present troubles, a place of great trade, has not had the least tendency
toward discouraging the provincials from prosecuting their opposition to
ministerial measures, whatever might have been the intention of general
Gage. It has not excited fear, but resentment, wrath and execration.
Such military executions may distress and impoverish, but will not
subdue the colonists. They might answer for the old world, but are not
calculated for the new.
In the opinion of many, general Howe was chargeable with a capital error
for landing and attacking as he did. It might originate from too great a
confidence in the forces he commanded, and in too contemptuous an
opinion of the enemy he had to encounter. He certainly might have
entrapped the provincials by landing on the narrrowest part of
Charlestown Neck, under the fire of the floating batteries and ships of
war. Here he might have stationed and fortified his army, and kept up an
open communication with Boston by a water carriage, which he would have
commanded through the aid of the navy, on each side of the peninsula.
Had he attempted this manœuvre, the provincials on observing it must
have made a rapid retreat from Breed’s Hill, to have escaped having his
troops in their rear, and being inclosed. It is said that general
Clinton proposed it. The rejection of the proposal, if really made, has
greatly weakened the British army, and probably prevented the ruin of
the American.
The colonists may regret, that general Howe conquered at Breed’s Hill;
but had the provincials driven him back into Boston it might have been
of far greater detriment to the common cause, than the present situation
of affairs. The Massachusetts colony would scarce have been easy under
the appointment of general Washington to the chief command, had general
Ward been crowned with the laurels of victory. The victory, as it
stands, will make the appointment go down easily, and prevent
objections. Not only so, but it has occasioned Gage’s dividing his army
to secure the conquest he has made. He has another post to maintain
which will employ so great a force, as to cramp his future operations.
Besides, had the British been driven back into Boston, they might have
removed to New-York, which would have answered their general design
better than remaining cooped up in their present position. In that city
and colony they would have had many more friends. There it is that the
ministry have their greatest influence. That would have been the
securest place for the troops, and where they might have procured those
supplies from the country which they are now deprived of. By early
reinforcements from Great-Britain, it might have been made so strong a
post, as to have commanded the North-river, and cut of the communication
between the colonies which that separates.
The provincials have been indefatigable in throwing up works and
securing the most exposed parts of their lines, with strong redoubts,
covered with artillery. They had strangely neglected fortifying the
passage from the Neck to the post of Roxbury, and even the post itself:
but since the Breed’s Hill battle they have compensated for the defect;
and to make their defence the more perfect have pulled down a very good
house (on a point where the road coming from Boston divides) which was
built by governor Dudley, and to whose false politics many are ready to
ascribe the early origin of those designs which the ministry are now
endeavoring to accomplish. The ministerial army abound in military
stores and artillery, and are not sparing in throwing shells and
supporting a great cannonade upon the provincial works, especially at
Roxbury. It was terrifying at first to raw troops, who, not being
accustomed to, expected to suffer greatly by it. Some damage has been
done among the houses in the street, one or two have been burnt, and a
man or two killed. But the provincials stationed there have found by
experience, that tho’ the noise is great, the damage is trifling, and
therefore despise it. They are so hardened by repeated firing, that a
cannonading is no more minded than a common thunder shower.
Breed’s Hill engagement excited fresh desires in the inhabitants of
Boston to leave the town. The select men had given repeated assurances
to general Gage, that they had delivered up their arms according to
agreement. In order to justify his detaining them [June 19.] he issued a
proclamation, in which he declared, that he had full proof of the
contrary, and that many had been perfidious in that respect, and had
secreted great numbers. Some few might secrete their sporting guns, or
curious arms. No doubt however is to be made, but that the greatest
part, or nearly all the training arms were delivered up. The impartial
world will scarcely acquit him of having been guilty of a notorious
breach of faith, even admitting his own plea. If individuals had not
complied with the proposal of delivering up their arms, yet as the
community had done it, the innocent were entitled to all the benefits of
the agreement. Numbers were afterward allowed to quit the town, but not
to take their effects, tho’ that was stipulated in the beginning; the
allowance, however, was thought to be owing to a desire of reducing the
consumption of provisions, when a scarcity was approaching.
The day the proclamation appeared, the chiefs and warriors of the
_Oneida_ tribe of Indians, directed the following speech to governor
Trumbull, to be communicated by him to the four New-England provinces:
“As my younger brothers of the New-England Indians, who have settled in
the vicinity, are now going down to visit their friends, and to move up
parts of their families that were left behind—with this belt, by them, I
open the road wide, clearing it of all obstacles, that they may visit
their friends and return to their settlements here in peace.
“We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable
situation of affairs that way; and we hope by the help of God, they may
return in peace. We earnestly recommend them to your charity through
their long journey.
“Now we more immediately address you our brother, the governor, and the
chiefs of New-England.
“Brothers!—We have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention
between you and Old England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our
minds.
“Brothers! Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians.—We cannot
intermeddle in this dispute between two brothers.—The quarrel seems to
be unnatural.—You are _two brothers of one blood_.—We are unwilling to
join on either side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to
both you Old and New-England.—Should the great king of England apply to
us for aid—we shall deny him.—If the colonies apply—we will refuse.—The
present situation of you two brothers, is new and strange to us.—We
Indians cannot find, nor recollect in the traditions of our ancestors,
the like case, or a similar instance.
“Brothers!—For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and take no
umbrage that we Indians refuse joining in the contest.—We are for peace.
“Brothers!—Was it an alien, a foreign nation, who had struck you, we
should look into the matter.—We hope through the wise government and
good pleasure of God, your distresses may be soon removed, and the dark
clouds be dispersed.
“Brothers!—As we have declared for peace, we desire you will not apply
to our Indian brethren in New-England for assistance.—Let us Indians be
all of one mind, and live with one another; and you white people settle
your own disputes betwixt yourselves.
“Brothers!—We have now declared our minds—please to write to us, that we
may know yours. We the sachems and warriors, and female governesses of
_Oneida_, send our love to you, brother governor, and all the other
chiefs in New-England.”
Signed by _William Sunoghsis_, _Nicklasha Watshaleagh_, _William
Kanaghquaesea_, _Peter Thayeheare_, _Jimmy Tekayaheare Nickhis
Aghsenhare_, i. e. garter; _Thomas Yoghtanowea_, i.e. spreading the dew;
_Adam Ohonwano_, _Quedellis Agwerondongwas_, i. e. breaking of the
twigs; _Handereheks Tegahsweahdyen_, i. e. a belt (of wampum) extended;
_Johnko Skeanendo_, _Thomas Teondeatha_, i. e. a fallen tree. Above a
hundred years back, a sachem of a family which was becoming extinct,
adopted a numerous family, and to commemorate their own decay and
extinction, called the adopted _Teondeatha_, which name is perpetuated,
as are several of their family names.
The speech was dated from _Kononwarohare_, i. e. a head erected on a
pole.
My friend the Rev. Mr. Samuel Kirkland, a missionary among the Oneidas,
and who understands the language, interpreted and wrote the above. He
tells me, that the Indian names of men, rivers and places, have often
special meanings, alluding to events or qualities, as is much the case
in the Hebrew language. The Indians are very deliberate in their
speeches, often pausing, to engage a closer attention to what they
deliver. They have a prevailing species of politeness, frequently
wanting in the conversation of civilized Europeans, too apt to pronounce
them savages and barbarians. They give close attention to the person
addressing them. They do not interrupt him while speaking, but wait till
he has finished; and consider it as great rudeness to be interrupted. In
their councils every one is heard with patience in all that he has to
say; profound silence reigns among the audience, to the exclusion o£ all
disturbance, and there are no private confabulations
The above Indian speech seems to refer to one which had been delivered
to the provincial congress eleven days before, by the Stockbridge
delegate, being the answer of the Indians dwelling there, to a message
of the former congress. This answer was—“Brothers! we have heard you
speak by your letter—we thank you for it—we now make answer. Brothers!
you remember when you first came over the great waters I was great and
you was little, very small. I then took you in for a friend, and kept
you under my arms, so that no one might injure you; since that time we
have ever been true friends; there has never been any quarrel between
us. But now our conditions are changed. You are become great and tall.
You reach to the clouds. You are seen all round the world. I am become
small, very little. I am not so high as your heel. Now you take care of
me, and I look to you for protection. Brothers! I am sorry to hear of
this great quarrel between you and Old England. It appears that blood
soon must be shed to end this quarrel. We never till this day understood
the foundation of this quarrel between you and the country you came
from. Brothers! Whenever I see your blood running, you will soon find me
about you to revenge my brother’s blood. Although I am low and very
small, I will gripe hold of your enemy’s heel, that he cannot run so
fast and so light as if he had nothing at his heels.
“Brothers! You know I am not so wise as you are, therefore I ask your
advice in what I am now going to say—I have been thinking before you
come to action, to take a run to the westward, and feel the mind of my
Indian brethren the six nations, and know how they stand, whether they
are on your side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I
will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for they
have always looked this way for advice concerning all important news
that comes from the rising of the sun. If they hearken to me, you will
not be afraid of any danger from behind you. However their minds are
affected, you shall soon know by me.—Now I think I can do you more
service in this way, than by marching off immediately to Boston, and
staying there; it may be a great while before blood runs. Now as I said,
you are wiser than I, I leave this for your consideration, whether I
come down immediately or wait till I hear some blood is spilled.
“Brothers! I would not have you think by this that we are falling back
from our engagements. We are ready to do any thing for your relief, and
shall be guided by your counsel.
“Brothers! One thing I ask of you, if you send for me to fight, that you
will let me fight in my own Indian way. I am not used to fight English
fashion, therefore you must not expect I can train like your men. Only
point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to
know.”
This speech was delivered the eleventh of April, 1775, by the chief
sachem of the _Moheakounuck_ tribe of Indians, residing at Stockbridge,
after sitting near two days in council. The provincial congress ordered
the following reply on the eighth of June, viz.
“Brothers! We this day, by the delegate from Stockbridge, first heard of
your friendly answer to our speech to you by captain William Goodrich,
which answer we are told you made to us immediately by a letter, which
we have not yet received. We now reply.
“Brothers! You say that you was once great, but that you are now little;
and that we were once little, but are now great. The supreme spirit
orders these things. Whether we are little or great, let us keep the
path of friendship clear which our fathers made, and in which we have
both travelled to this time. The friends of the wicked counsellors of
our king, fell upon us, and shed some blood soon after we spake to you
last by our letter. But we, with a small twig, killed so many, and
frightened them so much, that they have shut themselves up in our great
town called Boston, which they have made strong. We have now made our
hatchets, and all our instruments of war sharp and bright. All the chief
counsellors who live on this side the great water, are sitting in the
grand council-house in Philadelphia; when they give the word, we shall
all as one man fall on, and drive our enemies out of their strong fort,
and follow them till they shall take their hand out of our pouches, and
let us sit in our council-house, as we used to do, and as our father’s
did in old times.
“Brothers! Though you are small, yet you are wise. Use your wisdom to
help us. If you think it best, go and smoke your pipe with your Indian
brothers toward the setting of the sun, and tell them of all you hear
and all you see; and let us know what their wise men say. If some of
your young men should have a mind to see what we are doing here, let
them come down and tarry among our warriors. We will provide for them
while they are here.
“Brothers! When you have any trouble, come and tell it to us, and we
will help you.”
To captain Solomon _Ahhaunnauwaumut_, chief sachem of the
_Moheakounuck_ Indians.
[June 20.] the Massachusetts congress wrote to the several towns, that
the continental congress resolved on the 9th instant, “that no obedience
being due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of the
colony, &c.” and directed them to elect one or more freeholders to
represent them in a great and general court, to be held upon the 19th of
July, at Watertown. They also chose colonel Heath major-general, in the
place of the late general Warren.
[June 22.] Before general Washington left Philadelphia, the continental
congress chose by ballot, eight brigadier-generals—Seth Pomeroy, esq. of
the Massachusetts colony, the first; Richard Montgomery, esq. of
New-York, the second; David Wooster, esq. of Connecticut, the third;
William Heath, esq. of the Massachusetts, the fourth; Joseph Spencer,
esq. of Connecticut, the fifth; John Thomas, esq. of the Massachusetts,
the sixth; John Sullivan, esq. of Hampshire, the seventh; and Nathaniel
Greene, esq. of Rhode-Island, the eighth; and resolved, that the
officers in the army should receive their new commissions through the
hands of the general.
The same day they resolved, “That a sum not exceeding 2,000,000 of
Spanish milled dollars, be emitted by the congress, in bills of credit,
for the defence of America; and that THE TWELVE CONFEDERATED COLONIES
(thus they are termed) be pledged for the redemption of the bills.” This
is an expedient, without which they are not able to prosecute the
defence of America, as they have neither money nor revenues to recur to.
Some few of the delegates know, from what has happened in the northern
colonies, that the effects of a paper emission will be bad when it
becomes plentiful; has no stable fund for the speedy redemption of it;
and cannot be exchanged in the common intercourse of business for specie
or specie value. But the risk of smaller and personal evils must take
place rather than the total subversion of the rights of the united
colonies be endangered. No one delegate therefore opposed the present
expedient. As the news of Breed’s Hill battle had reached them by means
of a quick conveyance, they resolved, “That Pennsylvania raise two more
companies of riflemen, and that the whole eight be formed into a
battalion, to be commanded by such officers as shall be recommended by
the assembly or convention of said colony.”
Measures being pursued in North-Carolina to defeat the American
association, they resolved [June 26.] “That it be recommended to all in
that colony, who wish well to the liberties of America, to associate for
the defence of American liberty, and to embody themselves as militia,
under proper officers; and that in case the assembly or convention of
that colony shall think it absolutely necessary for the support of the
American association and safety of that colony to raise a thousand men,
this congress will consider them as an American army, and provide for
their pay.” They have gone too far to recede from the use of force, and
so must employ it wherever wanted to secure their friends, till the
point in dispute with Great-Britain is settled. The zeal, activity, and
unanimity of those Pennsylvanians in general, whose principles admit of
hostile resistance, have superceded the necessity of such like
resolutions in respect to them. The Philadelphia militia have been
formed into three battalions for some time; and in the beginning of the
month these, consisting of 1500 men, an artillery company of 150, with
two twelve and four six pound brass field pieces; a troop of light
horse, several companies of light infantry, rangers, and riflemen, in
the whole about two thousand, marched to the common, and having joined
in brigade went through the manual exercise, firing and manœuvres (with
a dexterity scarcely to be expected from so short a practice) in the
presence of the members of the continental congress, and several
thousand spectators. A considerable number even of the quakers, have
joined in the military association of the city. There is one company
composed entirely of gentlemen belonging to the religious denomination
of people they are convinced that weapons of war may be lawfully
employed in defending their national rights and liberties, though they
are averse to all offensive operations to gratify ambition covetousness
or revenge. The Pennsylvanians are careful to order the militia of the
counties to be frequently exercised. The colony has put on the most
martial appearance.
About the begining of June a committee of congress drew up a declaration
containing an offer to Great-Britain, “That the colonies would not only
continue to grant extraordinary aids in time of war, but also, if
allowed a free commerce, pay into the sinking fund such a sum annually
for one hundred years, as should be more than sufficient in that time,
if faithfully applied, to extinguish all the present debts of Britain.
Or, provided this was not accepted, that to remove the groundless
jealousy of Britain, that the colonies aimed at independence, and an
abolition of the navigation act which in truth they have never intended:
and also, to avoid all future disputes about the right of making that
and other acts for regulating their commerce for the general benefit
they would enter in a covenent with Britain, that she should fully
possess and exercise that right for one hundred years to come.” This
declaration was never entered upon the minutes of congress, for before
that could be done, they received the accout of the two restraining
acts, which proved its ruin.[127]
They resolved, “That in case any agent of the ministry shall induce the
Indian tribes, or any of them, to commit actual hostilities against
these colonies, or enter into an offensive alliance with the British
troops, thereupon the colonies ought to avail themselves of an allience
with such Indian nations as will enter into the same, to oppose such
British troops and their Indian allies.”
[July 2.] General Washington, accompanied by general Lee and other
gentlemen, arrived at Cambridge. A committee from the Massachusetts
congress repaired to Springfield, about a hundred miles from Boston, on
the way to Connecticut, there to receive them, and provide proper
escorts for them from thence to the army. They had been treated with the
highest honors in every place through which they passed; and been
escorted by large detachments of volunteers composed of gentlemen. The
general was addressed by the provincial congress of New-York as he came
along. They expressed their joy in his appointment; and toward the close
said, “We have the fullest assurances, that whenever this important
contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each American soul, an
accomodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully rasign the
important deposit committed into your hands, and re-assume the character
of our worthiest citizen.” The general, after declaring his gratitude
for the regard shown him, added, “Be assured, that every exertion of my
worthy colleagues and myself, will be extended to the re-establishment
of peace and harmony, between the mother country and these colonies; as
to the fatal but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the
soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen and we shall most sincerely
rejoice with you, in that happy hour, when the establishment of American
liberty, on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to
return to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful and
happy country.” Since his arrival he has been addressed in the most
affectionate and respectful manner by the Massachusetts congress. You
must have a recourse to the public prints for his whole answer, but take
the beginning for a specimen, “Gentlemen, your kind congratulations on
my appointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments and will
be ever retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments
of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable but arduous
station, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole
province of Massachusetts Bay, which, with a firmness, and patriotism
without example in modern history, has sacrificed all the comforts of
social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the
welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is, to be the happy
instrument of vindicating those rights, and to see this devoted province
again restored to peace, liberty, and safety.” This paragraph was
extremely gratifying to the persons to whom it was directed.
The general began to give out the congressional commissions, but
suspended all further delivery when general Putnam had received his,
upon learning that the appointments so degraded general Thomas by
ranking him far below is juniors in office, that he could not with any
propriety continue in the army on that footing, but must decline serving
the country in a military capacity. The several generals regretted the
mistake, and wished to have the difficulty removed. Washington
acquainted the congress with it, upon which they appointed him first
brigadier-general, in the room of Seth Pomeroy, who had never acted
under his commission, and was too far advanced in life.
General Green testified his regard for the commander in chief, by
addressing him on his appointment and arrival, and by declaring the
satisfaction he should feel in serving under his command. He was joined
in the address by the officers of his brigade. If other generals and
officers have done the like, it has not come to my knowledge. This
singular instance of respect must make a favorable and lasting
impression on the mind of general Washington. The general, after a
careful inspection, could not estimate the continental army at more than
14,500 men capable of duly, who had to defend an extent of at least
twelve miles. But such has been the precaution and guard exercised on
every side of Boston, that the regiment of light cavalry arrived there,
has not set foot beyond the garrison, and serves only to create new
wants, and to increase the inconveniencies of the people as well as of
the British army. The hay growing upon the islands, together with the
sheep and cattle remaining upon them, proved an object of necessary
attention:—but the continentals possessing a number of whale boats, and
being masters of the shores and inlets, were successful in burning,
destroying, or carrying off those essential articles of supply,
notwithstanding the number of British ships of war and armed vessels.
[July 11.] A party of 500 continentals went at night from the Roxbury
camp, and getting into 65 whale boats, proceeded to Long-Island, and
brought off 15 of the enemy, about 20 head of cattle, and 100 sheep. The
next day [July 12.] they went again and burnt the hay, &c., when there
was considerable fighting between them and the British boats and
schooners. About six days after, a number burnt the light-house on an
island, nine miles below Boston, at the entrance of the harbour, though
a man of war lay within a mile of the place.
Since the arrival of the continental generals, the regulations of the
camp have been greatly for the better. Before, there was little
emulation among the officers: and the soldiers were lazy, disorderly and
dirty. The freedom of which the New-Englanders have alway been
accustomed, makes them impatient of controul, and renders it extremely
difficult to establish that discipline so essential to troops, in order
to success. Discipline will not inspire cowards with courage, but it
will make them fight. The army has been thrown into three grand
divisions: general Ward commands the right wing at Roxbury; general Lee
the left at Prospect Hill; and the centre, in which is included a corps
de reserve, is commanded by general Washington. Adjutant-general Gates
has been of special service in arranging the army. His military skill in
those matters has supplied the want of it in others. The public cannot
be too thankful for this benefit. Every officer and private begins to
know his place and duty. Method and punctuality are growing into use,
and becoming habitual. The troops will shortly have the mechanism and
movements, as well as the name of an army.
The continental lines are so strengthened, the number of redoubts and
mounted cannon so many, as to make an attack upon Cambridge, or a
penetration into the country that way impracticable. The British
according to the intelligence obtained from Boston, have lost by death,
including the slain, and those who died of their wounds near upon 2500,
since the nineteenth of April.
General Washington acquainted congress, that the allowance of provisions
to the troops and the mode of delivering out, are different from what
has fallen within his experience, and must prove very wasteful and
expensive. The high pay of the soldiers,[128] which greatly exceeds that
of the British will make a more œconomical plan necessary. But the most
painful information he had to communicate, was that of the want of
powder. [August 13.] He discovered, that the whole stock of the army at
Roxbury, Cambridge, and the adjacent places, consisted but of ninety
barrels or thereabouts: that there were no more than 36 in the
Massachusetts magazine, which with the stock of New-Hampshire,
Rhode-Island and Connecticut, made but 9937lb. not more than nine rounds
a man. The continentals remained in this destitute condition for about a
fortnight or more, till the Jersey committee of Elizabeth-Town, upon
receiving the alarming news, sent on a few tons, which they were obliged
to do with the greatest privacy, lest the fears of their own people, had
it been known, should have stopt it for their own use, in case of an
emergency. During this interval, the scarcity of powder became a camp
talk; and a deserter carried the account of it to Boston. The British
dared not to rely upon the intelligence, having been so often deceived.
Beside, though they had met with unexpected proofs of American courage,
yet they could not believe the colonists possessed of such consummate
assurance, as to continue investing them, while so destitute of
ammunition. They rather suspected a deep laid plot to ensnare them.
All the riflemen are arrived in camp. The congressional resolve, for
raising eight hundred, passed on the fourteenth of June, and on the
twenty second they agreed upon two additional companies of
Pennsylvanians. No orders were dispatched before the fourteenth, and the
expresses had to ride three or four hundred miles to the persons
directed to raise them. The men to the amount of 1430, were raised,
completely armed, most with their own rifles, and accoutred for the
field with such expedition as to join the army at Cambridge, one company
on the 25th of July, the rest on the 5th and 7th of August; all had
marched from four to seven hundred miles. The whole business was
performed in less than two months, without a farthing advanced from the
continental treasury.
The present is a good time for relating what the congress have been
doing.
[July 6.] They agreed to a _Declaration_ in behalf of the colonies,
_setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms_. After
enumerating the injuries they had suffered, they reprobated the
principles of lord North’s conciliatory plan, without naming it, and
said, “Parliament adopted an insidious manœuver, calculated to divide
us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations, where colony should
bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem
their lives.” They went on to mention the perfidy of general Gage in
breaking his agreement with the inhabitants of Boston—the wanton burning
of Charlestown, and a considerable number of houses in other places—the
seizure of their ships and vessels—the instigation of the Canadians and
Indians to fall upon them. They then said, “We are reduced to the
alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of
irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice.
We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful
as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to
surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and
which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot
endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that
wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail
hereditary bondage upon them.”
“Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are
great; and if necessary _foreign assistance_ is undoubtedly attainable.”
This intimation of _foreign assistance_, was not founded upon any
private information, but flowed solely from the persuasion that one or
more foreign powers will readily embrace the opportunity of a fixed
breach between Great-Britain and the colonies, to weaken the power of
the first by assisting the last. But that they might not by their
declaration, disquiet the minds of their friends and fellow-subjects,
congress assured them, that they meant not to dissolve that union which
had so long and so happily subsisted between them and Britain. They
concluded thus, “With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme
and impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore
his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict,
to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and
thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.”
The declaration of congress has been read with religious solemnity by
the chaplains, to the different bodies of the American army about
Boston, and received with loud acclamations by the troops, and the
numerous spectators who were present upon the occasion. The same day
that congress agreed upon the declaration, they resolved upon a letter
of thanks to the lord mayor, aldermen, and livery of the city of London,
for their virtuous and spirited opposition to the oppressive and ruinous
system of colony administration adopted by the British ministry.
[July 8.] The petition to the king being ready, it was signed by the
members present. It is a decent, dutiful, and truly filial petition, and
deserves to be written in letters of gold, for the sentiments it
breathes toward the parent state. Had money been wanting to have
purchased it, it would have been wisdom to have bought it at any price.
If properly received, it may be made the basis of an internal compact
between Great-Britain and her American colonies, which may to all ages
bid defiance to the intrigues of France, and the murmurs of rotten
hearted men, either in Britain or America. The sincerity of it may be
called into question by the ministry. Let them put the sincerity of it
to the test, by promoting a compliance with the contents, and so
over-reach those individual delegates who may wish a continuance of the
present quarrel. The colonies, as yet, desire no more than a redress of
grievances, and security against a repetition of them. They most
ardently long for a firm and indissoluble union with the parent state,
upon these grounds. Thus it is with the army. It is the wish of general
Washington particularly, and such is its reasonableness, that he hopes
and expects that the contest will be shortly terminated, so as to admit
of his eating his next Christmas dinner at his own delightful residence
on _Mount Vernon_.
The same day the congress agreed to an _Address to the inhabitants of_
Great-Britain—In it they said, “We have again presented an humble and
dutiful petition to our sovereign; and to remove every imputation of
obstinacy, have requested his majesty to direct some mode by which the
united applications of his faithful colonists may be improved into a
happy and permanent reconciliation. We are willing to treat on such
terms as can alone render an accommodation lasting; and we flatter
ourselves that our pacific endeavors will be attended with a removal of
ministerial troops, and a repeal of those laws, of the operation of
which we complain, on the one part, and a disbanding of our army, and a
dissolution of our commercial associations, on the other.” They, after
that, insinuated the danger the inhabitants of Britain would be in of
losing their freedom, in case their American brethren were subdued. The
address is intended to conciliate the minds of the inhabitants of
Britain to the measures that the colonists have already taken, or may be
obliged further to take, and to obtain the countenance of the former.
The petition to the king, the address to the inhabitants of
Great-Britain, and the letter to the lord mayor, &c. were ordered to be
sent under cover to Richard Penn, esq. whom the president was to
request, in behalf of the congress, to join with the colony agents in
presenting the petition to the king. Mr. Penn sailed four days after
this order, for England.
[July 12.] The congress agreed upon appointing commissioners to
superintend Indian affairs in behalf of the colonies.—Proper talks to
the Indians were ordered to be prepared, which were reported the next
day [July 13.] and accepted.
[July 18.] The congress resolved to recommend to all able-bodied
effective men in each colony, between sixteen and fifty, immediately to
form themselves into regular companies of militia; to acquire military
skill, and to be well prepared for defence; and that a fourth part of
the militia in every colony be selected for minute-men, and be ready to
march wherever their assistance may be required. It was earnestly
recommended to those who could not conscientiously bear arms in any case
to contribute liberally to the relief of their distressed brethren, and
to do all other services to their oppressed country, which they could
consistently with their religious principles. They also proposed that
each colony should appoint a committee of safety, to direct all matters
necessary for the security of their respective colonies, in the recess
of their assemblies and conventions; and should make such provision, by
armed vessels or otherwise, as might be judged expedient for the
protection of their harbours and navigation on their sea-coasts, against
all hostile cutters and ships of war.
[July 20.] This being the day appointed for the continental fast,
congress agreed to meet, and go in a body to divine service both parts
of the day. They requested Mr. _Duche_ to preach before them in the
morning, and Dr. _Allison_ in the afternoon. But before the service,
they met time enough to read some dispatches brought by express from
general Schuyler, and a letter from the convention of Georgia, setting
forth that the colony had acceded to the general association, and
appointed delegates to attend the congress.
The day was kept at Philadelphia as the most solemn fast ever held in
that city. It was religiously observed throughout the united colonies.
The united synod of New-York and Philadelphia had published a pastoral
letter some time before; it was read on that day in the churches under
their care, which are very numerous. They said in it, “As the whole
continent, with hardly any exception, seem determined to defend their
rights by force of arms, it becomes the peculiar duty of those who
profess a willingness to hazard their lives in the cause of liberty, to
be prepared for death, which to many must be a certain, and to every one
is a possible or probable event. It is well known to you (otherwise it
would be impudent thus publicly to profess) that we have not been
instrumental in inflaming the minds of the people, or urging them to
acts of violence and disorder. Perhaps no instance can be given, on so
interesting a subject, in which political sentiments have been so long
and so fully kept from the pulpit, and even malice itself has not
charged us with laboring from the press; but things are now come to such
a height, that we do not wish to conceal our opinions as men. Suffer us
therefore to exhort you, by assuring you, that there is no army so
formidable as those who are superior to the fear of death. Let,
therefore, every one who, from generosity of spirit, or benevolence of
heart, offers himself as a champion in his country’s cause, be persuaded
to reverence the _Lord of Hosts_, and walk in the fear of the _Prince of
the kings of the earth_, and then he may, with the most unshaken
firmness, expect the issue either in death or victory.”
After several other exhortations, they offered six advices, in substance
as follows: 1st, Let every opportunity be taken to express your
attachment to king George and the revolution principles. We recommend
esteem and reverence for the person of the prince, who has probably been
misled into the late and present measures by those about him; neither
have we any doubt, that they themselves have been in a great degree
deceived by false information from interested persons residing in
America.—2dly, Be careful to maintain the union which at present
subsists in all the colonies, on which the success of every measure
depends.—3dly, We earnestly beseech all societies to watch over their
members, and discourage luxury of living, public diversions, and gaming
of all kinds.—4thly, We recommend a regard to public order and peace;
that all persons conscientiously pay their debts, and to the utmost of
their power serve one another, so that the evils inseparable from a
civil war may not be augmented by wantonness and irregularity.—5thly, We
recommend to all ranks, but particularly to those who may be called to
action, a spirit of humanity and mercy. We recommend that meekness and
gentleness of spirit which is the noblest attendant on true valor. That
man will fight most bravely, who never fights but when it is necessary,
and who ceases to fight as soon as the necessity is over.—Lastly, We
would recommend to all societies, not to content themselves with
attending devoutly on fasts, but to continue habitually in prayer, and
to have frequent voluntary meetings for solemn intercession with God on
the important trial.”
The accession of Georgia, was owing much to the exertions of the
reverend Dr. Zubly; who roused the attention of many in the province to
the alarming situation of American affairs; so that at length a general
election was held for delegates to set in provincial congress. They met
on the fourth of July in Savannah: and requested the governor to appoint
a day of fasting and prayer throughout the province, that a happy
reconciliation might soon take place between America and the parent
state, and that, under the auspicious reign of his majesty and his
descendants, both countries might remain united, virtuous, free and
happy, till time should be no more. His excellency James Wright
consented, as the request was expressed in such loyal and dutiful terms,
and the ends proposed such as every good man most ardently wished. They
chose the reverend Dr. Zubly, and four others, delegates to represent
the province in the continental congress; and at once entered into all
the spirit of the resolutions formed by the other colonies, and adopted
similar. They declared, that, though their province was not included in
the late restraining bill, they considered that circumstance rather as
an insult than a favor, as being meant to break the union of the
provinces, as being grounded on the supposition, that the inhabitants of
the excepted province could be base enough to turn the oppression of
America into a mean advantage. They also agreed upon an humble address
and representation to his majesty, which as it was not deficient in a
certain freshness of colouring, had the appearance of novelty.
[July 25.] The congress agreed in an address to the assembly of Jamaica:
and in it said, “We receive uncommon pleasure from observing the
principles of our righteous opposition distinguished by your
approbation. We feel the warmest gratitude for your pathetic mediation
in our behalf with the crown. The peculiar situation of your island
forbids your assistance. But we having your good wishes to the friends
of liberty and mankind, shall always derive consolation.”
They also resolved, That a body of forces, not exceeding five thousand,
be kept up in the New-York department:—and that a further sum of one
million Spanish milled dollars, be struck in bills of thirty dollars
each.
[July 26.] They established a post-office, to reach from Falmouth, in
New-England, to Savannah, in Georgia; and then unanimously elected
Benjamin Franklin, esq. post-master general.
[July 27.] They proceeded to the establishment of an hospital for an
army of 20,000 men; and elected Benjamin Church, to be director of and
physician in it.
[July 28.] They agreed to an address to the people of Ireland, and in it
furnished them with a true state of the colonial motives and objects,
the better to enable them to judge of the conduct of the colonists with
accuracy, and to determine the merits of the controversy with
impartiality and precision. They then anticipated the golden period,
when liberty, with all the gentle arts of peace and humanity, should
establish her mild dominion in the western world, and erect eternal
monuments to the memory of those virtuous patriots and martyrs, who
shall have fought and bled, and suffered in her cause. Toward the close
the language is, “Accept our most greatful acknowledgments for the
friendly disposition you have always shown toward us.—We know that you
are not without your grievances—We sympathize with you in your distress,
and are pleased to find that the design of subjugating us, has persuaded
administration to dispense to _Ireland_ some vagrant rays of ministerial
sunshine.—Even the tender mercies of government have long been cruel
toward you.—In the rich pastures of Ireland, many hungry parricides have
fed, and grown strong to labour in its destruction.” In the body of it,
a shaft is elegantly pointed at one of the British generals.—“_America_
is amazed to find the name of _Howe_ in the catalogue of her
enemies:—she loved his brother.” The former lord _Howe_ fell by the shot
of a French Indian, after landing on the left toward the bottom of Lake
George, and while heading his corps and marching under the command of
general Abercrombie, to attack Tyconderoga. The Massachusetts assembly,
to express their affection and strong sense of his worthy character, had
a monument erected to his memory in Westminster-abby.
[July 29.] The quotas of the several colonies toward the common expence
was settled, for the present, subject to a future revision and
correction.
[July 31.] The assemblies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania and Virginia,
having referred to the congress the resolution of the house of commons,
comprehending lord North’s conciliatory plan, they expressed their
opinion upon it, to the following purpose, viz. “The colonies are
entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and granting
their own money. As they possess a right of appropriating their gifts,
so are they entitled at all times to inquire into their application.
This privilege of giving or withholding their monies, is an important
barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative.
“The proposition contained in the resolution is unreasonable and
insidious: _unreasonable_, because, if we declare we accede to it, we
declare without reservation, we will purchase the favor of parliament,
not knowing at the same time at what price they will please to estimate
their favor; it is _insidious_, because individual colonies, having bid
and bidden again, till they find the avidity of the seller too great for
all their powers to satisfy, are then to return into opposition, divided
from their sister colonies, whom the minister will have previously
detached by a grant of easier terms, or by an artful procrastination of
a definitive answer. The suspension of the exercise of their pretended
power of taxation being expressly made commensurate with the continuance
of our gifts, these must be perpetual to make that so. The proposition
is altogether unsatisfactory, because it imports only a suspension of
the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us; because
too, it does not propose to repeal the several acts of parliament
complained of as grievances.
“Upon the whole, this proposition seems to have been held up to the
world, to deceive it into a belief that there was nothing in dispute
between us, but the mode of levying taxes; and that the parliament
having now been so good as to give up this, the colonies are
unreasonable if not perfectly satisfied: whereas, in truth, our
adversaries still claim a right of demanding _ad libitum_, and of taxing
us themselves to the full amount of their demand, if we do not comply
with it. This leaves us without any thing we can call property.”
Congress had reprobated the conciliatory plan in their address to the
British inhabitants; but now they discussed it fully, and exposed its
futility. The next day, August the first, they adjourned to Tuesday the
fifth of September.
The declaration of congress, their petition to the king, their address
to the inhabitants of Great-Britain, the other to the people of Ireland,
and their opinion upon the resolution of the house of commons, must
evidence to the world, that they have men of the first abilities among
them, whose writings will vie with the public declarations and acts of
any powers, on the greatest occasions, in respect to art, address and
execution.
When you consider the variety of climates, soils, religions, civil
governments, commercial interests, &c. which were represented in the
former congress, and the late session of the present; and the various
occupations, educations and characters of the gentleman who composed
them; you will judge, that the general harmony and unanimity which
prevailed in them, is scarcely to be paralleled. At the revolution, such
mighty questions as, “Whether is the throne vacant or not? Whether shall
the prince of Orange be king or not?” were determined in the convention
parliament, by small majorities—the last question by two only. The great
majorities, the almost unanimity, with which most capital questions have
been decided in the continental congress, will be considered by numbers
in no other light than as the happiest omens; or rather as providential
dispensations in favor of the colonies; as well as the clearest
demonstrations of their cordial, firm, radical, and indissoluble union.
The adjournment of congress affords the delegates the best means of
consulting with their constituents, as to what further measures it may
be necessary to adopt: as also certain individuals who may look forward
to independency, a much more favorable opportunity of ripening their
designs by private, personal intercourse with special confidents, than
can be enjoyed by an epistolary correspondence. By well-timed hints,
they may scatter those sentimental seeds, which shall at length produce
events not at present suspected even by the persons attending to such
hints.
The Georgia delegates did not come on, and join the congress before the
session was closed.
The inhabitants of South-Carolina were so zealous, and the alarm spread
by the Lexington engagement so extensive through the colony, that 172
members met in provincial congress, [June 1.] agreeable to the summons
issued three and twenty days before by the general committee.
[June 2.] They unanimously resolved, that an association was necessary,
which was drawn up and signed by their president Henry Laurens, esq. and
all the members present. In it they declared—“Thoroughly convinced that,
under our present distressed circumstances, we shall be justified before
God and man, in resisting force by force, we do unite ourselves under
every tie of religion and honor, and associate as a band in the defence
of an injured country against every foe—hereby solemnly engaging, that,
whenever our continental or provincial councils shall decree it
necessary, we will go fourth, and be ready to sacrifice our lives and
fortunes to secure her freedom and safety. This obligation to continue
in full force until a reconciliation shall take place between
Great-Britain and America, upon constitutional principles—an event which
we most heartily desire. And we will hold all those persons inimical to
the liberty of the colonies who shall refuse to subscribe this
association.” This was afterward prettly generally subscribed by the
inhabitants.
[June 5.] It was resolved to raise two regiments of foot, and a regiment
of rangers; and to put the town and province in a respectable posture of
defence. The provincial congress were sensible that the expences would
be great. But it was the language there, as well as in the other
colonies, among the friends to freedom, “_We will freely give up half,
or even the whole of our fortunes to secure our liberties_.” Bills of
credit were struck, which, through the consent and enthusiasm of the
people, supplied the present emergency.
So great was the military order among the gentlemen, that candidates for
commissions were four times more than could be employed; and in the
number were many of the first families and fortunes. The militia
officers resigned their commissions under the governor, and by their own
consent were subjected to the orders of the provincial congress.
Thus the popular leaders, in a few weeks, had an army and treasury at
their command. Thirteen gentlemen were chosen a council of safety.
While this congress was setting, lord William Campbell, governor of the
province, arrived, and was received with all the demonstrations of joy
usual on similar occasions.
[June 12.] The congress waited on him with an address, in which they
disclosed to him the true causes of their present proceedings; and
declared, that no love of innovation, no desire of altering the
constitution of government, no lust of independence, had the least
influence upon their councils; but that they had been impelled to
associate and take up arms, solely for the preservation, and in defence
of their lives, liberties and properties. They entreated his excellency
to make such a representation of the state of the colony, and of their
true motives, as to assure his majesty, that he had no subjects who more
sincerely desired to testify their loyalty and affection, or would be
more willing to devote their lives and fortunes in his real service. His
lordship returned a very mild and prudent answer.
[June 22.] They adjourned, having first delegated a great part of their
authority to the council of safety and the general committee; the former
of which is in the nature of an executive, and the latter of a
legislative authority. It was particularly recommended to the general
committee, to take effectual methods to have the association signed
through the province, and to demand from the non-subscribers the reasons
of their refusal.
The non-subscribers have been advertised as inimical to the liberties of
America, and all intercourse between them and the associators
interdicted. An oath of neutrality has been required of all, to which
some have agreed; others refusing have been disarmed; and a few, who
would not enter into any engagements for the public security, have been
confined to their houses and plantations.
In these kinds of interesting civil broils, matters are generally
carried to an excess, and policy often tramples upon truth and justice.
Among the non-subsribers, there may have been several real friends to
the liberties of America, who could not in conscience subscribe the
association.
The South-Carolinians, having agreed upon a military opposition, were
resolved to defend Charlestown to the last extremity; and yet the whole
quantity of powder in the colony did not exceed three thousand pounds. A
military opposition, not being originally designed or expected by them
any more than by the people of the other colonies, there was the like
inattention as elsewhere, in regard to the providing of stores. Reduced
now to the alternative of fighting or submitting, they took
extraordinary methods to obtain a supply. The inhabitants of
East-Florida, having never joined in measures of opposition to Britain,
the ports of that province were open for the purposes of trade.
Twelve persons, therefore, authorised by the council of safety, sailed
from Charlestown for that coast; and by surprise, boarded a vessel near
the bar of St. Augustine, though twelve British grenadiers, of the 14th
regiment, were on board. They took out fifteen thousand pounds of
powder, for which they gave a bill of exchange to the captain; and
having secured a safe retreat to themselves, steered for Beaufort, and
from thence by an inland navigation escaped their pursuers, and got safe
to Charlestown.
North-Carolina was no less spirited than South. The militia were arrayed
and exercised, and other measures taken to support whatever opposition
they might be called to make against the British adherents. Governor
Martin was equally vigorous, though not equally successful. He expected,
by means of the back settlers, Scotch inhabitants, and Highland
emigrants, to have made a stand against the patriotic party, and
therefore took pains to fortify his palace at Newbern; but before it
could be effected, his attempting to move the palace guns, alarmed the
committee of the place; who, at the head of a body of armed men,
interposed, seized and carried off six pieces of artillery, which lay
behind the palace. This occasioned the governor’s making a precipitate
flight to Fort Johnson on Cape-Fear river. The people, apprehensive that
he would strengthen, and prepare it for the reception of a force to be
employed in reducing the colony, and concluding, that he would encourage
the slaves to revolt, in case of the failure of all other means to
maintain the king’s government; collected at Wilmington under colonel
Ashe, who had resigned his governmental commission, [July 17.] and
accepted one from popular authority. The colonel designed removing the
king’s artillery from the fort; but the cannon and stores were secured
in time, by order of the governor, who retired on board the king’s sloop
the Cruiser.
[July 18.] Colonel Ashe, in the dead of the night, entered the fort,
fired it, and reduced the houses and buildings to ashes. The next day he
compleated the destruction of its wooden defences, to which the fire had
not extended; and burnt the houses, and desolated every thing in the
neighborhood of the place, that so they might prove of no benefit to the
governor.
The Newbern committee apprehending he means to erect the king’s
standard, and to commence hostilities, have resolved “That no person or
persons whatsoever have any correspondence with him, on pain of peing
deemed enemies to the liberties of America, and dealt with accordingly.”
Persons, throughout the united colonies, dread being advertised for
_enemies to the liberties of America_.
In treating of Virginia, we must go back to captain Henry’s advancing
with his volunteers toward Williamsburgh. The alarm it occasioned, put
lord Dunmore upon converting his palace into a garrison, fortifying it
in the best manner he could, and surrounding it with artillery. From
thence he issued a proclamation, charging Mr. Henry and his followers
with rebellious practices, and attributing the present commotions to
disaffection in the people, and a desire of changing the established
form of government; which served only to increase the discontent. On the
other hand, the Virginians, in their county meetings, applauded Mr.
Henry’s conduct; and insisted, that they wanted nothing but to preserve
their ancient constitution, and only opposed innovations. The
disturbances they charged to the governor’s late conduct. The
discontents of the people were increased by some procured copies of
letters from his lordship to the minister of the American department,
and which were severely censured as containing not only unfavorable, but
unfair and unjust representations, as well of facts, as of the temper
and disposition of the colony.
In this state of disorder, on the arrival of dispatches from
Great-Britain, the house of burgesses was suddenly and unexpectedly
convened by the governor, [June 1.] The grand motive for it was to
procure their approbation of lord North’s concilitary plan; accordingly
in his speech he used the utmost address to carry this point.
The first act however of the house, was the appointment of a committee
to inquire into the causes of the late disturbances, and particularly to
examine the state of the magazine, that measures might be taken for its
replenishment. Means having been contrived by his lordship’s order for
securing the magazine, and notice having been given of spring guns being
prepared, some inconsiderate young men attempted to furnish themselves
with arms out of it, and one of them was wounded. The mode of defending
the magazine by spring guns, and the unfortunate accident, irritated the
minds of many, who were joined by others. A great concourse of people,
from different parts, assembled, and though the house was sitting, broke
open the magazine, and took away many of the arms. Some of the members,
hearing what was going forward, repaired to the magazine, and though not
in time to prevent its being forced open, by remonstrating with all the
people they met against such proceedings, prevailed with them to return
the arms. The keys of the magazine were afterwards delivered to the
committee of the house, by his lordship’s order; who, upon examination,
found most of the remaining powder buried in the magazine yard, where it
suffered considerable damage by the rain; the muskets were deprived of
their locks; and the magazine was naked and insufficient in all
respects.
[June 7.] An account was brought into Williamsburgh, that captain
Collins of the Magdalen, had slipped his cables, and was come up the
river with a number of boats, containing a hundred men at least,
intended to be marched into the city. Upon this report a number of
people assembled under arms, that they might defend the city and its
inhabitants, in case any thing hostile should be attempted. Upon hearing
what his lordship had said to the council, they retired peaceably and
quietly, without any disturbance. However, their readiness to assemble
under arms upon reports, without waiting to know whether they were true
or false, made such an impression upon the governor’s mind that he with
his lady and family quitted the place, early in the morning of July 8,
proceeded to York-town, and went on board the Fowey man of war. He had
the honor of being the first governor,[129] who thinks it necessary to
quit his government, and take refuge on board his majesty’s fleet:
though in his letter of May the first, he held out to ministry his hope,
that with a supply of arms and ammunition, he should be able to collect
from among Indians, negroes, and other persons, a sufficient force to
defend government. He left a message for the house of burgesses,
acquainting them, that both himself and family were in constant danger
through the fury of the people; that he hoped they would proceed in the
business before them; and that he should attend as usual to the duties
of his office, and was disposed to restore the harmony, which had been
so unhappily interrupted.
[June 9.] The message produced a joint address from the council and
house, declaring that they would cheerfully concur in any measure he
should propose for the security of himself and family; observing how
impracticable it would be to carry on business at such a distance, and
intreating his return with his lady and family to the palace, as what
would also afford great public satisfaction, and be the likeliest means
of quieting the minds of the people.
[June 10.] His lordship returned a written answer, in which he justified
his apprehensions of danger, and specified several charges against the
house of burgesses. It contained many other matters tending to irritate;
but concluded with mollifying terms, by no means equal, however, to the
removal of the acrimony excited by the preceding severe charges and
implications. It soon produced a reply, of an uncommon length, under the
form of an address. The address comprehended the substance of the report
of the committee, appointed by the house of burgesses when they first
met; and was fraught with all the bitterness of recrimination, as well
as with defensive arguments, and an examination of facts. And yet the
terms in which it was expressed, were as respectful as possible, and of
a nature suited to the representative of their sovereign, and to their
own dignity. When upon his lordship’s letter to the earl of Dartmouth,
they replied to his assertion, “_not a few did join_ (in what he was
pleased to call an _opprobrious measure_) _to avoid paying their debts,
in which many of the principal people here are much involved_.” “We can
only answer for ourselves in the negative; and must consider so
indiscriminate a charge as extremely injurious.” It is well known, that
many not only in Virginia, but in every other colony, were deeply
indebted to British creditors; and it many be admitted, that several of
the number became professedly zealous patriots for American liberty,
with a view either of escaping or of delaying the payment of their just
debts. However to infer from thence that the great body of popular
leaders in the present dispute, were or are actuated by such a motive,
would be highly culpable. All the supporters of a good cause should be
influenced by principles that are unexceptionable; but the state of
mankind forbids the expectation of so desirable an event.
The report of the committee asserted, that a general tranquility
prevailed previous to the affair of the powder, and the governor’s
declaration about freeing the slaves; that the people had no design or
wish after an independency of Great-Britain; that they had a most eager
desire for such a connection as existed before the late acts of
parliament; and that a redress of grievances would immediately establish
tranquility, and be productive of a reconciliation with the parent
state.
[July 14.] The house of burgesses presented their address in answer to
the governor’s speech; in which they said of lord North’s conciliatory
motion, “We examined it minutely; we viewed it in every point of light
in which we were able to place it, and, with pain and disappointment, we
must ultimately declare, it only changes the form of oppression, without
lightening its burden.” They close with these expressive words—“We have
decently remonstrated with parliament; they have added new injuries to
the old. We have wearied our king with supplications; he has not deigned
to answer us. We have appealed to the native honor and justice of the
British nation: their efforts in our favor have beer hitherto
ineffectual. What then remains to be done? That we commit our injuries
to the even-handed justice of that Being who doth no wrong; earnestly
beseeching him to illuminate the councils, and prosper the endeavors of
those to whom America hath confided her hopes, that, through their wise
direction, we may again see re-united, the blessings of liberty and
property, and the most permanent harmony with Great-Britain.” The body
of the address contains this remark, “Lord Chatham’s bill on the one
hand, and the terms of the congress on the other, would have formed a
basis for negociation, which a spirit of accommodation, on both sides,
might herhaps have reconciled.”
Every day afforded new ground for bickering, and every incident fresh
room for altercation between the governor and the house of burgesses. At
length the necessary bills having passed the house, and the advanced
season requiring the attendance of the members in their several
counties, the council and burgesses jointly intreated the governor’s
presence to give his assent to them and finish the session. After
messages to and fro, his lordship declined meeting them at the capital,
though they pledged their honor and every thing sacred for his security;
but he informed them, that he would be ready to receive them at his
present residence. This answer put an end to all public correspondence
between the governor and the colony. The burgesses passed resolutions,
declaring, that the message requiring them to attend him on board a ship
of war, was a high breach of their rights and privileges; that they had
reason to fear a dangerous attack might be meditated against the unhappy
people of the colony; and that it was therefore their opinion, that they
should prepare for the preservation of their property, and their
inestimable rights and privileges. They then made strong professions of
loyalty to the king, and amity to the mother country, and adjourned
themselves to October.
[July 18.] A convention of delegates was appointed to supply the place
of the house of burgesses, who, having an unlimited confidence reposed
in them by the people, became accordingly possessed of an unlimited
power in all public affairs. They also formed themselves into a
committee to take into consideration the state of the colony; and the
next day resolved [July 19.] that a sufficient armed force be
immediately raised and embodied for its defence and protection.
Nothing more need be said of the Delaware counties, than that they
remain firm to the cause they have espoused.
[July 26.] The Maryland convention met at Annapolis, and unanimously
resolved upon an association, to be signed by the members, and by all
other the freemen of the province. They said, “We do unite as one band,
and solemnly pledge ourselves to each other, and to America, that we
will, to the utmost of our power, support the present opposition
carrying on, as well by arms as by the continental association,
restraining our commerce.” They also resolved, “That there be forty
companies of minute-men enrolled as soon as may be; and that every able
bodied effective freeman within the province, between sixteen and fifty
(clergymen of all denominations, practising physicians, the household of
the governor, minute and artillery men, and persons who from their
religious principles cannot bear arms in any case, excepted) as soon as
may be, and at furthest before the fifteenth of September, shall enroll
himself in some company of militia.” They established a council of
safety, consisting of sixteen persons, who are to regulate the
operations of the minute-men and militia, and are also, during the
recess, to do all other matters for securing the province, and for
providing for its defence.
They ordered committees of observation and of correspondence to be
chosen; and bills of credit, to the amount of 266,666 dollars, to be
struck with all convenient speed, for the service of the province.
The Pennsylvania assembly have established a military association
through the colony, and ordered several battalions to be raised, clothed
and armed. The whole colony is preparing for a vigorous defence. The
change in the assembly from a most pacific to a martial complexion, is
owing to the times. The number of Quakers returned to serve in it, was
not so large as formerly; and some of them, being upon principle opposed
to present measures, have resigned their seats, (which they have the
privilege of doing) and left them to be filled by persons of a different
judgment.
The Philadelphians, with a view to the safety of the city, are also
engaged in making huge machines to sink in the narrow part of the
Delaware, and in completing a number of large galliots, carrying at
their bows guns from 32 to 48 pounders, swivels, &c. The machines are
formed of large heavy square pieces of timber. Two long ones, at a
proper parallel distance from each other, form the horizontal base, that
is to rest on the bed of the river. Right over these are placed two
others of similar size, rising from toward the ends of the horizontal
base, in such an angular direction, as with their elevated ends,
fortified with strong iron points, to pierce any vessel which may sail
against them. The degree of elevation is such as to give the greatest
resistance with the least danger to the timbers. The four main pieces
are joined to each other by many shorter ones. The whole machine is so
contrived, that, with its own weight, and what may be added to it when
sunk, it can neither be broken, nor forced backward, nor turned over.
They have given the name of chevaux-de-frise to these machines.
There is nothing in New-Jersey which requires particular notice.
The New-Yorkers were freed from the apprehensions they were under,
through the expectation of troops from Europe, soon after their arrival.
The second embarkation from Cork, consisting of four regiments, got safe
to Sandy-Hook, where they received orders from general Gage to sail for
Boston. They were wanted to strengthen the army, after the loss it had
sustained by Breed’s Hill battle. The few troops that were stationed at
the barracks, about fifty, went on board the Asia man of war some time
before, on the sixth of June, so that the city of New-York was wholly
without regulars.
[June 24.] Governor Tryon arrived at New-York from London. He is in much
esteem with a large number of the citizens and others; and if any one
can succeed in drawing off that colony from the union, he will probably
be the person. It is not to be thought that he is limited by ministry
either as to expences or promises; but may suit himself to persons and
emergencies. There is apparently good policy in employing him to effect
the recovery of New-York, on the side of administration. He was in hope
of finding the province disunited from the others.
[July 3.] The mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the city, presented him
with a congratulatory address; complimented him upon the rectitude of
his former administration, and expressed their trust in the aid of his
intercession with his majesty, for a speedy termination of the hostile
animosities of his contending subjects.
The governor in his answer confessed his disappointment at the change of
circumstances in the province. To palliate the treatment which the
memorial and representation of the New-York general assembly met with,
and to conciliate the minds of as many as could confide in his
expressions, he closed with saying, “I am acquainted with a dispatch
from the earl of Dartmouth, that the memorial and representation of the
general assembly of this province, were unfortunately blended with
expressions containing claims which made it impossible for parliament,
consistent with its justice and dignity to receive them; yet the
petition to the king has been presented to his majesty, who was pleased
to receive it with the most gracious expressions of regard and attention
to the humble requests of his faithful subjects in New-York; and I am
authorized to say, that nothing can give greater satisfaction to the
royal breast, than to see us again a happy and united people.”
The same day the address was presented, all the king’s stores of various
kinds, were taken from Turtle Bay, and carried clear off by the friends
of congress.
Connecticut and Rhode-Island, having had no occasion to change their
forms of government, proceed in their usual modes of business, to fulfil
the engagements that they are under to the united colonies in general,
and the Massachusetts in particular, and flag not in their ardor to
support the cause of America.
[June 28.] Let us return to the Massachusetts. Political necessity
obliged the provincial congress to resolve, “That the notes and bills of
the colony of Rhode-Island, of this and all the other colonies (except
Nova-Scotia and Canada) shall be taken and received, and accounted a
good and sufficient tender for the payment of all debts and damages
arising upon the non-performance of any promises; and the committees of
correspondence, inspection, and safety, in the respective towns, are to
return the names of all persons who shall contravene this resolve.”
[July 9.] To procure a supply of articles for the troops of the colony,
a resolve passed for the inhabitants of the several towns to furnish
shirts, breeches, stockings and shoes, for the soldiers.——In a few days
after a recommendation passed, not to kill any sheep or lambs, excepting
in cases of absolute necesssity.
In consequence of the letters sent to the several towns and districts
within the colony, for the choice of representatives, in order to take
up a form of government, more than two hundred members met at Watertown
[July 19.] and constituted the house of assembly. The general fast
interposing, the counsellors were not chosen till Friday morning the
twenty-first.
[Aug. 8.] The house agreed to raise £.30,000 sterling. The raising of
money will probably produce much dissatisfaction. Great numbers, who are
warm for the liberties of America, and violently opposed to being taxed
by Great-Britain, are so inconsiderate as to imagine, they are to be
exempted from almost every tax upon their succeeding in the present
contest. They are for enjoying all the advantage of civilized society,
without paying their proportion toward the expence of supporting it.
[Aug. 9.] Captain Linzee, of the Falcon sloop of war chaced two
schooners from the West-Indies, one of which he soon brought to; the
other, having the advantage of a fair wind, put into Gloucester harbour,
at Cape-Ann, and the captain pursued into the harbour, bringing the one
with him. He anchored, and sent two barges with fifteen men each, armed
with swivels and muskets, attended with a whale boat, in which was the
lieutenant and six privates, meaning to seize the loaded schooner. The
militia and inhabitants took the alarm, collected, fired from the shore,
and killed three men, beside wounding the lieutenant. On this the
captain sent the other schooner and a small cutter well armed, with
orders to fire on the damn’d rebels wherever they could see them, while
he engaged in cannonading the town. Not a ball struck or wounded a
single person, though they passed through the houses filled with women
and children, in almost every direction. The party at the water side
soon made themselves masters of both the schooners, the cutter, the two
barges, the boat, and every man in them. The action lasted several
hours. The provincials lost but one man, and had two others wounded; one
of whom is since dead. They captured thirty-five men belonging to the
Falcon, several of whom are wounded, and one of them since dead. Captain
Linzee after this warped off, having lost half his men.
[Aug. 12.] The scarcity of ammunition is so alarming, that the house
agreed upon recommending it to the inhabitants, not to fire a gun at
beast, bird, or mark, without real necessity, to prevent a waste of
powder.
About five weeks since general Gage sent two officers to New-York, to
procure all the men they could, out of ships expected from Scotland or
elsewhere, to join him as volunteers; and with orders to return to
Boston with all expedition. This bespeaks a want of men. The want of
fresh provision will be supplied for a short space, by the return of a
fleet of transports this day [Aug. 15.] from the Sound, bringing with
them about 2000 sheep and 110 oxen, beside eggs, butter, &c. which they
have taken off from Gardner’s and other islands.
Governor Wentworth still continues in New-Hampshire; but the influence
of the popular leaders is increasing, while his diminishes daily. He can
no longer confide, as formerly, in the attachment of the people for
safety; and has for these two months taken up his residence at Fort
William and Mary.
The bulk of the colonists have certainly been much encouraged in their
struggles against the claims of parliament and administration, from the
multiplied assurances they have received that the body of the people in
England wish them success; and from their knowing that many of the most
virtuous and independent of the nobility and gentry are for them; and
among this order, in their estimation, the best bishop that adorns the
bench,[130] as great a judge as the nation can boast,[131] and the
greatest statesman it ever saw.[132]