GOVERNMENT OF THE NAHUA NATIONS.
SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT--THE AZTEC CONFEDERACY--ORDER OF
SUCCESSION--ELECTION OF KINGS AMONG THE MEXICANS--ROYAL
PREROGATIVES--GOVERNMENT AND LAWS OF SUCCESSION AMONG THE
TOLTECS AND IN MICHOACAN, TLASCALA, CHOLULA, HUEXOTZINCO,
AND OAJACA--MAGNIFICENCE OF THE NAHUA MONARCHS--CEREMONY OF
ANOINTMENT--ASCENT TO THE TEMPLE--THE HOLY UNCTION--ADDRESS
OF THE HIGH-PRIEST TO THE KING--PENANCE AND FASTING IN THE
HOUSE CALLED TLACATECCO--HOMAGE OF THE NOBLES--GENERAL
REJOICING THROUGHOUT THE KINGDOM--CEREMONY OF
CORONATION--THE PROCURING OF SACRIFICES--DESCRIPTION OF THE
CROWN--CORONATIONS, FEASTS, AND ENTERTAINMENTS--HOSPITALITY
EXTENDED TO ENEMIES--CORONATION-SPEECH OF NEZAHUALPILLI,
KING OF TEZCUCO, TO MONTEZUMA II. OF MEXICO--ORATION OF A
NOBLE TO A NEWLY ELECTED KING.
The prevailing form of government among the civilized nations of
Mexico and Central America was monarchical and nearly absolute,
although some of the smaller and less powerful states, as for
instance, Tlascala, affected an aristocratic republican system. The
three great confederated states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan were
each governed by a king, who had supreme authority in his own
dominion, and in matters touching it alone. Where, however, the
welfare of the whole allied community was involved, no one king could
act without the concurrence of the others; nevertheless, the judgment
of one who was held to be especially skilful and wise in any question
under consideration, was usually deferred to by his colleagues. Thus
in matters of war, or foreign relations, the opinion of the king of
Mexico had most weight, while in the administration of home
government, and in decisions respecting the rights of persons, it was
customary during the reigns of the two royal sages of Tezcuco,
Nezahualcoyotl and Nezahualpilli, to respect their counsel above all
other.[1] The relative importance of these three kingdoms must,
however, have shown greater disparity as fresh conquests were made,
since in the division of territory acquired by force of arms, Tlacopan
received only one fifth, and of the remainder, judging by the relative
power and extent of the states when the Spaniards arrived, it is
probable that Mexico took the larger share.[2]
[Sidenote: ELECTION OF KINGS.]
[Sidenote: ORDER OF SUCCESSION.]
In Tezcuco and Tlacopan the order of succession was lineal and
hereditary, in Mexico it was collateral and elective. In the two
former kingdoms, however, although the sons succeeded their fathers,
it was not according to birth, but according to rank; the sons of the
queen, or principal wife, who was generally a daughter of the royal
house of Mexico, being always preferred to the rest.[3] In Mexico, the
eldest surviving brother of the deceased monarch was generally elected
to the throne, and when there were no more brothers, then the nephews,
commencing with the eldest son of the first brother that had died; but
this order was not necessarily observed, since the electors, though
restricted in their choice to one family, could set aside the claims
of those whom they considered incompetent to reign; and, indeed, it
was their particular duty to select from among the relatives of the
deceased king the one best fitted to bear the dignity and
responsibility of supreme lord.[4] During the early days of the
Mexican monarchy the king was elected by vote of the whole people,
who were guided in their choice by their leaders; even the women
appear to have had a voice in the matter at this period.[5]
Afterwards, the duty of electing the king of Mexico devolved upon four
or five of the chief men of the empire. The kings of Tezcuco and
Tlacopan were also electors, but with merely an honorary rank; they
ratified the decision of the others, but probably took no direct part
in the election, although their influence and wishes doubtless carried
great weight with the council. As soon as the new king had been chosen
the body of electors was dissolved, and others were appointed in their
place, whose duties also terminated with their first electoral
vote.[6]
This plan of election was not without its advantages. As the persons
to whom the choice was entrusted were great ministers or lords who
lived at court, they had better opportunities of observing the true
character of the future candidates for the throne than the common
people, who are ever too apt to judge, by pleasing exterior rather
than by real merit, those with whose private life they can have no
acquaintance. In the next place, the high private rank of the Mexican
electors placed them beyond the ordinary influence of bribery or
threats; and thus the state was in a measure free from that system of
corruption which makes the voice of the people a mockery in more
democratic communities, and which would have prevailed to a far
greater extent in a country where feudal relations existed between
lord and vassal. Then again, the freedom of choice accorded to
electors enabled them to prevent imbeciles from assuming the
responsibilities of kingship, and thus the most conspicuous evil of an
hereditary monarchy was avoided.
[Sidenote: POWER OF THE MEXICAN KINGS.]
The almost absolute authority vested in the person of the sovereign
rendered great discrimination necessary in his selection. It was
essential that the ruler of a people surrounded by enemies and
continually bent upon conquest, should be an approved and valiant
warrior; having the personal direction of state affairs, it was
necessary that he should be a deep and subtle politician; the gross
superstition and theocratic tendencies of the governed required the
governor to be versed in religion, holding the gods in reverence; and
the records of the nation prove that he was generally a man of
culture, and a patron of art and science.
In its first stages the Mexican monarchy partook rather of an
aristocratic than of an absolute nature. Though the king was
ostensibly the supreme head of the state, he was expected to confer
with his council, which was composed of the royal electors, and other
exalted personages, before deciding upon any important step;[7] and
though the legislative power rested entirely in his hands, the
executive government was entrusted to regularly appointed officials
and courts of justice. As the empire, owing to the able administration
of a succession of conquering princes, increased in greatness, the
royal power gradually increased, although I find nothing of
constitutional amendments or reconstructions until the time of
Montezuma II., when the authority of all tribunals was reduced almost
to a dead letter, if opposed to the desires or commands of the king.
The neighboring independent and powerful kingdom of Michoacan was
governed by an absolute monarch, who usually resided at his capital,
on Lake Patzcuaro. Over each province was placed a governor, chosen
from the first ranks of the nobility, who ruled with great if not
absolute authority, in the name of the king, and maintained a court
that was in almost every respect a miniature of that of his sovereign.
The order of succession was hereditary and lineal, the eldest son
generally succeeding to the throne. The selection of a successor,
however, was left to the reigning king, who, when he felt himself to
be near his end, was at liberty to choose from among his sons the one
whom he thought best fitted to govern. In order to test his capability
and accustom him to handling the reigns of government, and that he
might have the old monarch's advice, the chosen heir immediately began
to exercise the functions of king. A custom similar to this existed
among the ancient Toltecs. Their kings were only permitted to reign
for a _xiuhmolpilli_, that is to say an 'age,' which was fifty-two
years, after which time the eldest son was invested with royal
authority and commenced to reign.[8] When the old Michoacan monarch
fell sick, the son who had been nominated as his successor immediately
dispatched messengers to all the grandees of the kingdom, with orders
to repair immediately to the capital. None was exempt from being
present, and a failure to comply with the summons was held to be
lèse-majesté. Having assembled at the palace, if the invalid is able
to receive them, the nobles pass one by one through his chamber and
with words of condolence and encouragement seek to comfort him. Before
leaving the palace each mourner deposits in the throne-room certain
presents, brought for the occasion as a more substantial testimonial
of his sorrow. If, however, the physicians pronounce the royal patient
beyond hope of recovery, no one is allowed to see him.[9]
[Sidenote: GOVERNMENT IN TLASCALA.]
[Sidenote: THE PONTIFF OF YOPAA.]
He who reads the romantic story of the conquest, feels his heart warm
towards that staunch little nation of warriors, the Tlascaltecs. There
is that about the men who ate their meat saltless for fifty years
rather than humble themselves before the mighty despots of Mexico,
that savors of the same material that defied the Persian host at
Thermopylæ. Had the Tlascaltecs steadily opposed the Spaniards, Cortés
never could have gone forward to look upon the face of King Montezuma,
nor backward to King Charles as the conqueror of New Spain; the
warriors who routed their allied enemies on the bloody plains of
Poyauhtlan, assuredly could have offered the hearts of the invaders an
acceptable sacrifice to the gods of Tlascala. The state of Tlascala,
though invariably spoken of as a republic, was certainly not so in the
modern acceptation of the term. At the time of the conquest it was
governed by four supreme lords, each independent in his own territory,
and possessed of equal authority with the others in matters concerning
the welfare of all.[10] A parliament or senate, composed of these four
lords and the rest of the nobility, settled the affairs of government,
especially those relating to peace and war. The law of succession was
much the same as in Michoacan. The chief before his death named the
son whom he wished to succeed him, who, however, did not, as in
Michoacan, commence to govern until after his father's death. The old
chief's choice was restricted in two ways: in the first place the
approval of his three colleagues was necessary; and secondly,
legitimate sons, that is the sons of a wife to whom he had been united
according to certain forms, must take precedence of his other
children. In default of sons, the brothers of the deceased chief
succeeded.[11] In any event the property of the late ruler was
inherited by his brothers, who also, according to a custom which we
shall find to be almost universal among the civilized peoples of the
New World, married his widows.[12] Such information as I find upon the
subject ascribes the same form of government to Cholula and
Huexotzinco, that was found in Tlascala.[13] The Miztecs and Zapotecs
acknowledged one supreme chief or king; the law of inheritance with
them was similar to that of Tlascala, except that in default of sons a
daughter could inherit.[14] The Zapotecs appear, at least in the more
ancient times, to have been, if possible, even more priest-ridden than
their neighbors; the orders of priests existing among them were, as
will be seen elsewhere, numerous, and seem to have possessed great
power, secular as well as sacerdotal. Yopaa, one of their principal
cities, was ruled absolutely by a pontiff, in whom the Zapotec
monarchs had a powerful rival. It is impossible to overrate the
reverence in which this spiritual king was held. He was looked upon as
a god, whom the earth was not worthy to hold, nor the sun to shine
upon. He profaned his sanctity if he so much as touched the ground
with his foot. The officers who bore his palanquin upon their
shoulders were members of the first Zapotec families; he scarcely
deigned to look upon anything about him. He never appeared in public,
except with the most extraordinary pomp, and all who met him fell
with their faces to the ground, fearing that death would overtake them
were they to look upon the face of the holy Wiyatao, as he was called.
The most powerful lords never entered his presence except with eyes
lowered and feet bared, and even the Zapotec princes of the blood must
occupy a seat before him lower than his own. Continence was strictly
imposed upon the Zapotec priests, and especially was it incumbent upon
the pontiff of Yopaa, from the eminence of his position, to be a
shining light of chastity for the guidance of those who looked up to
him; yet was the pontifical dignity hereditary in the family of the
Wiyatao. The way in which this paradox is explained is as follows: on
certain days in each year, which were generally celebrated with feasts
and dances, it was customary for the high-priest to become drunk.
While in this state, seeming to belong neither to heaven nor to earth,
one of the most beautiful of the virgins consecrated to the service of
the gods was brought to him. If the result of this holy debauch proved
to be a male infant, the child was brought up with great care as a
prince of the royal family. The eldest son of the reigning pontiff
inherited the throne of Yopaa, or in default of children, the
high-priest's nearest relative succeeded. The younger children devoted
themselves to the service of the gods, or married and remained laymen,
according to their inclination or the paternal wish; in either case
the most honorable and important positions usually fell to their
lot.[15]
* * * * *
The pomp and circumstance which surrounded the Aztec monarchs, and the
magnificence of their every-day life was most impressive. From the
moment of his coronation the Aztec sovereign lived in an atmosphere of
adulation unknown to the mightiest potentate of the old world.
Reverenced as a god, the haughtiest nobles, sovereigns in their own
land, humbled themselves before him; absolute in power, the fate of
thousands depended upon a gesture of his hand.
[Sidenote: CEREMONY OF ANOINTMENT.]
The ceremony of anointment, which preceded and was entirely distinct
from that of coronation, was an occasion of much display. In Mexico,
as soon as the new king was elected, which was immediately after the
funeral of his predecessor, the kings of Tezcuco and Tlacopan were
sent for to be present at the ceremony of anointment; all the great
feudatory lords, who had been present at the funeral of the late king,
were also invited to attend. When all are assembled the procession
sets out for the temple of Huitzilopochtli, the god of war. The kings
of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, surrounded by all the most powerful nobles of
the realm, bearing their ensigns and insignia of rank, lead the van.
Next comes the king elect, naked, excepting only the maxtli, or cloth
about the loins; following these are the lesser nobles, and after them
the common people. Silently the procession wends its way along the
streets; no beat of drum nor shout of people is heard above the
tramping. The road in advance is as free from obstruction as a
corridor in the royal palace; no one moves among the multitude that
string along its edges, but all stand with bended head and eyes
downcast until the solemn pageant has passed, when they close in with
the jostling and whispering crowd that follows. Arrived at the temple
the king and that part of the procession which precedes him ascend to
the summit. During the ascent he is supported on either side by a
great lord, and such aid is not superfluous, for the staircases,
having in all one hundred and fourteen steps, each a foot high, are so
arranged that it is necessary to go completely round the building
several times before reaching the top. On the summit the king is met
by the high-priest and his colleagues, the people meanwhile waiting
below. His first action upon reaching the summit is to pay reverence
to the image of the god of battles by touching the earth with his hand
and then carrying it to his mouth. The high-priest now anoints the
king throughout his entire body with a certain black ointment, and
sprinkles him with water which has been blessed at the grand feast of
Huitzilopochtli, using for this purpose branches of cedar and willow
and leaves of maize;[16] at the same time he addresses a few words of
counsel to him. The newly anointed monarch is next clothed with a
mantle, on which are represented skulls and bones, to remind him, we
are told, that even kings are mortal; his head is covered with two
cloths, or veils, one blue and the other black, and decorated in a
similar manner; about his neck is tied a small gourd, containing a
certain powder, which is esteemed a strong preservative against disease,
sorcery, and treason. A censer containing live coals is put into his
right hand, and into his left a bag of copal, and thus accoutred and
provided he proceeds to incense the god Huitzilopochtli.[17] This act
of worship he performs on his knees, amid the cheers of the people
below, and the playing of musical instruments. He has concluded now,
and the high-priest again addresses a short speech to him. Consider
well, Sire, he says, the great honor which your subjects have
conferred upon you, and remember now that you are king, that it is
your duty to watch over your people with great care, to look upon them
as your children, to preserve them from suffering, and to protect the
weak from the oppression of the strong. Behold before you the chiefs
of your kingdom together with all your subjects, to whom you are both
father and mother, for it is to you they turn for protection. It is
now your place to command and to govern, and most especially is it
your duty to bestow great attention upon all matters relating to war,
to search out and punish criminals without regard to rank, to put down
rebellion, and to chastise the seditious. Let not the strength of
religion decline during your reign, see that the temples are well
cared for, let there be ever an abundance of victims for sacrifice,
and so will you prosper in all your undertakings and be beloved of the
gods. Gomara affirms that the high-priest imposed an oath upon the
king that during his reign he would maintain the religion of his
ancestors, and observe their laws; that he would give offence to none,
and be valiant in war; that he would make the sun to shine, the clouds
to give rain, the rivers to flow, and the earth to bring forth fruits
in abundance.[18] The allied kings and the nobles next address him to
the same purpose; to which the king answers with thanks and promises
to exert himself to the utmost of his power for the happiness of the
state.
The speeches being ended the procession again winds round the temple
until, following terrace after terrace, it finally reaches the ground
in the same order that it went up. The king now receives homage and
gifts from the rest of the nobility, amidst the loud acclaims of the
people. He is next conducted to a temple called Tlacatecco, where
during four days he remains alone, doing penance and eating but once a
day, with the liberty, however, of choosing his own food. Twice in
each twenty-four hours he bathes, once at noon and once at midnight,
and after each bath he draws blood from his ears and offers it,
together with some burnt copal, to Huitzilopochtli. The remainder of
his time during these four days he occupies in praying the gods to
endow him with the wisdom and prudence necessary to the ruler of a
mighty kingdom. On the fifth day he is conducted in state to the royal
palace, where the feudatory lords come to renew the investiture of
their feifs. Then follow great public rejoicings, with games, feasts,
dances, and illuminations.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: CORONATION CEREMONY.]
The coronation was, as I have stated, a ceremony distinct from the
anointment. To prepare for it, it was necessary that the newly elected
king should go out to war, to procure victims for the sacrifices
necessary on such an occasion. They were never without enemies upon
whom war might be made; either some province of the kingdom had
rebelled, or Mexican merchants had been unjustly put to death, or
insult had been offered to the royal ambassadors, or, if none of these
excuses was at hand, the importance of the occasion alone rendered war
justifiable. Of the manner in which war was waged, and of the
triumphal return of the victorious army, I shall speak in another
place. It appears that when a king of Mexico was crowned, the diadem
was placed upon his head by the king of Tezcuco. The crown, which was
called by the Mexicans _copilli_, was in shape like a small mitre, the
fore part of which stood erect and terminated in a point, while the
hinder part hung down over the neck. It was composed of different
materials, according to the pleasure of the wearer; sometimes it was
of thin plates of gold, sometimes it was woven of golden thread and
adorned with beautiful feathers.[19] Accounts of the particular
ceremonies used at the coronation are wanting, but all agree that they
were of unparalleled splendor. The new king entertained most
sumptuously at his own palace all the great nobles of his realm;
honors were conferred with a lavish hand, and gifts were made in
profusion both by and to the king. Splendid banquets were given in
which all the nobility of the kingdom participated, and the lower
classes were feasted and entertained with the greatest liberality. The
fondness of the Aztecs for all kinds of public games and festivals is
evidenced in the frequency of their feasts, and in no way could a
newly elected monarch better secure a place in the affections of his
subjects than by inaugurating his reign with a series of splendid
entertainments. The strange fascination which this species of
enjoyment possessed for them is shown by the fact that strangers and
foreigners came from afar to witness the coronation feasts, and it is
related that members of hostile nations were frequently discovered
disguised among the crowd, and were not only allowed by the clemency
of the king to pass unmolested, but were provided with seats, from
which they could obtain a good view of the proceedings and where they
would be secure from insult.[20] One of the principal features of the
day was the congratulatory speech of one monarch to another, which was
courteous and flattering and filled with good advice; the following
address of Nezahualpilli, king of Tezcuco, to Montezuma II., on the
occasion of the accession of the latter to the throne of Mexico, will
illustrate.
[Sidenote: ADDRESS TO THE KING.]
The great good fortune, most mighty lord, which has befallen this
kingdom in deserving thee for its monarch, is plainly shown by the
unanimity with which thou wast elected, and by the general rejoicing
of thy people thereat. And they have reason to rejoice; for so great
is the Mexican empire that none possessed of less wisdom, prudence,
and courage, than thou, were fit to govern it. Truly is this people
beloved of the gods, in that they have given it light to choose that
which is best; for who can doubt that a prince who, before he came to
the throne, made the nine heavens his study,[21] will, now that he is
king, obtain the good things of the earth for his people? Who can
doubt that his well-tried courage will be even greater now that it is
so much needed? Who can believe that so mighty and powerful a prince
will be found wanting in charity toward the orphan and the widow? Who
can doubt that the Mexican people are favored of the gods, in having
for a king one to whom the great Creator has imparted so much of his
own glory that by simply looking upon his face we are made to partake
of that glory? Rejoice, O happy land! for the gods have given thee a
prince who will be a firm pillar for thy support, a father and a
refuge for thy succor, a more than brother in pity and mercy toward
his people. Verily thou hast a king who will not avail himself of his
high place to give himself up to sloth and pleasure, but who, rather,
will lie sleepless through the night, pondering thy welfare. Tell me,
then, most fortunate land, have I not reason for saying, Rejoice and
be happy! And thou most noble and puissant lord, be of good heart, for
as the high gods have appointed thee to this office, so will they
grant thee strength to fill it; and be well assured that the gods who
have been so gracious to thee during these many years, will not now
fail in their goodness; by them hast thou been raised to thy present
exalted position; we pray that with their help thou mayest continue to
hold it during many happy years to come.[22]
It is probable that the orations used upon those occasions by the
Aztecs were, like their prayers, not spoken ex tempore, nor even
prepared beforehand by the speaker; most likely they were in the form
of a fixed ritual, each being prepared to suit a special occasion,
such as the coronation or burial of a monarch, and repeated as often
as such an occasion occurred. Some orations must be delivered by
particular persons; others needed only an eloquent speaker. Sahagun
gives us a speech which was addressed to a newly elected king. It
could be delivered, he says, by one of the high-priests, or by a
noble noted for his eloquence, or by some delegate from the provinces
who was an eloquent speaker, or possibly by some learned senator, or
other person well versed in the art of speech-making. The language is
constrained and quaint, and possibly tiresome, but as a specimen of
Aztec oratory I give it in full, adhering to the sense, and as clearly
as possible to the words of the original:
O king, most pitiful, most devout, and best beloved, more worthy to be
esteemed than precious stones or choice feathers, thou art here by the
will of the Lord our God, who has appointed thee to rule over us in
the place of the kings thy ancestors, who, dying, have let fall from
their shoulders the burden of government under which they labored,
even as one who toils up a hill heavy-laden. Perchance these dead ones
still remember and care for the land which they governed, now, by the
will of God, a desert, in darkness, and desolate without a king;
peradventure they look with pity upon their country, which is become a
place of briars and barren, and upon their poor people who are
orphans, fatherless and motherless, knowing not nor understanding
those things which are best; who are unable to speak for dumbness, who
are as a body without a head. He who has lately left us was strong and
valorous: for a few short days he was lent to us, then like a vision
he slipped from our midst, and his passing was as a dream, for the
Lord our God hath called him to rest with the dead kings, his
ancestors, who are to-day in a manner shut from our sight in a coffer.
Thus was he gathered to his people, and is even now with our father
and mother, the God of Hell, who is called Mictlantecutli. Will he,
peradventure, return from the place to which he is gone? May it not be
that he will come back to us? Gone is he forever, and his kingdom has
lost him. Never again, through all coming time, may we see his face,
nor those who come after us. He is gone from our sight forever. Our
light is put out; we, whom he illumined, whom he carried, as it were,
upon his shoulders, are abandoned, and in darkness, and in great peril
of destruction. Behold he has left his people and the throne and seat
whereon our Lord God placed him, and which he made it his constant aim
to hold in peace and quietness. He did not cover his hands and feet
with his mantle for laziness, but with diligence did he work for the
good of his people. In thee, O most compassionate king, we have a
great solace and joy; in thee hath the Lord God given us a sun-like
glory and splendor. God points at thee with his finger, he hath
written down thy name in red letters. It is fixed above and below, in
heaven and in hell, that thou shalt be king and possess the throne and
seat and dignity of this kingdom, the root of which was deep planted
long ago by thine ancestors, they themselves being its first branches.
To thee, Sire, is entrusted the care of the seignory. Thou art the
successor of the lords, thy predecessors, and must bear the burden
they bore; upon thy back must thou place the load of this kingdom; to
the strength of thy thighs and thine arms does the Lord God entrust
the government of the common people, who are capricious and hard to
please. For many years must thou support and amuse them as though they
were young children; during all thy life must thou dandle them in
thine arms, nurse them on thy lap and soothe them to sleep with a
lullaby. O, our lord, most serene and estimable, this thing was
determined in heaven and in hell; this matter was considered and thou
wast signaled out, upon thee fell the choice of the Lord our God. Was
it possible that thou couldst hide thyself or escape this decision? In
what esteem dost thou hold the Lord God? With what respect dost thou
consider the kings and great nobles who have been inspired by God to
choose thee for our father and mother, whose election is divine and
irrevocable?
This being so, O our lord, see that thou girdest thyself for thy task,
that thou puttest thy shoulder to the burden which has been imposed
upon thee. Let the will of God be obeyed. Perchance thou wilt carry
this load for a space, or it may be that death will cut thee off, and
thy election be as a dream. Take heed, therefore, that thou art not
ungrateful, setting small store by the benefits of God. Be assured
that he sees all secret things, and that he will afflict thee in such
manner as may seem good to him. Peradventure he will send thee into
the mountains and waste places, or he will cast thee upon dirt and
filthiness, or some fearful and ugly thing will happen to thee;
perchance thou shalt be defamed and covered with shame, or discord and
revolt shall arise in thy kingdom, so that thou shalt fall into
contempt and be cast down; perhaps other kings, thine enemies, may
rise up against thee and conquer thee; or possibly the Lord may suffer
famine and want to desolate thy kingdom. What wilt thou do if in thy
time thy kingdom should be destroyed, and the wrath of our God should
visit thee in a pestilence? Or if the light of thy splendor should be
turned into utter darkness, and thy dominions laid waste? Or if death
should come upon thee while thou art yet young, or the Lord God should
set his foot upon thee before thou hast fully gathered up the reins of
government? What wilt thou do if God on a sudden should send forth
armies of enemies against thee, from the wilderness or from the sea,
from the waste and barren places where men wage war and shed blood
that the thirst of the sun and the earth may be slaked? Manifold are
the punishments of God for those that offend him. Wherefore, O our
king, it behoves thee with all thy strength to do that which is right
in the fulfilment of thine office, taking care that this be done with
tears and sighs, and continual prayer to the Lord our God, the
invisible, the impalpable. Draw near to him, Sire, weeping, and in all
sincerity, that he may help thee to govern in peace. Beware that thou
receivest with kindness and humility those that approach thee in
grief and despair. Neither speak nor act rashly, but hear calmly and
to the end all complaints brought before thee; do not harshly
interrupt the words of the speaker, for thou art the image of the Lord
God, in thee is represented his person, thou art his reliance, with
thy mouth he speaks, with thine ear he listens. Be no respecter of
persons, Sire, but punish all alike, and justly, for thou hast thy
power of God, thy right hand to punish is as the claws and teeth of
God, for thou art his judge and executioner. Do justice, therefore,
heeding the wrath of none; this is the command of God, who hath given
the doing of these things into thine hand. Take care that in the high
places of the lords and judges there be nothing done snatchingly nor
in haste, that there be no hot words nor deeds done in anger. Say not
now in thine heart, I am the lord, my will is law, but rather let this
be an occasion for the humbling of thy valor and the lowering of thy
self-esteem. Look to it that thy new dignities be not the means of
puffing thee up with pride and haughtiness, but in place thereof
ponder often on thy former lowly estate, from which, without desert,
thou wast taken and placed where thou now art. Say to thine heart, Who
was I? Who am I? Not by mine own deserts did I attain this high place,
but by the will of God; verily all this is a dream, and not sober
truth. Be watchful, Sire, that thou dost not rest free from care, that
thou dost not grow heedless with pleasure, and become a glutton and
wine-bibber, spending in feasting and drunkenness that which is earned
by the sweat of thy subjects; let not the graciousness which God has
shown in electing thee king, be repaid with profanity, folly, and
disturbances.
O King and grandchild of ours, God watches over those that govern his
kingdoms, and when they do wrong he laughs at them; he mocks and is
silent; for he is the Lord our God, he does what he pleases, he scoffs
at whom he pleases; we are the work of his hand, in the hollow of his
palm he tosses us to and fro even as balls and playthings, he makes a
mockery of us as we stumble and fall, he uses us for his ends as we
roll from side to side. Strive hard, O king, to do what thou hast to
do little by little. Perchance the number of our sins has rendered us
unworthy, and thy election will be to us a vision that passes; or
perchance it may be the will of the Lord that thou possess the royal
dignity for a time; perchance he will prove thee, and put thee to the
test, and, if thou art found wanting will set up another in thy place.
Are not the friends of the Lord great in number? Art thou the only one
whom he holds dear? Many are the friends of the Lord; many are those
that call upon him; many are those that lift up their voices before
him; many are those that weep before him; many are those that
tearfully pray to him; many are those that sigh in his presence;
verily all these are uncountable. There are many generous and prudent
men of great ability and power, who pray to the Lord and cry aloud to
him; behold, therefore, there are not lacking others beside thyself on
whom to confer the dignity of king. Peradventure as a thing that
endures not, as a thing seen in sleep, the Lord gives thee this great
honor and glory; peradventure he gives thee to smell of his tender
sweetness, and passes it quickly over thy lips. O king, most
fortunate, bow down and humble thyself; weep with sadness and sigh;
pray fervently and do the will of the Lord by night as well as by day,
during the time he sees fit to spare thee. Act thy part with calmness,
continually praying on thy throne with kindness and softness. Take
heed that thou givest none cause for pain or weariness or sorrow, that
thou settest thy foot upon none, that thou frightest none with angry
words or fierce looks. Refrain also, O our king, from all lewd jests
and converse, lest thou bring thy person into contempt; levity and
buffoonery are not fit for one of thy dignity. Incline not thine ear
to ribaldry, even though it come from a near relative, for though as a
man thou art mortal, yet in respect to thine office thou art as God.
Though thou art our fellow-creature and friend, our son and our
brother, yet are we not thine equals, nor do we look upon thee as a
man, in that thou now art the image of the Lord God; he it is that
speaks within thee, instructing us and making himself heard through
thy lips; thy mouth is his mouth, thy tongue is his tongue, thy face
is his face. Already he has graced thee with his authority, he has
given thee teeth and claws that thou mayest be feared and respected.
See to it, Sire, that thy former levity be now laid aside, that thou
take to thyself the heart of an old man, of one who is austere and
grave. Look closely to thine honor, to the decency of thy person, and
the majesty of thine office; let thy words be few and serious, for
thou art now another being. Behold the place on which thou standest is
exceeding high, and the fall therefrom is perilous. Consider that thou
goest on a lofty ridge and upon a narrow path having a fearful depth
sheer down on either side, so that it is impossible to swerve to the
right or to the left without falling headlong into the abyss. It also
behoves thee, Sire, to guard thyself against being cross-grained and
fierce and dreaded as a wild beast by all. Combine moderation with
rigor, inclining rather to mercy than to pitilessness. Never show all
thy teeth nor put forth the full length of thy claws. Never appear
startled or in fear, harsh or dangerous; conceal thy teeth and claws;
assemble thy chief men together, make thyself acceptable to them with
gifts and kind words. Provide also for the entertainment of the common
people according to their quality and rank; adapt thyself to the
different classes of the people and ingratiate thyself with them. Have
a care and concern thyself about the dances, and about the ornaments
and instruments used at them, for they are the means of infusing a
warlike spirit into men. Gladden the hearts of the common people with
games and amusements, for thus wilt thou become famous and be beloved,
and even after death thy fame will live and the old men and women who
knew thee will shed tears of sorrow for thine absence. O most
fortunate and happy king, most precious treasure, bear in mind that
thou goest by a craggy and dangerous road, whereon thou must step with
firmness, for in the path of kings and princes there are many yawning
gulfs, and slippery places, and steep, pathless slopes, where the
matted thorn-bushes and long grass hide pitfalls having pointed stakes
set upright in them. Wherefore it behoves thee to call upon thy God
with moanings and lamentations, to watch constantly, and to shun the
harlot, who is a curse and a sickness to man. Sleep not lightly in thy
bed, Sire, but rather lie and ponder the affairs of thy kingdom; even
in thy slumbers let thy dreams be of the good things in thy charge,
that thou mayest know how best to distribute them among thy lords and
courtiers, for there are many who envy the king, and would fain eat as
he eats and drink as he drinks, wherefore is it said that kings 'eat
the bread of grief.' Think not, Sire, that the royal throne is a soft
and pleasant seat, for there is nothing but trouble and penitence. O
blessed and most precious king, it is not my wish to cause pain to
thine heart nor to excite thy wrath and indignation; it is sufficient
for me that I have many times stumbled and slipped, aye, and have even
fallen, during this discourse of mine; enough for me are the faults of
the speech which I have spoken, going, in a manner, with jumps like a
frog before our Lord God, the invisible, the impalpable, who is here
and listening to us, who has heard distinctly the slightest of the
words which I have spoken stammeringly and with hesitation, in bad
order and with unapt gestures; but in doing this I have complied with
the custom which obliges the aged men of the state to address a newly
elected king. In like manner have I done my duty to our God who hears
me, to whom I make an offering of this my speech. Long mayest thou
live and reign, O lord and king. I have spoken.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., cap. ccxi.; _Zurita_,
_Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 95;
_Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 354.
[2] Ixtlilxochitl, for whose patriotism due allowance must be made,
writes: 'Es verdad, que el de Mexico y Tezcuco fueron iguales en
dignidad señorío y rentas; y el de Tlacopan solo tenia cierta parte
como la quinta, en lo que era rentas y despues en los otros dos.'
_Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 238.
Zurita also affirms this: 'Dans certaines, les tributs étaient
répartis en portions égales, et dans d'autres on en faisait cinq
parts: le souverain de Mexico et celui de Tezcuco en prélevaient
chacun deux, celui de Tacuba une seule.' _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 12. 'Quedó pues determinado que á los
estados de Tlacopan se agregase la quinta parte de las tierras
nuevamente conquistadas, y el resto se dividiese igualmente entre el
príncipe y el rey de Méjico.' _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii.,
p. 164. Brasseur de Bourbourg agrees with and takes his information
from Ixtlilxochitl. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 191. Torquemada
makes a far different division: 'Concurriendo los tres, se diese la
quinta parte al Rei de Tlacupa, y el Tercio de lo que quedase, à
Neçalhualcoiotl; y los demas, à Itzcohuatzin, como à Cabeça Maior, y
Suprema.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 146. As also does Clavigero: 'Si
diede quella Corona (Tlacopan) a Totoquihuatzin sotto la condizione di
servir con tutte le sue truppe al Re di Messico, ogni volta che il
richiedesse, assegnando a lui medesimo per ciò la quinta parte delle
spoglie, che si avessero dai nemici. Similmente Nezahualcojotl fu
messo in possesso del trono d'Acolhuacan sotto la condizione di dover
soccorrere i Messicani nella guerra, e perció gli fu assegnata la
terza parte della preda, cavatane prima quella del Re di Tacuba,
restando l'altre due terze parti pel Re Messicano.' _Storia Ant. del
Messico_, tom. i., p. 224. Prescott says it was agreed that 'one fifth
should be assigned to Tlacopan, and the remainder be divided, in what
proportion is uncertain, between the other powers.' _Mex._, vol. i.,
p. 18.
[3] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 356; _Zurita_,
_Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp.
12-13; _Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 116;
_Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 577.
[4] Torquemada writes: 'esta fue costumbre de estos Mexicanos, en las
Elecciones, que hacian, que fuesen Reinando sucesivamente, los
Hermanos, vnos despues de otros, y acabando de Reinar el vltimo,
entraba en su lugar, el Hijo de Hermano Maior, que primero avia
Reinado, que era Sobrino de los otros Reies, qui à su Padre avian
sucedido.' _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 107. 'Los Reies (of Mexico) no
heredaban, sino que eran elegidos, y como vimos en el Libro de los
Reies, quando el Rei moria, si tenia hermano, entraba heredando; y
muerto este, otro, si lo avia; y quando faltaba, le sucedia el
sobrino, Hijo de su hermano maior, à quien, por su muerte, avia
sucedido, y luego el hermano de este, y así discurrian por los demas.'
_Id._, tom. ii., p. 177. Zurita states that in Tezcuco and Tlacopan,
and their dependent provinces, 'le droit de succession le plus
ordinaire était celui du sang en ligne directe de père en fils; mais
tous les fils n'héritaient point, il n'y avait que le fils aîné de
l'épouse principale que le souverain avait choisie dans cette
intention. Elle jouissait d'une plus grande considération que les
autres, et les sujets la respectaient davantage. Lorsque le souverain
prenaient une de ses femmes dans la famille de Mexico, elle occupait
le premier rang, et son fils succédait, s'il était capable.' Then,
without definitely stating whether he is speaking of all or part of
the three kingdoms in question, the author goes on to say, that in
default of direct heirs the succession became collateral; and finally,
speaking in this instance of Mexico alone, he says, that in the event
of the king dying without heirs, his successor was elected by the
principal nobles. In a previous paragraph he writes: 'L'ordre de
succession variait suivant les provinces; les mêmes usages, à peu de
différence prés, étaient reçus à Mexico, à Tezcuco et à Tacuba.'
Afterward we read: 'Dans quelques provinces, comme par exemple à
Mexico, les frères étaient admis à la succession, quoiqu'il y eût des
fils, et ils gouvernaient successivement.' _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 12-18. M. l'Abbé
Brasseur de Bourbourg, taking his information from Zurita, and,
indeed, almost quoting literally from the French translation of that
author, agrees that the direct line of succession obtained in Tlacopan
and Tezcuco, but asserts, regarding Mexico, that the sovereign was
elected by the five principal ministers of the state, who were,
however, restricted in their choice to the brothers, nephews, or sons
of the deceased monarch. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 576-7.
Pimentel also follows Zurita. _Memoria_, p. 26. Prescott affirms that
'the sovereign was selected from the brothers of the deceased prince,
or, in default of them, from his nephews.' _Mex._, vol. i., p. 23.
Sahagun merely says: 'Escogian uno de los mas nobles de la linea de
los señores antepasados,' who should be a valiant, wise, and
accomplished man. _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. 'Per non
lasciar troppa libertà agli Elettori, e per impedire, quanto fosse
possibile, gl'inconvenienti de' partiti, o fazioni, fissarono la
corona nella casa d'Acamapitzin; e poi stabilirono per legge, che al
Re morto dovesse succedere uno de'suoi fratelli, e mancando i
fratelli, uno de'suoi nipoti, e se mai non ve ne fossero neppur di
questi, uno de'suoi cugini restando in balìa degli Elettori lo
scegliere tra i fratelli, o tra i nipoti del Re morto colui, che
riconoscessero più idoneo pel governo, schivando con sí fatta legge
parecchj inconvenienti da noi altrove accennati.' _Clavigero_, _Storia
Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., p. 112. Leon Carbajal quotes this almost
literally. _Discurso_, pp. 54-5. That the eldest son could put forward
no claim to the crown by right of primogeniture, is evident from the
following: 'Quando algun Señor moria y dexava muchos hijos, si alguno
se alzava en palacio y se queria preferir á los otros, aunque fuese el
mayor, no lo consentia el Señor á quien pertenecia la confirmacion, y
menos el pueblo. Antes dexavan pasar un año, ó mas de otro, en el qual
consideravan bien que era mejor para regir ó governar el estado, y
aquel permanecia por señor.' _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS.,
cap. ccxiii. Señor Carbajal Espinosa says that from the election of
Chimalpopoca, who succeeded his brother Huitzilihuitl, and was the
third king of Mexico, 'quedó establecida la ley de elegir uno de los
hermanos del rey difunto, y á falta de éstos un sobrino, cuya práctica
se observó constantemente, como lo harémos ver, hasta la ruina del
imperio mexicano.' _Hist. de Mex._, tom. i., p. 334. 'El Imperio era
monárquico, pero no hereditario. Muriendo el Emperador los gefes del
Imperio antiguamente se juntaban y elegian entre sí mismos al que
creian mas digno, y por el cual la intriga, el manejo, la
supersticion, eran mas felizmente reconocidas.' _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt
i., p. 114. 'Tambien auia sucession por sangre, sucedia el hijo mayor,
siendo para ello, y sino el otro: en defeto de los hijos sucedian
nietos, y en defeto dellos yua por elecion.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._,
dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv. As the order in which the Mexican kings
actually did follow each other should be stronger proof of what was
the law than any other evidence, I take from the Codex Mendoza the
following list: Acamapichtli, who is usually spoken of as the first
king, succeeded Tenuch, although it is not stated that he was related
to him in any way; then came Huicilyhuitl, son of Acamapichtli;
Chimalpupuca, son of Huicilyhuitl, Yzcoaci, son of Acamapichtli;
Huehuemoteccuma, son of Huicilyhuitl; Axayacaci, son of Tecocomochtli,
and grandson of Yzcoaci; Tiçoçicatzi, son of Axayacaci; Ahuiçoçin,
brother of Tiçoçicatzi; Motecçuma, son of Axayacaci; thus, according
to this author, we see, out of nine monarchs, three succeeded directly
by their sons, and three by their brothers. _Esplicacion_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. v., pp. 42-53. See further,
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._ These writers differ slightly from the collection above quoted,
but in no important respect.
[5] After the death of Acamapichtli, the first king of Mexico, a
general council was held, and the people were addressed as follows:
'Ya es fallido nuestro rey Acamapichtli, á quien pondremos en su
lugar, que rija y gobierne este pueblo Mexicano? Pobres de los viejos,
niños y mugeres viejas que hay: que será de nosotros á donde irémos á
demandar rey que sea de nuestra patria y nacion Mexicana? hablen todos
para de cual parte elegirémos rey, é ninguno puede dejar de hablar,
pues á todos nos importa para el reparo, y cabeza de nuestra patria
Mexicana esté.' Upon Huitzilihuitl being proposed, 'todos juntos,
mancebos, viejos y viejas respondieron á una: que sea mucho de
enhorabuena, que á él quieren por señor y rey.' _Tezozomoc_, _Crónica
Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, vol. ix., p. 10. Sahagun's
description of their manner of electing kings, appears also to be more
appropriate to this early period than to a later date: 'Cuando moria
el señor ó rey para elegir otro, juntábanse los senadores que llamaban
_tecutlatoque_, y tambien los viejos del pueblo que llamaban
_achcacauhti_, y tambien los capitanes soldados viejos de la guerra
que llamaban _Iauiequioaque_, y otros capitanes que eran principales
en las cosas de la guerra, y tambien los Sátrapas que llamaban
_Tlenamacazque ó papaoaque_: todos estos se juntaban en las casas
reales, y allí deliberaban y determinaban quien habia de ser señor.'
_Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, p. 439.
[6] The exact number and rank of these electors is hard to determine.
'Si le souverain de Mexico mourait sans héritier, les principaux chefs
lui choisissaient un successeur dont l'élection était confirmée par
les chefs supérieurs de Tezcuco et Tacuba.' _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in
_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 15-16. Pimentel
follows this, _Mem. sobre la Raza Indígena_, p. 26: 'Tutti e due i Re
(of Tezcuco and Tlacopan) furono creati Elettori onorarj del Re di
Messico, il qual onore soltanto riducevasi a ratificare l'elezion
fatta da quattro Nobili Messicani, ch'erano i veri Elettori.'
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i., p. 224. 'Despues en
tiempo de Izcoatl quarto Rey, por consejo y orden de vn sabio y
valeroso hombre, que tuuieron a llamado Tlacaellèl se señalaron quatro
electores, y a estos juntamente con dos señores, o Reyes sujetos al
Mexicano, que eran el de Tezcùco, y el de Tacuba, tocaua hazer la
elecion.' _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 439. These four electors
'de ordinario eran hermanos, o parientes muy cercanos del Rey.
Llamauan a estos Tlacohecalcàtl, que significa el Príncipe de los
lanças arrojadizas, que era vn genero de armas que ellos mucho
vsauan.' _Id._, p. 441. 'Seis electores elegian el Emperador, dos de
cuales eran siempre los príncipes de Tescuco á de Acolhuacan y de
Tacuba, y un príncipe de la sangre real.' _Carli_, _Cartas_, pt i.,
p. 114. 'Four of the principal nobles, who had been chosen by their
own body in the preceding reign, filled the office of electors, to
whom were added, with merely an honorary rank however, the two royal
allies of Tezcuco and Tlacopan.' _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., p. 23.
Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the style and title of each elector, and
says they were five in number, but does not state his authority: 'Les
principaux dignitaires du royaume, le Cihuacohuatl ou Ministre suprême
de la justice et de la maison du roi, le Tlacochcalcatl, Généralissime
ou Maître de la maison des Armes, l'Atempanecatl, ou Grand-Maître des
Eaux, l'Ezhuahuacatl, ou le Maître du Sang, et le Tlillancalqui, ou
chef de la Maison-Noire, composant entre eux le conseil de la
monarchie, élisaient celui qui leur paraissait le plus apte aux
affaires publiques, et lui donnaient la couronne.... Il est douteux
que les rois de Tetzcuco et de Tlacopan aient jamais pris une part
directe à ce choix.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 577-8. At the
foot of the same page is the following note: 'Si havia duda ó
diferencia quien debia de ser rey, averiguase lo mas aina que podian,
y sino poco tenian que hacer (los señores de Tetzcuco y Tlacapan).'
_Gomara_, _Crónica de Nueva-España, ap. Barcia_, cap. 99. This
quotation is not to be found, however in the place indicated. 'Crearon
cuatro electores, en cuya opinion se comprometian todos los votos del
reino. Eran aquellos funcionarios, magnates y señores de la primera
nobleza, comunmente de sangre real, y de tanta prudencia y probidad,
cuanta se necesitaba para un cargo tan importante.' _Carbajal
Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., p. 578. 'Fue el quinto Rey, Motezuma
primero deste nombre; y porque, para la elecion auia quatro eletores,
con los quales interuenian los Reyes Tezcuco y de Tacuba. Se juntò con
ellos Tlacaellel como Capitan general, y saliò elegido su sobrino
Motezuma.' _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii.
After the king in rank, 'eran los quatro electores del Rey, que
tambien sucedian por elecion, y de ordinario eran hermanos, o
parientes cercanos del Rey, y a estos llamauan en su lengua, principes
de las lanças arrojadizas, armas que ellos vsauan.' _Id._, cap. xix.
[7] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 441, gives the names of three
military orders, of which the four royal electors formed one; and of a
fourth, which was of a sacerdotal character. All these were of the
royal council, and without their advice the king could do nothing of
importance. Herrera helps himself to this from Acosta almost word for
word: dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xix. Sahagun implies that this supreme
council was composed of only four members: 'Elegido el señor, luego
elegian otros cuatro que eran como senadores que siempre habian de
estar al lado de él, y entender en todos los negocios graves de reino,
(estos cuatro tenian en diversos lugares diversos nombres).' _Hist.
Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., p. 318. According to Ixtlilxochitl the
council whose duties corresponded to this in Tezcuco, was composed of
fourteen members. _Hist. Chichimeca_, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._,
vol. ix., p. 243; _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. ii., p. 183.
[8] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 37.
[9] _Beaumont_, _Crón. de Mechoacan_, pp. 52, 54-5; _Torquemada_,
_Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 338, 523; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom.
iii., lib. x., p. 138; _Zurita_, _Rapport_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii., tom. i., p. 17; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol.
310-11; _Pimentel_, _Mem. Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 82. In the _West-Indische
Spieghel_, pp. 265-6, we read: 'Dese Stadt ende Provincie wierden voor
de comste der Spaenjaerden soo treffelick gheregeert, als eenighe van
die Landen, daer was een Cacique die absolutelick regeerde, staende
onder de ghehoorsaemheydt van de groote Heere van Tenoxtitlan.' The
old chronicler is mistaken here, however, as the kingdom of Michoacan
was never in any way subject to Mexico.
[10] Clavigero says that the city of Tlascala was divided into four
parts, each division having its lord, to whom all places dependent on
such division were likewise subject. _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom.
i., p. 155.
[11] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 200, 276, tom. ii.,
pp. 347-9; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v., lib. ii.; _Laet_, _Novus Orbis_,
p. 252; _Pimentel_, _Mem. Raza Indígena_, p. 27; _Prescott's Mex._,
vol. i., p. 411.
[12] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 1843,
tom. xcviii., p. 197.
[13] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., pp. 350-1.
[14] _Herrera_, _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. xii. Brasseur
de Bourbourg writes: 'Dans les divers états du Mixtecapan, les
héritages passaient de mâle en mâle, sans que les femmes pussent y
avoir droit.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., p. 39; this may, however,
refer merely to private property.
[15] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip._, cap. 53; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_,
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 29-30.
[16] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 474, writes: 'Pusieronle Corona
Real, y vngieronle, como fue costumbre hazerlo con todos sus Reyes,
con vna vncion que llamauan diuina, porque era la misma con que vngian
su ydolo.' Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii., p. 360, says that
Acosta is mistaken, for, he observes that 'la Corona que llamaba
Copilli, no se daba en esta ocasión, sino que en lugar de ella, le
ponían las mantas dichas sobre la Cabeça, ni tampoco era la vncion la
misma que la de los Idolos; porque la Divina, que èl [Acosta] nombra,
era de Ulli, y Sangre de Niños, con que tambien vngian al Sumo
Sacerdote;' but Torquemada here directly contradicts a previous
statement of his own, tom. i., p. 102, where he says that immediately
after the election, having seated the king elect upon a throne, 'le
pusieron la Corona Real en su Cabeça, y le vntaron todo el Cuerpo, con
la Vncion, que despues acostumbraron, que era la misma con que vngian
à su Dios,' thus using almost the same words as Acosta. Leon y Gama,
_Dos Piedras_, says that the water used at the anointing was drawn
from the fountain Tozpalatl, which was held in great veneration, and
that it was first used for this purpose at the anointment of
Huitzilihuitl, second king of Mexico.
[17] Sahagun states that the king was dressed upon this occasion in a
tunic of dark green cloth, with bones painted upon it; this tunic
resembled the huipil, or chemise of the women, and was usually worn by
the nobles when they offered incense to the gods. The veil was also of
green cloth ornamented with skulls and bones, and in addition to the
articles described by other writers, this author mentions that they
placed dark green sandals upon his feet. He also affirms that the four
royal electors were confirmed in their office at the same time as the
king, being similarly dressed, save that the color of their costume
was black, and going through the same performances after him, except,
of course, the anointment. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., p. 319.
Gomara says they hung upon the king's neck 'vnas correas coloradas
largas y de muchos ramales: de cuios cabos colgauan ciertas insignias
de rei, como pinjantes.' _Conq. Mex._, fol. 305.
[18] _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 306.
[19] The crown used by the early Chichimec sovereigns was composed of
a herb called _pachxochitl_, which grew on the rocks, surmounted by
plumes of the royal eagle, and green fathers called _Tecpilotl_, the
whole being mounted with gold and precious stones, and bound to the
head with strips of deer-skin. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chichimeca_, in
_Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. xi., p. 213. In another place,
_Relaciones_, in _id._, p. 336, the same writer says that the crown
differed according to time and season. In time of war it was composed
of royal eagle feathers, placed at the back of the head, and held
together with clasps of gold and precious stones; in time of peace the
crown was made of laurel and green feathers of a very rare bird called
Quezaltotolc; in the dry season it was made of a whitish moss which
grew on the rocks, with a flower at the junction called _teoxuchitl_.
[20] Concerning anointment and coronation, see _Torquemada_, _Monarq.
Ind._, tom. i., p. 102; tom. ii., pp. 83, 359-69; _Zurita_, _Rapport_,
in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii., tom. i., pp. 20-9;
_Clavigero_, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii., pp. 113-15;
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp. 318-21; _Herrera_,
_Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. xv.; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._,
fol. 305-6; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 356, 439-40, 474;
_Ortega_, in _Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 309;
_Tezozomoc_, _Crón. Mex._, in _Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq._, tom. ix.,
p. 142-3. In addition to the numerous works of acknowledged authority
on the subject of aboriginal American civilization there are a number
of others, chiefly of modern date, that treat more or less completely
of the matter. Many of these are mere compilations, put together
without regard to accuracy or consistency; others are works which deal
ostensibly with other Spanish American matters and only refer to the
ancient civilization in passing; their accounts are usually copied
bodily from one or two of the old writers; some few profess to exhaust
the subject; in these latter, however, the authors have failed to cite
their authorities, or at best have merely given a list of them. To
attempt to note all the points on which these writers have fallen into
error, or where they differ from my text, would prove as tiresome to
the reader as the result would lie useless. It will therefore be
sufficient to refer to this class of books at the conclusion of the
large divisions into which this work naturally falls. About the system
of government, laws of succession, ceremonies of election, anointment
and coronation, of the Aztecs and other nations included in this
division, see: _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 578-83,
596; _Soden_, _Spanier in Peru_, tom. ii., pp. 8-14, 51-2; _Touron_,
_Hist. Gén._, tom. iii., pp. 6-7, 25-38; _Baril_, _Mexique_, pp.
204-7; _Bussierre_, _L'Empire Mexicain_, pp. 119, 150-8, 229-30, 244;
_Lafond_, _Voyages_, tom. i., p. 119; _Poinsett's Notes Mex._, _app._,
pp. 22-3; _Macgregor's Progress of America_, p. 21; _Dillon_, _Hist.
Mex._, pp. 24-6, 41-3; _Hassel_, _Mex. Guat._, p. 247; _Dilworth_,
_Conq. Mex._, p. 45; _Pradt_, _Cartas_, pp. 106, 176; _Monglave_,
_Résumé_, pp. 9, 14-19, 22-3, 32-6, 68; _Klemm_, _Cultur-Geschichte_,
tom. v., pp. 59-75, 186; _Cortés_, _Aventuras_, _pref._, pp. 7-13;
_Chamber's Jour._, vol. iv., p. 253; _West und Ost Indischer
Lustgart_, p. 97.
[21] 'Que antes de Reinar avia investigado los nueve dobleces de el
Cielo.' _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 194. Ortega, in
_Veytia_, _Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. iii., p. 306, writes: 'Quel el que
siendo particular supo penetrar los secretos del cielo;' 'that he who,
being a private individual, could penetrate the secrets of heaven,'
which appears more intelligible.
[22] _Torquemada_, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., pp. 194-5.