark of favor which thenceforth
distinguished the recipient as a man whom the king delighted to honor.
The seraglio was presided over by a number of noble matrons, who kept
close watch and ward over the conduct of their charges and made daily
reports to the king, who invariably caused the slightest indiscretion
to be severely punished. Whether eunuchs were employed in the Aztec
harems is uncertain; this, however, we read in Motolinia:
"Moteuczomatzin had in his palace dwarfs and little hunchbacks, who
when children were with great ingenuity made crook-backed,
ruptured,[83] and disjointed, because the lords in this country made
the same use of them as at the present day the Grand Turk does of
eunuchs."[84]
The enormous expenditure incurred in the maintenance of such a
household as this, was defrayed by the people, who, as we shall see in
a future chapter, were sorely oppressed by over-taxation. The
management of the whole was entrusted to a head steward or majordomo,
who, with the help of his secretaries, kept minute hieroglyphic
accounts of the royal revenue. Bernal Diaz tells us that a whole
apartment was filled with these account-books.[85] In Tezcuco, writes
Ixtlilxochitl, the food consumed by the court was supplied by certain
districts of the kingdom, in each of which was a gatherer of taxes,
who besides collecting the regular tributes, was obliged to furnish
the royal household, in his turn, with a certain quantity of specified
articles, for a greater or less number of days, according to the
wealth and extent of his department. The daily supply amounted to
thirty-one and a quarter bushels of grain; nearly three bushels and
three quarters of beans;[86] four hundred thousand ready-made
tortillas; four xiquipiles[87] of cocoa, making in all thirty-two
thousand cocoa-beans;[88] one hundred cocks of the country;[89] twenty
loaves of salt; twenty great baskets of large chiles, and twenty of
small chiles; ten baskets of tomatoes; and ten of seed.[90] All this
was furnished daily for seventy days by the city of Tezcuco and its
suburbs, and by the districts of Atenco, and Tepepulco; for sixty-five
days by the district of Quauhtlatzinco; and for forty-five days by the
districts of Azapocho and Ahuatepec.[91]
[Sidenote: AZTEC KINGS AND THEIR SUBJECTS.]
Such, as full in detail as it is handed down to us, was the manner in
which the Aztec monarchs lived. The policy they pursued toward their
subjects was to enforce obedience and submission by enacting laws that
were calculated rather to excite awe and dread than to inspire love
and reverence. To this end they kept the people at a distance by
surrounding themselves with an impassable barrier of pomp and courtly
etiquette, and enforced obedience by enacting laws that made death the
penalty of the most trivial offenses. There was little in common
between king and people; as is ever the case between a despot and his
subjects. The good that the kings did by their liberality and love of
justice, and the success they nearly all achieved by their courage and
generalship, merited the admiration of their subjects. On the other
hand, the oppression which they made their vassals feel, the heavy
burdens they imposed upon them, their own pride and arrogance, and
their excessive severity in punishments, engendered what we should now
call a debasing fear, but which is none the less an essential element
of progress at certain stages.[92]
FOOTNOTES:
[23] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. ix. Though it
is more than probable that Gomara means the same thing, yet the manner
in which he expresses it leaves us in some doubt whether the tiger
might not have been standing over the eagle. 'El escudo de armas, que
estaua por las puertas de palacio y que traen las vanderas de
Motecçuma, y las de sus antecessores, es vna aguila abatida a vn
tigre, las manos y vñas puestas como para hazer presa.' _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 108. 'Het Wapen dat boven de Poorte stont, was een Arent die op
een Griffioen nederdaelde, met open Clauwen hem ghereet maeckende, om
syn Roof te vatten.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246.
[24] _Relatione fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortese_, in _Ramusio_, _Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309.
[25] _Ib._
[26] 'Le tecali paraît être la pierre transparente semblable à
l'albâtre oriental, dont on faisait un grand usage à Mexico, et dont
les réligieux se servirent même pour faire une espèce de vitres à
leurs fenêtres. On en trouve encore de ce genre dans plusieurs
couvents de la Puebla de los Angeles.' _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist.
Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., p. 8.
[27] Incense-offering among the Mexicans, and other nations of
Anáhuac, was not only an act of religion towards their gods, but also
a piece of civil courtesy to lords and ambassadors. _Clavigero_,
_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 51. Cortés during his march to
the capital was on more than one occasion met by a deputation of
nobles, bearing censers which they swung before him as a mark of
courtesy.
[28] Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 177, makes in both cases the
'estado' the same measure as the 'vara,' that is three feet, a clumsy
error certainly, when translating such a sentence as this: 'que tenia
de grueso dos varas, y de alto tres estados.'
[29] 'Á manera de estribo,' writes Ixtlilxochitl.
[30] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
tom. ix., pp. 242-3.
[31] _Gage's New Survey_, p. 99. Concerning this oratory, see _Las
Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. i., cap. l. Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 296, asserts that the gold and silver
plates with which the walls and roof were coated, were almost as thick
as a finger, and that the first conquerors did not see this chapel or
oratory, because Montezuma always went to the temple to pray, and
probably, as the natives declared, knowing the covetousness of the
Spaniards, he purposely concealed all this wealth from them; it is
also said that when Mexico was taken the natives destroyed this
chapel, and threw its treasures into the lake.
[32] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 297.
[33] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.
[34] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., pp. 251-2.
[35] Their names, as given by Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chich._, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 251, were: Huexotla,
Coatlichan, Coatapec, Chimalhuacan, Ytztapalocan, Tepetlaoztoc,
Acolman, Tepechpan, Chiuhnauhtlan, Teioiocan, Chiauhtla, Papalotlan,
Xaltocan, and Chalco.
[36] Otompan, Teotihuacan, Tepepolco, Cempoalon, Aztaquemecan,
Ahuatepec, Axapochoc, Oztoticpac, Tizayocan, Tlalanapan, Coioac,
Quatlatlauhcan, Quauhtlacca, and Quatlatzinco. _Ib._
[37] 'Para la recámara del rey,' namely: Calpolalpan, Mazaapan,
Yahualiuhcan, Atenco, and Tzihuinquilocan. _Ib._ It is unreasonable to
suppose that these so-called 'towns' were really more than mere
villages, since the kingdoms proper of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan,
of which they formed only a fraction, were all contained in a valley
not two hundred miles in circumference.
[38] Tolantzinco, Quauhchinanco, Xicotepec, Pauhatla, Yauhtepec,
Tepechco, Ahuacaiocan, and Quauhahuac. _Ib._; see also _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 167.
[39] 'La cerca tan grande que tenia para subir á la cumbre de él y
andarlo todo.' _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 251.
[40] 'Para subir hasta esta cumbre se passan quinientos y veynte
escalones, sin algunos que estan ya deshechos, por auer sido de
piedras sueltas y puestas à mano: que otros muchos escalones ay,
labrados en la propia peña con mucha curiosidad. El año pasado los
anduue todos, y los contè, para deponer de vista.' _Dávila Padilla_,
_Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619. Prescott, _Mex._, vol. i., p. 186, citing
the above author, gives five hundred and twenty as the whole number of
steps, without further remark.
[41] Torquemada also mentions this staircase. _Monarq. Ind._, tom.
ii., p. 436.
[42] 'Esculpida en ella en circunferencia los años desde que habia
nacido el rey Nezahualcoiotzin, hasta la edad de aquel tiempo.'
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 252. Prescott says that the hieroglyphics represented the
'years of Nezahualcoyotl's reign.' _Mex._, vol. i., p. 182.
[43] _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619. 'This figure was, no doubt, the
emblem of Nezahualcoyotl himself, whose name ... signified "hungry
fox."' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 183, note 42.
[44] 'Un leon de mas de dos brazas de largo con sus alas y plumas.'
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252.
[45] These figures were destroyed by order of Fr Juan de Zumárraga,
first Bishop of Mexico. _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, p. 619;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 252. The injury wrought by this holy iconoclast is
incalculable. Blinded by the mad fanaticism of the age, he saw a devil
in every Aztec image and hieroglyph; his hammers did more in a few
years to efface all vestiges of Aztec art and greatness than time and
decay could have done in as many centuries. It is a few such men as
this that the world has to thank for the utter extinction in a few
short years of a mighty civilization. In a letter to the Franciscan
Chapter at Tolosa, dated June 12, 1531, we find the old bigot exulting
over his vandalism. 'Very reverend Fathers,' he writes: 'be it known
to you that we are very busy in the work of converting the heathen; of
whom, by the grace of God, upwards of one million have been baptized
at the hands of the brethren of the order of our seraphic Father Saint
Francis; five hundred temples have been leveled to the ground, and
more than twenty thousand figures of the devils they worshiped have
been broken to pieces and burned.' And it appears that the worthy
zealot had even succeeded in bringing the natives themselves to his
way of thinking, for further on he writes: 'They watch with great care
to see where their fathers hide the idols, and then with great
fidelity they bring them to the religious of our order that they may
be destroyed; and for this many of them have been brutally murdered by
their parents, or, to speak more properly, have been crowned in glory
with Christ.' _Dicc. Univ._, App., tom. iii., p. 1131.
[46] There is a singular confusion about this passage. In
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 252, Ixtlilxochitl is made
to write: 'Un poquito mas abajo estaban tres albercas de agua, y en la
del medio estaban en sus bordos tres damas esculpidas y labradas en la
misma peña, que significaban la gran laguna; y las _ranas_ los cabezas
del imperio.' In _Prescott's Mex._, App., vol. iii., pp. 430-2,
Ixtlilxochitl's description of Tezcozinco is given in full; the
above-quoted passage is exactly the same here except that for _ranas_,
frogs, we read _ramas_, branches. Either of these words would render
the description incomprehensible, and in my description I have assumed
that they are both misprints for _damas_. Mr Prescott, _Mex._, vol.
i., pp. 182-3, surmounts the difficulty as follows: 'On a lower level
were three other reservoirs, _in each of which stood a marble statue
of a woman_, emblematic of the three states of the empire.' This is
inaccurate as well as incomplete, inasmuch as the figures were not
statues, each standing in a basin, but were all three cut upon the
face of the rock-border of the middle basin.
[47] I have no doubt that this is the basin known to modern travelers
as the 'Baths of Montezuma,' of which Ward says that it is neither of
the proper shape, nor large enough for a bath, but that it more
probably 'served to receive the waters of a spring, since dried up, as
its depth is considerable, while the edge on one side is formed into a
spout.' _Mexico_, vol. ii., p. 297. Of late years this excavation has
been repeatedly described by men who claim to have visited it, but
whose statements it is hard to reconcile. Bullock mentions having seen
on this spot 'a beautiful basin about twelve feet long by eight wide,
having a well about five feet by four deep in the centre, surrounded
by a parapet or rim two feet six inches high, with a throne or chair,
such as is represented in ancient pictures to have been used by the
kings. There are steps to descend into the basin or bath; the whole
cut out of the living porphyry rock with the most mathematical
precision, and polished in the most beautiful manner.' _Mexico_, vol.
ii., pp. 125-6. Latrobe says there were 'two singular basins, of
perhaps two feet and a half in diameter, not big enough for any
monarch bigger than Oberon to take a duck in.' _Rambler_, p. 187;
_Vigne's Travels_, vol. i., p. 27, mentions 'the remains of a circular
stone bath ... about a foot deep and five in diameter, with a small
surrounding and smoothed space cut out of the solid rock.' Brantz
Mayer, who both saw it and gives a sketch of it, writes: 'The rock is
smoothed to a perfect level for several yards, around which, seats and
grooves are carved from the adjacent masses. In the centre there is a
circular sink, about a yard and a half in diameter, and a yard in
depth, and a square pipe, with a small aperture, led the water from an
aqueduct, which appears to terminate in this basin.' _Mex. as it Was_,
p. 234. Beaufoy says that two-thirds up the southern side of the hill
was a mass of fine red porphyry, in which was an excavation six feet
square, with steps leading down three feet, having in the centre a
circular basin four and a half feet in diameter and five deep also
with steps. _Mex. Illustr._, p. 195. 'On the side of the hill are two
little circular baths, cut in the solid rock. The lower of the two has
a flight of steps down to it; the seat for the bather, and the stone
pipe which brought the water, are still quite perfect.' _Tylor's
Anahuac_, p. 152.
[48] 'Tras este jardin se seguian los baños hechos y labrados de peña
viva, que con dividirse en dos baños era de una pieza.'
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol.
ix., p. 252.
[49] _Ib._
[50] Dávila Padilla says that some of the gateways of this palace were
formed of one piece of stone, and he saw one beam of cedar there which
was almost ninety feet in length and four in breadth. _Hist. Fvnd.
Mex._, p. 620.
[51] Concerning the royal buildings, gardens, &c., of the Aztecs,
compare _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. i., cap. l.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 167, 296-8; _Ixtlilxochitl_,
_Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., pp. 243-4,
251-2; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, pp. 619-20; _Relatione
fatta per vn gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, in _Ramusio_,
_Navigationi_, tom. iii., fol. 309; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii.,
lib. viii., pp. 302-9; _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales
des Voy._, 1843, tom. xcviii., p. 196; _Acosta's Hist. Nat. Ind._, p.
484; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., pp. 271-4;
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., pp. 305-7, 504; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 69; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 181-5; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
107-11; _Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp.
315-19; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 110-11; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec.
ii., lib. vii., cap. ix.-xi.; _West-Indische Spieghel_, pp. 245-6,
343; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 97-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib.
iii., iv., x.; _Chevalier_, _Mexique_, pp. 30-2; _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. i., pp. 177-84, vol. ii., pp. 65, 115-21; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iv., pp. 8-11; _Pimentel_, _Raza
Indígena_, p. 57; _Tápia_, _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de
Doc._, tom. ii., pp. 581-3. Other works of no original value, which
touch on this subject, are: _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp.
15, 244, 65-6, 234-7; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_, pp. 347-51;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mexicain_, pp. 90-4, 109; _Macgregor's Progress
of America_, p. 22; _Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 66, 70; _West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart_, pt i., p. 125.
[52] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 107-8.
[53] Close to the great audience hall was a very large court-yard, 'en
que avia çient aposentos de veynte é çinco ó treynta piés de largo
cada uno sobre sí en torno de dicho patio, é allí estaban los señores
prinçipales apossentados, como guardas del palacio ordinarias.'
_Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501.
[54] 'Vna como tabla labrada con oro, y otras figuras de idolos.'
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.
[55] _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 297-302.
[56] This pungent condiment is at the present day as omnipresent in
Spanish American dishes as it was at the time of the conquest; and I
am seriously informed by a Spanish gentleman who resided for many
years in Mexico, and was an officer in Maximilian's army, that while
the wolves would feed upon the dead bodies of the French that lay all
night upon the battle-field, they never touched the bodies of the
Mexicans, because the flesh of the latter was completely impregnated
with chile. Which, if true, may be thought to show that wolves do not
object to a diet seasoned with garlic.
[57] Described too frequently in vol. i., of this series, to need
repetition.
[58] The tamale is another very favorite modern Mexican dish. The
natives generally make them with pork; the bones are crushed almost to
powder; the meat is cut up in small pieces, and the whole washed; a
small quantity of maize paste, seasoned with cinnamon, saffron,
cloves, pimento, tomatoes, coarse pepper, salt, red coloring matter,
and some lard added to it, is placed on the fire in a pan; as soon as
it has acquired the consistency of a thick gruel it is removed, mixed
with the meat, some more lard and salt added, and the mass kneaded for
a few moments; it is then divided into small portions, which are
enveloped in a thin paste of maize. The tamales thus prepared are
covered with a banana-leaf or a corn-husk, and placed in a pot or pan
over which large leaves are laid. They are allowed to boil from one
hour and a half to two hours. Game, poultry, vegetables, or sweetmeats
are often used instead of pork.
[59] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229, regrets that certain
persons, out of the ill-will they bore the Mexicans, have falsely
imputed to Montezuma the crime of eating human flesh without its
being well seasoned, but he admits that when properly cooked and
disguised, the flesh of those sacrificed to the gods appeared at the
royal board. Some modern writers seem to doubt even this; it is,
however, certain that cannibalism existed among the people, not as a
means of allaying appetite, but from partly religious motives, and
there seems no reason to doubt that the king shared the superstitions
of the people. I do not, however, base the opinion upon Oviedo's
assertion, which smacks strongly of the 'giant stories' of the
nursery, that certain 'dishes of tender children' graced the monarch's
table. _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._,
fol. 68, also cannot withstand the temptation to deal in the
marvelous, and mentions 'carnes de muchachos de poca edad;' though it
is true the soldier-like bluntness the veteran so prided himself upon,
comes to his aid, and he admits that perhaps after all Montezuma was
not an ogre.
[60] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.
[61] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501.
[62] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229.
[63] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68, says there were four of
these women; Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229, says there
were twenty.
[64] 'E ya que començaua á comer, echauanle delante vna como puerta de
madera muy pintada de oro, porque no le viessen comer.' _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. 'Luego que se sentaba à la Mesa, cerraba el
Maestre-Sala vna Varanda de Madera, que dividia la Sala, para que la
Nobleça de los Caballeros, _que acudia à verle comer_, no embaraçase
la Mesa.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 229. 'Tosto che il
Re si metteva a tavola, chiudeva lo Scalco la porta della Sala,
acciocchè nessuno degli altri Nobili lo vedesse mangiare.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 270.
[65] 'A potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla and other spices,
and so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency of
honey, which gradually dissolved in the mouth.' _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. ii., p. 125. 'This was something like our chocolate, and prepared
in the same way, but with this difference, that it was mixed with the
boiled dough of maise, and was drunk cold.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Conq._, [Lockhart's translation Lond., 1814, vol. i., note, p. 393].
'La bebida es agua mezclada con cierta harina de unas almendras que
llaman _cacao_. Esta es de mucha sustancia, muy fresca, y sabrosa y
agradable, y no embriaga.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
ccxi.
[66] 'Entonces no mirauamos en ello; mas lo que yo vi, que traian
sobre cincuenta jarros grandes hechos de buen cacao con su espuma, y
de lo que bebia.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68. Oviedo, as
usual, is content with no number less than three thousand: 'É luego
venian tres mill _xícalos_ (cántaros ó ánforas) de brevage.' _Hist.
Gen._, tom. iii., p. 501. Las Casas makes it three hundred: 'A su
tiempo, en medio ò en fin de los manjares segun la costumbre que
tenian, entravan otros trescientos pajes, cada uno con un vaso grande
que cabia medio azumbre, (about a quart), y aun tres quartillos de la
bebida en el mismo, y servia el un vaso al rey el maestresala, de que
bebia lo que le agradava.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap.
ccxi.
[67] 'Vnas yervas que se dize tabaco.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._,
fol. 68.
[68] Only five persons enjoyed the privilege of looking Montezuma II.
in the face: the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and the lords of
Quauhtitlan, Coyouacan, and Azcapuzalco. _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi. Bernal Diaz says that all who approached
the royal seat made three reverences, saying in succession, 'Lord,'
'my lord,' 'sublime lord.' _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.
[69] This custom of speaking through a secretary was adopted by the
other Aztec monarchs as well as Montezuma, and was also imitated by
many of the great tributary lords and governors of provinces who
wished to make as much display of their rank and dignity as possible.
See _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._,
tom. i., p. 184; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205.
[70] 'Lo que los señores hablaban y la palabra que mas ordinariamente
decian al fin de las pláticas y negocios que se les comunicaban, eran
decir con muy baja voz _tlaa_, que quiere decir "sí, ó bien, bien."'
_Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom.
i., p. 184.
[71] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. iv.
[72] Torquemada writes of Montezuma II.: 'Su trato con los Suios era
poco: raras veces se dejaba vèr, y estabase encerrado mucho tiempo,
pensando en el Govierno de su Reino.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205.
[73] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 205.
[74] Picking up straws, says Las Casas: 'É iban estos oficiales
delante quitando las pajas del suelo por finas que fuesen.' _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.
[75] This was the Aztec manner of salutation, and is doubtless what
Bernal Diaz means where he writes: 'Y en señal de paz tocauan con la
mano en el suelo, y besauan la tierra con la mesma mano.' _Hist.
Conq._, fol. 65.
[76] Green stones, more valued than any other among the Aztecs.
[77] Cortés himself says that the king was supported by two grandees
only; one of whom was his nephew, the king of Tezcuco, and the other
his brother, the lord of Iztapalapa. _Cartas_, p. 85.
[78] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 65.
[79] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 230; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 107; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
ix.; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 67; _West-Indische Spieghel_,
p. 246. Clavigero disbelieves the report that Montezuma had one
hundred and fifty women pregnant at once. _Storia Ant. del Messico_,
tom. i., p. 268. Oviedo makes the number of women four thousand.
_Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 505.
[80] _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 505.
[81] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 435.
[82] _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 169.
[83] 'Quebraban,' which probably here means 'castrated.'
[84] 'Tenia Moteuczomatzin en su palacio enanos y corcobadillos, que
de industria siendo niños los hacian jibosos, y los quebraban y
descoyuntaban, porque de estos se servian los señores en esta tierra
como ahora hace el Gran Turco de eunucos.' _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 184-5. Torquemada,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 298, uses nearly the same words.
[85] _Hist. Conq._, fol. 68.
[86] 'Otros tres Tlacopintlix de frisoles.' The Tlacopintlix was one
'fanega,' and three 'almudes,' or, one bushel and a quarter.
[87] 'Xiquipilli, costal, talega, alforja, o bolsa.' _Molina_,
_Vocabulario_.
[88] 'Treinta y dos mil cacaos,' possibly cocoa-pods instead of
cocoa-beans.
[89] 'Cien gallos.' Probably turkeys.
[90] Probably pumpkin or melon seed.
[91] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 241.
[92] Concerning the king's manner of living and the domestic economy
of the royal household, see: _Cortés_, _Cartas_, pp. 84-5, 109-13;
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Conq._, fol. 66-8; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
ii., lib. viii., pp. 286-322; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. ccxi.; _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 167-8, 205-6,
228-31, 298, tom. ii., p. 435; _Motolinia_, _Hist. Indios_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 184-5; _Peter Martyr_,
dec. v., lib. iii., iv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 103-4, 107-8;
_Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 507; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., pp. 307, 501, 505; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
i., pp. 268-71; _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap. v.,
vii., ix., xii-xiii., dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv.; _Veytia_, _Hist.
Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., pp. 189-91; _Ortega_, in _Id._, pp. 310-17;
_West-Indische Spieghel_, p. 246; _Gage's New Survey_, pp. 97, 100-1;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i., p. 284, tom. iv.,
pp. 9-13; _Prescott's Mex._, tom. ii., pp. 121-9; _Zuazo_, _Carta_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 362; _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt
i., pp. 117-18. Other works of more or less value bearing on this
subject are: _Touron_, _Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 25-38, 355-7, 359;
_Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mex._, pp. 109, 119-22, 254-5; _Baril_,
_Mexique_, pp. 204-7; _Dufey_, _Résumé_, tom. i., pp. 136-7;
_Brownell's Ind. Races_, pp. 83, 93-5; _Ranking's Hist. Researches_,
pp. 315-16, 321-3, 342-7, 350; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, p. 136;
_Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 582-4; _Lafond_,
_Voyages_, tom. i., pp. 104-5; _Cooper's Hist. N. Amer._, pp. 112-13;
_Dilworth's Conq. Mex._, pp. 65-6, 70-1; _Hawks_, in _Hakluyt's Voy._,
vol. iii., p. 469; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, pp. 19, 82-3; _Incidents and
Sketches_, p. 60; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_, tom. v., pp. 63-6,
209-11, 234, 242; _Dillon_, _Hist. Mex._, p. 52; _West und Ost
Indischer Lustgart_, pp. 123-5.