To prevent an omission, let me begin with mentioning, that when governor
Martin met the general assembly of North-Carolina, at Newbern [April 4,
1775.] he made a speech to them in a high governmental strain; and
expressed his expectation that they would oppose so dangerous a step as
the unwarrantable measure of appointing delegates to attend a congrees
in Philadelphia. He also told them that they were most peculiarly called
upon to oppose a meeting of delegates which the people had been invited
to choose, and who were appointed to assemble at that very time and
place, in the face of the legislature. The assembly, in their answer,
justified the meeting of the people, and said, “Be it far from us even
to wish to prevent the operations of the convention now held at
Newbern.” They also took the opportunity, the first that had been given
them, to express their warm attachment to their sister colonies in
general, and their heart-felt compassion for the deplorable state of the
town of Boston, and to declare the fixed resolution of the colony to
unite with the other colonies in every effort to retain their just
rights and liberties.
Let me now enter upon the narration of the effects of the Lexington
engagement, out of the Massachusetts colony. The news of it flew with
the utmost rapidity; and influenced the minds of all people, answerable
to their various apprehensions and attachments.
Col. _Putnam_ served with the Connecticut troops under Gen. Amherst the
last war. By his courage and conduct he secured to himself a good share
of reputation. When peace commenced, he returned to the civil line of
life. Of late he has occupied a tavern, with a farm annexed to it. Such
a junction is frequent in New-England, and the occupation not at all
inconsistent with a Roman character. The Lexington news was brought him
while working in a leathern frock and apron, at a stone wall, with which
to fence in his land. This was about eleven o’clock in the morning.
After giving his men some direction how to proceed he went home, got his
horse, and rode to the neighboring towns, to acquaint the militia
officers and others with what had taken place. As he was returning, he
found some hundreds mustered, who informed him that they had appointed
him their general, and were determined to march off immediately. He said
that he was not ready, had no money about him, and must go and get some.
They supplied him from among themselves; on which he gave proper orders
for their marching after him, and went forward in his check shirt, upon
the same beast, and got to Concord the next morning by sun-rise, having
rode, as he supposed, from eleven o’clock of the preceding morning, not
less than a hundred miles within the eighteen hours. The militia that
followed him, marched with a quick step till they reached the place of
destination.
Mr. _Benedict Arnold_ of New-Haven, had been chosen captain of a
volunteer company by the inhabitants, when they began to prepare for
whatever might happen. No sooner did the Lexington news reach him, than
he called his company together, and asked them whether they would march
off with him the next morning for the neighbourhood of Boston, distant
150 miles.—They agreed; and at the proper time paraded before the tavern
where a committee was sitting. He applied to the gentlemen for powder
and ball; they demurred supplying him, as he was not duly authorized.
The captain, in haste to fly to the help of his suffering brethren,
proposed procuring the supply by force if needful, to which the
volunteers consented. He then sent for the committee, and informed them
what he was determined upon. Colonel Wooster came out, and would have
persuaded him to wait till he had received proper orders; to which capt.
Arnold answered, “_None but God Almighty shall prevent my marching_.”
The committee perceiving his fixed resolution, supplied him; and he
marched off instantly, and with his company reached the American
head-quarters by the 29th of April.
[April 23.] The news reached New-York on the Lord’s day. On hearing it,
capt. Sears conceived the design of stopping all vessels going to
Quebec, Newfoundland, Georgia, and Boston; several were about to sail.
He consulted Mr. Lamb, who joined in the measure. They then wrote a
letter to the committee of Philadelphia, assuring them that all vessels
would be sopt at New-York, and signed it with their names, that so the
assurance might be relied upon. The express being sent off, they
contrived to assemble the people, without its being known upon what
business; and when they were met, it was concluded upon to shut up the
custom-house. The officer was waited on, who considering the expediency
of a compliance, ordered the keys to be delivered up to capt. Sears. The
merchants whose vessels were cleared out, dared not to admit of their
sailing. The Philadelphia committee, relying upon the assurance that had
been given them, so managed as that it was agreed, to shut up their port
also against all vessels going to the before mentioned places.
The hostilities in the Massachusetts threw the city of New-York into
such a state of tumult, that it was judged expedient, with a view of
restoring tranquility and good order, to appoint a general committee of
a hundred, for the city and county of New-York, which answered. [May 5.]
This committee addressed a letter to the lord mayor, aldermen, and
common council of the city of London, which was signed by seventy-seven
of them. In it they declared, that “The disposal of their own property,
with perfect spontaniety, and in a manner wholly divested of every
appearance of constraint, is their indefeasible birth-right. This
exalted blessing they are absolutely determined to defend with their
blood, and to transfer uncontaminated to their posterity.” They
professed their readiness to submit cheerfully to a regulation of
commerce by the legislature of the parent state, excluding in its
nature, every idea of taxation; but reprobated the minister’s
conciliatory plan. They gave assurance, “That America is grown so
irritable by oppression, that the least shock in any part is, by the
most powerful and sympathetic affection, instantaneously felt through
the whole continent—that while the whole continent are ardently wishing
for peace upon such terms as can be acceded to by Englishmen, they are
indefatigable in preparing for the last appeal.” “Near the close they
said, “We speak the real sentiments of the confederated colonies on the
continent, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, when we declare, that all the
horrors of a civil war will never compel America to submit to taxation
by authority of parliament.” They concluded with expressing their
confidence of the most vigorous exertions of the city of London to
restore union and mutual peace to the whole empire.
[May 6.] The next day an association was signed by upward of a thousand
of the principal inhabitants of the city and county. They in the most
solemn manner declared, that they associated to endeavor carrying into
execution whatever measure might be recommended by the continental
congress, or be resolved upon by their own provincial convention, for
the purpose of preserving their constitution, and opposing the execution
of the oppressive acts of the British parliament, until a reconciliation
between Great-Britain and America, on constitutional principles, can be
obtained; and that they would in all things follow the advice of their
general committee, respecting the purposes aforesaid, the preservation
of peace and good order, and the safety of individual and private
property.
The inhabitants armed themselves also with great diligence and industry.
But it is not to be inferred from these strong appearances, that there
is a real and general union in sentiment among the New-Yorkers. They are
much divided; though each party has thus coaleasced with a view of
serving its own particular interest. The tories have joined, to prevent
the violence which might otherwise exist, and to check the progress of
the sons of liberty. The whigs have joined, in hope of drawing the
others into such lengths in opposing ministerial measures as are
reprobated by them at present.
The New-Jersey people, on receiving the Lexington news, took possesion
of the province treasury, in which there was about £.20,000 part of it
is appropriated to the payment of the troops they are now raising for
the defence of the liberties of America.
The citizens of _Philadelphia_, beside stopping the vessels as before
related, were spirited up to attempt perfecting their preparations for
the most serious and painful contest.
The governor of the province laid before the assembly the minister’s
conciliatory plan; and observed to them that they were the _first_
assembly on the continent to whom it had been communicated. After
considering it, they said, “If no _other_ objection to the plan
proposed, occurred to us, we should esteem it a desertion of sister
colonies, connected by an union founded on just motives and mutual
faith, and conducted by general councils, for a single colony to adopt a
measure so extensive in consequence, without the advice and consent of
those colonies engaged with us by solemn ties in the same common cause.”
The complection of the assembly has been changed. In the choice of
deputies for the approaching congress, made last December, Mr. Galloway
was left out; and on the sixth of May, the house added three more to the
number of their deputies, and the first on the list was Dr. Franklin.
Thus have they, since his arrival, expressed their approbation of his
conduct, and their confidence in his abilities. The plan has been since
proposed to other colony assemblies, but with no better success than in
Pennsylvania.
The account of the action arrived at Baltimore, in Maryland, in six
days; The inhabitants immediately seized upon the provincial magazine,
containing 1500 stand of arms, &c. They also stopped all exports to the
fishing islands, and those colonies which have refused to unite with
their brethren in the common cause; and all supplies to the navy and
army at Boston.
In Virginia a provincial congress met in March, for want of a legal
assembly, and took measures for arraying the militia, the militia laws
being expired; and recommended to each county the raising of a volunteer
company for the better defence of the country. On the 20th of April the
governor employed the captain of an armed vessel to convey, by night, on
board his ship, from the public magazine, out of about one and twenty,
fifteen half barrels of powder, containing 50lb. each. The citizens of
Williamsburg were greatly alarmed, so that the mayor and corporation
addressed his lordship upon the occasion, who, in his answer, informed
them, that hearing of an insurrection in a neighboring county, he had
removed the powder from the magazine to a place of perfect security; and
that whenever it was wanted on any insurrection, it should be delivered
in half an hour. The news of the seizure soon reached Hanover county,
upon which captain Patrick Henry, and the other volunteers of the
county, marched for Williamsburg, with a view of securing the public
treasury from the like catastrophe, and of obtaining a return of the
powder, or a compensation for it. More than a hundred and fifty, all
well accoutred, and making a martial appearance, advanced within 15
miles of the capital; but a sufficient sum of money being paid by the
receiver-general to compensate for the powder, and the citizens engaging
to guard the public treasury and magazine, they dispersed, and returned
to their respective homes.
The value of the whole magazine was very inadequate to the alarm and
disturbance which the governor’s measure excited.—Neither powder nor
muskets were sufficient to answer any essential purpose, or even to
justify apprehension.
His lordship was exceedingly irritated at the behavior of the people,
and threw out threats. Those of setting up the royal standard, of
enfranchising the Negroes, and arming them against their masters, and of
destroying the city; with other expressions of a similar tendency, not
only spread a general alarm thro’ the colony, but excited a kind of
abhorrence of government, and an incurable suspicion of its designs.
Meanwhile, several public meetings were held in different counties, in
all of which the seizing of the powder, and the governor’s threats were
reprobated in the strongest terms. The news of Lexington engagement
arriving when the minds of the Virginians were in such a ferment, tended
to increase their apprehensions, and of course attention to the militia
and volunteer companies.
It was not long ere the same news reached Charleston, in South-Carolina.
The hopes of the inhabitants, that the non-importation and
non-exportation agreements would induce the parent state to recede from
her demands, were blasted on the arrival of a packet from London, the
19th of April; but when the Lexington news was received, they concluded
that the colonies were to be dragooned into slavery. The thought excited
the greatest indignation; but they paused upon considering their
situation. The province, for near two hundred miles coastways, was
accessible to the British fleets and armies. It had but a few trifling
fortifications, and these held by British officers. The western
frontiers were exposed to the savages; and the Negroes might be
prevailed upon, by insinuations, to slay their masters. The governor had
the command of the militia; and all the officers had their commissions
from him. The inhabitants were quite defenceless, without arms,
ammunition, cloathing, ships, money, or men skilled in the arts of war.
The stores of the merchants afforded no supplies of a warlike nature; no
exception having been made in the general scheme of non-importation.
They could not, however, brook a mean submission to the dictates of
Britain; and therefore determined upon a manly and virtuous resistance.
Accordingly, on the night after intelligence of actual hostilities were
received, a number of the principal gentleman of the town, possessed
themselves of twelve hundred stand of arms, with the accoutrements;
removed them directly from the royal arsenal, and afterward distributed
them among the men enlisted in the public service.
Let us return to notice an expedition planned in Connecticut.
The necessity of securing Tyconderoga, was early attended to by many in
New-England; but some Connecticut gentlemen were first in attempting the
measure. Secrecy was essential to success; and delay might be dangerous.
There was no waiting to consult the continental congress; beside, it
would not have been safe to have communicated the scheme to that body,
as it was known there would be individuals in it, on whose fidelity the
Americans could not rely. Messrs. Deane, Wooster, Parsons, and others,
undertook the affair. They applied to the assembly for a loan, which was
furnished, to the amount of about eighteen hundred dollars, on which
they gave bonds to be accountable. General Gage had set the example of
attempting to seize upon military stores, and by so doing had commenced
hostilities; so that retaliation appeared more than warrantable, even an
act of self-defence. The expedition went on with rapidity. Several
militia captains pushed forward to Salisbury, to acquaint Messrs.
Blagdens (nephews to your former acquaintance, the carpenter, of the
same name) with the design, and to procure their assistance. One was
ill, the other[118] joined in the proposed manœuvre. After a little
deliberation, they concluded upon spending no time in obtaining men; but
having provided a sufficient quantity of powder and ball, set off on
horseback for Bennington to engage colonel Allen. They conferred with
him opon their arrival; and then tarried with others to bake bread, and
prepare other necessaries, while the colonel went on to raise the men
who were wanting, and who were to meet the managers at Castelton. While
these were on their way to the place of rendezvous, they were met by a
countryman, apparently an undesigning honest traveller, but who was
either himself well-skilled and a principal, or had been well-tutored by
some one or other, that had either suspected or gained knowledge of the
expedition, and meant to render it abortive. They addressed him, “From
whence came you?—From Ty[119], left it yesterday, at such an hour. Has
the garrison received any reinforcement? Yes; I saw them; there were a
number of artillery men and other soldiers. What are they doing? Are
they making fascines? Don’t know what fascines are. They are tying up
sticks and brush in bundles, and putting them where the walls are down.”
Mr. Samuel Blagden put many insnaring questions about the dress and
trimmings of the men, &c. The answers tended to confirm the man’s story.
The company was staggered; and it being debated in council, whether they
should not return as they had no cannon, it was determined by a majority
of one only, to proceed. At Castleton they met colonel Allen with his
men, and altogether made two hundred and seventy persons; two hundred
and thirty of them were _green mountain boys_, so called from their
residing within the limits of the Green Mountains; as the Hampshire
grants are denominated, from the range of green mountains that runs
through them. They are a brave hardy generation, chiefly settlers from
New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut[120]. Sentries were placed
immediately on all the roads, to prevent any intelligence being carried
to Tyconderoga. After the junction at Castleton, colonel Arnold arrived,
with only a single servant. The day after his getting to Cambridge with
his volunteer company, he attended on the Massachusetts committee of
safety, and reported that there were at Tyconderoga, 80 pieces of heavy
cannon, 20 of brass from 4 to 18 pounders, 10 or a dozen mortars, a
number of small arms, and considerable stores; and that the fort was in
a ruinous condition, and as he supposed garrisoned by about forty men.
Upon this the committee, on the third of May, appointed him a colonel of
four hundred men, whom he was to inlist and march for the reduction of
Tyconderoga. The colonel was known only to Mr. Blagden. A council was
called; his powers were examined; and at length it was agreed, that he
should be admitted to join and act with them, that so the public might
be benefitted. It was settled, however, that colonel Allen should have
the supreme command, and colonel Arnold was to be his assistant; with
which the latter appeared satisfied, as he had no right by his
commission, either to command or interfere with the others, who were not
only out of the Massachusetts line, but the subjects of another colony.
The names of the leaders, besides what have been mentioned, were Messrs.
Motte, Phelps’s (two brothers) Biggelow, Bull, and Nichols, beside
colonels Easton, Brown, and Warner, and captain Dickinson.
After it had been determined in a council to set off the next morning
early for Ty, and some of the managers had retired, a second council was
held, and it was concluded to proceed that very night, leaving Messrs.
Blagden, Biggelow, and Nichols, with a party of men, thirty in all,
officers included, to march early in the morning for Skeensborough, and
secure major Skeen, his negroes and tenants. This council might have
been occasioned by the return of captain Noah Phelps, who the day
before, having disguised himself, entered the fort in the character of a
countryman wanting to be shaved. In hunting for a barber, he observed
every thing cirtically, asked a number of rustic questions, affected
great ignorance, and passed unsuspected. Before night he withdrew, came
and joined in his party, and the morning guided them to the place of
destination.
Colonel Allen, with his 230 _green mountain boys_, arrived, at Lake
Champlain, and opposite to Tyconderoga, on the ninth at night. Boats
were procured with difficulty; when he and colonel Arnold crossed over
with 83 men, and landed near the garrison. Here a dispute took place
between the colonels, the latter became assuming and swore he would go
in first, the other swore he should not. The gentlemen present
interposed and the matter was accommodated upon the footing that both
should go in together. They advanced along side of each other, colonel
Allen on the right hand of colonel Arnold, and entered the port leading
to the fort, in the gray of the morning, [May 10.] A sentry snapped his
fusee at colonel Allen, and then retreated through the covered way to
the parade; the main body of the Americans followed, and immediately
drew up. Captain De la Place, the commander, was surprised a bed in his
room. He was ordered to give up the fort; upon his asking by what
authority, colonel Allen replied, “I demand it in the name of the great
Jehovah and the continental congress.” The congress knew nothing of the
matter, and did not commence their existence till some hours after: when
they began their session, they chose the honorable _Peyton Randolph_
president, and Mr. _Charles Thomson_ secretary, each with a unanimous
voice; and having agreed “That the reverend Mr. Duchee be requested to
open the congress with prayers to-morrow morning,” and appointed a
committee to acquaint him with their request, adjourned till the next
day. Had captain De la Place been upon the parade with his men, he could
have made no effectual resistance. The fort was out of repair, and he
had but about thirty effectives. Could he have gained timely
intelligence, he might have procured a reinforcement from St. John’s.
You have the particulars of the military stores taken at Tyconderoga
below[121]. After colonel Allen had landed, the boats were sent back for
the remainder of the men under colonel Seth Warren, but the place was
surprised before he could get over. Immediately upon his joining the
successful party, he was sent off to take possession of Crown Point,
where a sergeant and twelve men performed garrison duty; but the
greatest acquisition was that of more than 100 pieces of cannon. The
complete command of Lake Champlain was of high importance to the
Americans, and could not be effected without their getting possesion of
a sloop of war lying at St. John’s at the bottom of the lake. It was
determined to man and arm a schooner lying at South Bay, and that
colonel Arnold should cammand her, and that colonel Allen should command
the batteaus, a name generally affixed to boats of a particular
construction, calculated for navigating the lakes and rivers, and
drawing but little water, though heavily laden. The wind being fresh in
the south, the schooner out sailed the batteaus, and colonel Arnold
surprised the sloop. The wind shifting suddenly to the north, and
blowing fresh, in about an hour’s time colonel Arnold sailed with the
prize and schooner for Tyconderoga, and met colonel Allen with his
party.
The surprise of Skeensborough was so conducted, that the negroes were
all secured, and major Skeen, the son, taken while out a shooting, and
his strong stone house possessed, and the pass compleatly gained without
any bloodshed, the same as at Tyconderoga. Had the major received the
least intimation, the attempt must have miscarried; for he had about
fifty tenants nigh at hand, besides eight negroes and twelve workmen.
Colonel Allen soon left Tyconderoga, under the command of colonel
Arnold, with a number of men, who agreed to remain in garrison.
[May 18.] When the news of Tyconderoga’s being taken reached the
continental congress, they earnestly recommended it to the committees of
the cities and counties of New-York and Albany, immediately to cause the
cannon and stores to be removed from thence to the south end of Lake
George; but that an exact inventory should be taken of them, “in order
that they may be safely returned, when the restoration of the former
harmoney between Great-Britain and these colonies, so ardently wished
for by the latter, shall render it prudent and consistent with the
over-ruling law of self-preservation.” Whatever may be the drift of a
few in congress, the body wish to keep the door upen for an
accommodation. This was apparent in the advice they gave the
New-Yorkers, three days before the preceding recommendation. The city
and county of New-York applied to them for information how to conduct
towards the troops expected there. The congress resolved, “that it be
recommended, for the present, to the inhabitants of New-York, that if
the troops which are expected, should arrive, the said colony act on the
defensive, so long as may be consistent with their safety and security;
that the troops be permitted to remain in the barracks, so long as they
behave peaceably and quietly, but that they be not suffered to erect
fortifications, or take any steps for cutting off the communication
between the town and country, and that if they commit hostilities or
invade private property, the inhabitants should defend themselves and
their property, and repel force by force; that the warlike stores be
removed from the town; that places of retreat, in case of necessity, be
provided for the women and children of New-York; and that a sufficient
number of men be imbodied, and kept in constant readiness for protecting
the inhabitants from insult and injury.”
Let us come to the Massachusetts.
Mr. Hancock having been chosen at the last election, on December 5,
1774, one of the delegates to the general congress; and the time
approaching when it became necessary for him to prepare for his journey,
Dr. Joseph Warren was chosen president of the provincial congress pro
tempore.
[April 27.] The inhabitants of Boston lodged with the select men,
according to agreement with general Gage, 1778 fire arms, 634 pistols,
273 bayonets, and 38 blunderbusses. The same day the provincial congress
recommended to the inhabitants of the sea-ports, the removal of their
effects, &c.
[April 28.] A circular letter was written to the several towns of the
colony, wherein after noting the affair of the nineteenth, it was said,
“we conjure you, by all that is dear, by all that is sacred, that you
give all assistance possible in forming the army. Our all is at stake.
Death and devastation are the certain consequences of delay. Every
moment is infinitely precious. An hour lost may deluge your country in
blood, and entail perpetual slavery upon the few of your posterity, who
may survive the carnage. We beg and intreat, as you will answer it to
your country, to your consciences, and above all as you will answer it
to God himself, that you will hasten and encourage, by all possible
means, the inlistment of men to form the army; and send them forward to
head-quarters at Cambridge, with that expedition which the vast
importance and instant urgency of the affair demand.” This address was
attended to; the men discovered a readiness to turn out for the
salvation of their country, and the women applied themselves with
cheerfulness to the fitting out of their husbands, fathers and brothers,
for the important expedition, while the dangers of it were overlooked or
disregarded. After a few days continuance before Boston, great numbers
returned home, some to follow their business, and others to procure
necessaries for the time they had enlisted or meant to enlist for.
During the interval between this return, and the provincials resorting
afresh to the place of rendezvous, the land entrance into and out of the
town by the Neck, was next to unguarded. Not more than betwixt six and
seven hundred men, under colonel Lemuel Robinson of Dorchester, were
engaged in defending so important a pass, for several days together.—For
nine days and nights the colonel never shifted his clothes, nor lay down
to sleep, as he had the whole duty upon him even down to the adjutant,
and as their was no officer of the day to assist. The officers, in
genearl, had left the camp, in order to raise the wanted number of men.
The colonel was obliged therefore, for the time mentioned, to patrole
the guards every night, which gave him a round of nine miles to
traverse.
[May 1.] The Massachusetts congress alloted to the different towns, the
five thousand poor expected out of Boston.—Rhode-Island and Connecticut
had made paper-money, with which to furnish a plentiful substitute for
cash, and to answer present exigencies. The men repairing from these
colonies, for the defence of the Massachusetts, were supplied with this
money; the Massachusetts therefore resolved, that it should pass in all
payments.
The general assembly of Connecticut appointed Dr. Johnson, and Oliver
Wolcot, esq. a committee from their body, to wait upon general Gage, and
desired the governor to write in their name to the general, relative to
the situation of public affairs, and the late unfortunate transactions
in the Massachusetts. He wrote on the twenty-eighth of April: and the
committee repaired to Boston with the letter. Both the provincial
congress and the committee of safety were greatly alarmed at the
transaction. The first wrote [May 2.] to the delegates, whom they had
sent to the colony, representing to them the fatal consequences that
might follow, upon any one colony’s undertaking to negociate separately,
either with parliament, ministry or their agent here. The last wrote to
the colony itself, intreating it to afford immediately all possible aid.
Governor Trumbull acquainted them, in his answer of May the 4th, that
they need not fear their firmness, deliberation and unanimity, to pursue
measures which may appear best for common defence and safety; and that
Connecticut will be cautions of trusting promises, which it may be in
the power of any to avade.
[May 3.] On the same day, on which general Gage sent a sensible and
respectful answer to governor Trumbull, the Massachusetts congress
empowered the receiver general to borrow £.75,000 sterling upon notes,
bearing an interest of six _per cent._ that so they might support their
forces; they also forwarded dispatches to the general congress,
containing accounts of their proceedings. In their letter they
mentioned, “The sudden exigency of our public affairs, precluded the
possibility of waiting for your direction in these important measures,
more especially as a considerable reinforcement from Great-Britain is
daily expected in this colony, and we are now reduced to the sad
alternative of defending ourselves by arms or submitting to be
slaughtered.” They modestly suggested the necessity of a powerful army
on the side of America. They took notice, that the inhabitants of many
of their sea-ports had removed, and were removing their families and
effects, to avoid destruction from the ships of war; and expressed their
confidence in the wisdom and ability of the continent to support them,
so far as it should appear necessary for the common cause of the
American colonies.
[May 4.] The committee of safety wrote to the governor and company of
Connecticut, most earnestly pressing them to send immediately three or
four thousand men, that so an important post might be secured, which
otherwise the enemy would be likely to possess themselves of, as soon as
their reinforcement arrived. The troops were desired to be forwarded in
companies as fast as they could be got ready. They sent also to
Rhode-Island, and urged their marching a body of troops to assist on the
like occasion. They proceeded to resolve, “That the public good requires
that government in full form ought to be taken up immediately.” Advice
was received, that a number of transports with troops were just arrived
at Boston from England.
[May 5.] That provincial congress resolved, “The general Gage has, by
the late transactions, and many other means, utterly disqualified
himself from serving this colony as a governor, or in any other
capacity; and that therefore no obedience is in future due to him; but
that on the contrary, he ought to be considered and guarded against, as
an unnatural and inveterate enemy to the country.”
[May 9.] The committtee of safety ordered the commanding officers of ten
neighbouring towns, to march one half of the militia, and all the
minute-men under their command, forthward to Roxbury that so the British
troops might not come and possess themselves of that post. Before it was
properly strengthened general Gage entertained such design. General
Thomas, who commands there, gained information of what was intended, on
the day it was to be executed. His whole force consisted only of seven
hundred men. The post comprehended a large broad high hill. A road leads
to the top of it, visible in some parts to persons at the entrance into
Boston; it passes over the hill and descends into a hollow, from whence
you can turn off, and passing circuitously enter again upon the said
road. The general took advantage of this circumstance, and continued
marching his seven hundred men round and round the hill, by which he
multiplied their appearance to any who was reconnoitering them at
Boston. The dress of the militia was extremely various, and consisted of
their common clothing, which prevented the discovery of a deception,
that might otherwise have been soon detected, had they worn a uniform
and possessed regimental ensigns. This warlike imposition most probably
prevented general Gage’s attacking and carrying the post, by the
possession of which he would have had it in his power to direct his
march to any part of the country he pleased. The colonels of the several
regiments were ordered to repair immediately to Cambridge, with the men
they had inlisted; and part of the cannon and stores to be removed to
some distance of security; and breast works to be erected at different
places to prevent the enemy’s passing into the country from Boston Neck,
and to annoy them if they crossed the river and advanced through
Charlestown, or if they attempted going by water to Medford. The
Massachusetts congress concluded on disarming the disaffected
inhabitants; and that no person should move with his effects out of the
colony, unless leave was granted.
[May 15.] They resolved upon a letter to the eastern tribe of Indians,
to secure their friendship, and engage them on the side of the colonies,
and proposed to raise a company of them to serve in the war. Four days
after the committee of safety voted, that captain John Lane have
enlisting papers for raising such company. The provincials reprobate in
the bitterest terms, the idea of the Indians being imployed by the
ministry against themselves; so that there is a seeming inconsistency in
their attempting to engage them against the British troops. But let it
be remembered, that the Indians will probably take part with the one
side or the other; for through a restless warlike temper, they are not
in common disposed to observe a neutrality; and that there is a wide
difference between employing them against armed soldiers and letting
them loose upon defenceless settlers, men, women and children.
Skirmishes were occasioned at different times and places, by the
attempts of each party to carry off stock from the small islands, with
which the bay of Boston is agreeably interspersed, and afforded the mixt
spectacle of ships, boats and men engaged by land and water. These small
engagements were not trifling in their consequences. The advantage was
generally on the side of the Americans, which elated their spirits. They
also learnt from them to face danger, and to run hazards; and it is by
being habituated to these, that probably the greatest quantum of courage
is acquired. Frequent skirmishes are good preparatives, by which to
qualify raw soldiers to fight as veterans in set battles.
[May 21.] Two sloops and an armed schooner with soldiers, sailed to
Grape-Island to get hay. The provincials followed them as soon as the
tide admitted, drove them off by their approach, burnt all the hay,
about eighty ton, and brought off the cattle from the island.
[May 24.] A committee having been appointed to inquire what was the
stock of powder in certain towns, reported, that in thirty-nine towns in
Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, Plymouth and Worcester, there were 67 3–4
barrels. The rest of the towns in the colony had none worth mentioning.
How painful a circumstance, the small quantity of powder, to those
Americans, who have any idea of the great consumption which war
occasions! The want of it had been sensibly felt for some time; and
therefore, beside the adoption of other measures, orders were given for
the importation of that, and other military stores, but it must be long
before they can be procured in this way, should they come safe.
[May 25.] The Cerberus arrived at Boston with the three generals, Howe,
Clinton, and Burgoyne. They were so assured in their own mistaken
apprehensions that there would be no occasion to draw the sword in
support of ministerial measures, that they had prepared to amuse
themselves with fishing and other diversions, instead of expecting to be
engaged in military service. They were astonished at the situation of
affairs, and when in company with generals Gage and Haldiman, asked how
the sortie happened. General Haldiman answered, “I knew nothing about
it, till the barber came in to shave me, and said that the troops were
gone out, and that they had been fighting. I did not choose that he
should know I got my information from him. I therefore called my
footman, and sent him out upon a frivolous errand, well knowing, that if
there was any truth in what the barber reported, he would bring me word
of it, which he did. In this way I became acquainted with what had
happened.” The newly arrived generals declared their surprise in the
significant looks which followed this relation from the second in
command.
[May 27.] About six hundred of the Massachusetts and New-Hampshire
forces were employed to bring off the stock from Hog-Island and
Noddles-Island, which lie contiguous; the intervening passage is
fordable at certain times of the tide. A party went on and fired the hay
and barn on Noddles-Island, on which a number of marines crossed from
Boston; and, upon the provincials retreating to Hog-Island, were decoyed
down to the water side, when a hot action commenced, which did not close
with the day. The king’s troops amounted to some hundreds, and were
supported by an armed schooner of four six pounders and twelve swivels,
an armed sloop, and the barges all fixed with swivels. The provincials
were commanded by general Putnam. Dr. Warren’s zeal and courage would
not admit of his remaining at a distance; upon hearing what was going
forward, he repaired to the spot to encourage the men. They had two
pieces of artillery, which were well served, and did considerable
execution. The night was very dark, but the action continued all through
it. Toward morning the schooner got aground upon Winnisimmet ferry ways;
the British were obliged to abandon her, and the provincials boarded,
and after stripping her of every thing valuable, set her on fire. They
lost not a man, and had only three wounded, not one mortally. The
regulars were said to have suffered very much, not to have had less than
two hundred killed and wounded. The loss was probably greatly
exaggerated; that, however, had a good effect on the provincials. The
affair was matter of no small triumph to them, and they felt upon the
occasion, more courageous than ever.
[May 30.] The provincials went afresh on Noddles-Island, and burnt the
mansion house, which answered no good purpose whatever. But there are
too many who destroy property merely because of its having belonged, or
being supposed to belong to those Americans who have taken the opposite
side of the question in the present controversy. The stock, consisting
of between five and six hundred sheep and lambs, twenty head of cattle,
besides horses, was taken off by them in the course of the day. The next
day five hundred sheep and thirty head of cattle were removed off
Pettick’s-Island by a party under colonel Robinson. On the night of June
the second, eight hundred sheep and lambs, together with a number of
cattle, were carried off Deer-Island, by a corps of provincials under
major Greaton.
The agreement with general Gage, relative to the inhabitants leaving the
town of Boston, was well observed in the beginning; and their request
was granted, with the approbation of all. But after a short time, they
were detained upon the plea that persons going from thence for the goods
of those who chose to abide there, were not properly treated. The
embarrassments and delays which the inhabitants had to contend with,
induced the provincial congress to order the sending of a letter to
general Gage, to remonstrate with him upon the subject. The letter
however, did not answer. The truth is, after a number were allowed to
depart, great clamors were raised. Such persons as were, or pretended to
be well affected to the British government, alledged that none but the
ill-inclined were for removing, and that when they were safe with their
effects, the town would be set on fire. A demur soon afterward arose
about the meaning of the word _effects_, whether merchandise was
included; and the general being sensible, that the permitting articles
of that kind to be carried out, might strengthen the Americans in their
resistance, would not admit of their removal. This proved a hardship to
many who quitted the town, as it deprived them of the resource for
living in their accustomed affluence. In a variety of instances, the
passports were so conducted, that families were cruelly divided; wives
were separated from their husbands; children from their parents; the
aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wished to attend
and comfort them. The general was very averse to the allowing of women
and children to leave Boston, thinking they contributed to the safety of
the place, and prevented his being attacked; but of that no real danger
existed, notwithstanding the high tone of the people without, and the
intimations of some within the town. Numbers of the poor and hapless
were however sent out, and several of them infected with, or not fully
recovered from the small-pox, by which mean the provincials were greatly
endangered.
These were employed in collecting their force, from every quarter with
all possible dispatch, which could not be dispensed with, considering
the reinforcements which had arrived, and were arriving at Boston. [June
3.] But they were distressed for want of money; and a letter was
dispatched by the Massachusetts congress, to their receiver-general,
upon the absolute necessity of paying the colony forces immediately, and
directing his attendance forthwith; and also acquainting him, that a
gentleman at Salem had £.375 sterling, which he was willing to lend the
province, and which would be of the utmost importance to pay directly to
the soldiers, and might prevent the greatest mischiefs. The want of cash
obliged them to have a recourse to province notes, which they struck off
night and day, for the advance pay of the men who had inlisted.
[June 10.] They were better off as to provision, and established a too
plentiful allowance, beyond what the troops could expend. By the general
return of the army at Cambridge, it amounted on the ninth to 1581
officers, commissioned, sergents, &c. and 6063 privates, in all 7644.
But such was the want of regularity, that no dependence could be had
upon its exactness. The number of privates was probably much aggravated.
Too many of the officers did not scruple to make false returns for their
own emolument. The large proportion of them shows that the regiments
were far from being full, or were much over-officered. Several of the
Massachusetts officers are miserable tools, and must be discarded sooner
or later. It is owing to their having been elected by the very privates
they command; and to the resignations of a number who had governmental
commissions, but have thrown them up from an apprehension that the
Americans will not succeed; this gave an opening to a set of fellows
totally destitute of both courage and honor, to push themselves forward
and get chosen.
[June 12.] General Gage issued a proclamation offering a pardon in the
king’s name, to all who should forthwith lay down their arms, and return
to their peaceable occupations, except Samuel Adams and John Hancock.
All who did not accept of the proffered mercy, who should protect,
assist, conceal or correspond with such, were to be treated as rebels
and traitors. It also declared, that as a stop was put to the due course
of justice, martial law should take place till the laws were restored to
their due efficacy. The proclamation had no other effect than to put the
provincials upon looking out for the operations which were to succeed
[June 14.] The Massachusetts congress chose their president, Dr. Warren,
second major-general in their own forces; the first having been chosen
the day before.
A discovery has been made which will deliver down to posterity the name
of governor Hutchinson, loaded with infamy. An accident has thrown into
the hands of the Americans, the books of his copied letters to the
ministry and others, in his own hand writing. By means of them, the
several charges brought against him, of his enmity to his own colony, of
his consummate duplicity of his advising ministry to alter the charter,
and to use force for the establishment of their plans, and of his
assuring them that they would meet with no effectual resistance from the
boasting sons of liberty, whose courage would certainly fail them when
put to the trial, have been authenticated beyond the possibility of a
denial.
When he quitted the province all his furniture was left behind in his
seat at Milton. After the Lexington engagement, the committee of the
town removed it in order to save it from being totally ruined. Mr.
Samuel Hanshaw,[122] desirous of seeing how the house looked, when
striped of all the furniture, repaired thither with the gentleman who
had the key. He went at length up into a dark garret, where he
discovered an old trunk, which he was told was left behind, as it
contained nothing but a parcel of useless papers. Curiosity led him to
examine them, when he soon discovered at letter book of Mr.
Hutchinson’s, which he secured, and then posted away to Dr. Warren, to
whom he related what had happened; on which an order was soon sent to
general Thomas, at Roxbury, to possess himself of the trunk. It was
brought to his quarters; and there through the imprudent exultations of
some about the general, the contents were too often exposed to person
resorting thither, and some single letters conveyed away; one for the
public good, it being thought that if the same was generally known, it
might be of disservice in the present moment as it had not a favorable
aspect upon the staunch patriotism of Mr. Hancock. The letter books and
other papers were afterward taken proper care of; and have been
submitted to my inspection. Many of his letters beside what have already
appeared, will be printed; those you meet with as his, in the Boston
Gazette, or actually taken from it, you may depend upon as genuine and
faithfully copied.
Mr. Hutchinson behaved much to the satisfaction of the public as judge
of probates. He was ready to assist, in a most obliging manner, the
widow and the orphan with his advice, whenever their business called
them before them. As chief justice he was not exceptionable, only when
he supported the cause of government against the claims of the people.
When in the chair of the first magistrate, his appointments to different
offices were generally of men will qualified for discharging the duties
of the same, though mostly supporters of government; he was advised by a
British naval officer to secure Mess. Hancock and S. Adams by promoting
them; but replied that though such a scheme might answer in regard to
Mr. H. it would not as to Mr. A. for it would be only giving him more
power to aid him in his opposition and that he should not be able
afterward to remove him. Under the charter the governor cannot remove
from offices without the consent of the council; and Mr. Hutchinson knew
that Mr. S. Adams’s interest in the council would be greater than his
own. He was used to profess the warmest attachments to the good of his
native colony, and that he was ever aiming to promote its happiness; and
would frequently show the letters he had written about the time of the
stamp act, in opposition to that measure. He ingratiated himself by his
free, familiar and condescending intercourse with the common people,
whom he would join, walk, and converse with in his way, from the meeting
to his seat. On these accounts he had a number of friends and advocates,
who thought highly of him; but since the discovery of his letters, they
begin to own that they were deceived in the man, and wofully mistaken in
the good opinion they entertained of him. He will be execrated in
America, if not in Great-Britain.
The dispatches forwarded to the general congress from the Massachusetts
the beginning of May, led on to their resolving themselves into a
committee of the whole to take into consideration the state of America.
Before they finished this great business, they resolved, unanimously,
“That all exportations to Quebec, Nova-Scotia, the island of St. John’s,
Newfoundland, Georgia, except the parish of St. John’s, and to East and
West Florida, immediately cease, and that no provision of any kind, or
other necessaries, be furnished to the British fisheries, on the
American coasts, until it be otherwise determined by the congress.” The
parish of St. John’s was excepted, as it had sent a delegate to
congress. They continued to sit in a committee from day to day till the
24th, when the honorable Peyton Randolph being under a necessity of
returning home, and the chair being thereby vacated, they unanimously
chose the honorable John Hancock, esq. president.
[May 26.] A report from the committee being read, the congress came
unanimously into certain resolutions; and among other matters they
resolved, “That the colonies be immediately put into a state of defence:
but that, as they most ardently wish for a restoration of the harmony
formerly subsisting between the mother country and these colonies, for
the promotion of this most desirable reconciliation, an humble and
dutiful petition be presented to his majesty.” It was then resolved, but
not unanimously, “That measures be entered into for opening a
negociation, in order to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting
between Great-Britain and these colonies, and that this be made a part
of the petition to the king.”—Afterward, “That the militia of New-York
be armed and trained, and in constant readiness to act at a moment’s
warning.”
Mr. Dickinson, the author of the farmer’s letter, is now a member of
congress for Pennsylvania. His heart was much engaged in bringing about
a reconciliation, and he labored hard in procuring a second petition to
the king; but it was opposed by several, and occasioned strong debates
for several days. However for the sake of congressional harmony, it was
at length unanimously agreed to; as they that opposed it had not the
least idea of its proving effectual, from a full persuasion that the
British ministry would be so irritated, by what had happened on April
the nineteenth, as to reject all tenders short of full submission.—These
nevertheless declined voting, that measures for a negociation should
make a part of the petition. Since the Lexington engagement, many of the
New-Englanders believe that the contest must end in absolute slavery or
real independence.
[May 29.] Congress wrote a letter to the Canadians, stiling them _the
oppressed inhabitants of Canada_, and themselves _friends and
countrymen_. It was designed to persuade them, that their present form
of government is a form of tyranny, and that they, their wives and
children, are made slaves, to prevent their taking a part against the
colonies in the present contest, and to procure a union of all in
defence of common liberty.
[June 2.] It was resolved, “That no provisions of any kind be furnished
or supplied to, or for the use of the British army or navy, in the
Massachusutts Bay, or of any transport.”
[June 7.] Congress, for the first time, stiled the colonies THE TWELVE
UNITED COLONIES, in a resolve, “That Thursday, the 20th of July, be
observed throughout the twelve united colonies, as a day of humiliation,
fasting and prayer.” From henceforward the _united colonies_ will come
into use.
[June 8.] Major Skeen (the father) of Skeensborough, with other
officers, upon their arriving the evening before at Philadelphia, in a
vessel from London, were taken into custody.—Congress being informed of
it, and the said Skeen had been lately appointed governor of the forts
of Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and had declared that he was authorized
to raise a regiment in America; they appointed a committee to examine
his papers, as also those of a lieutenant in the regulars.
[June 9.] They having been applied to by a letter of May 16th from the
Massachusetts convention, for their explicit advice, resolved, “That
no obedience being due to the act of parliament for altering the
charter of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, nor to a governor or
lieutenant-governor who will not observe the directions of, but
endeavor to subvert that charter, the governor and lieutenant-governor
of that colony are to be considered as absent, and their offices
vacant; and as there is no council there, and the inconveniences
arising from the suspension of the power of governments are
intolerable; that, in order to conform as near as may be to the spirit
and substance of the charter, it be recommended to the provincial
convention to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places
entitled to representation in assembly, requesting them to choose such
representatives; and that the assembly, when chosen, do elect
counsellors; and that such assembly or council exercise the powers of
government, until a governor of his majesty’s appointment will consent
to govern the colony according to its charter.
[June 10.] It was recommended to the united colonies to collect
salt-petre and sulphur, and to manufacture the same into gun-powder, for
the use of the continent.
[June 14.] Congress agreed to the resolutions of the committee of the
whole house, “That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately
raised in Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia; and that
each company, consisting of sixty-eight privates, beside officers, march
as soon as completed, and join the army near Boston, to be there
employed as light infantry.”
[June 15.] They proceeded to choose by ballot a general to command all
the continental forces, and _George Washington_, esq. was unanimously
elected.
[June 16.] The president informed him of the choice which the congress
had made, and of their requesting his acceptance of that employment.
Colonel Washington, standing in his place, answered,
“Mr. _President_,
“Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this
appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness, that my
abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and
important trust. However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon
the momentuous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service,
and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my
most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their
approbation.
“But, lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my
reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room,
that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think
myself equal to the command I am honored with.
“As to day, Sir, I beg leave to assure the congress, that as no
pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous
employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not
wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my
expences. Those, I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I
desire.”
The colonel did not aspire to the honor of commanding the army; he was
rather solicitous to avoid it, upon an apprehension of his inadequacy to
the importance of the service. The partiality of congress, however
assisted by a _political motive_, rendering his reasons unavailing; and
led him to “_launch into a wide and extensive field, too boundless for
his abilities, and far, very far beyond his experience_,” as his
prevailing modesty induced him to express himself. He is doubtless
active, attentive to business, temperate, humane, formed for gaining and
securing the affections of officers and soldiers, far from haughty and
supercilious, though naturally reserved, which is a quality that may
secure him from answering, without offending many improper questions,
that the New-Englanders will be likely to ask, for they are amazingly
addicted to inquisitiveness; this is greatly owing to the equality that
prevails among them, and leads them into those mutual freedoms, which
are censured in places where distinction in fortune and rank are far
more prevalent and disproportioned. The personal appearance of the
colonel is noble and engaging. He certainly possesses strong powers of
mind, which will tend much to supply in a short season, any present
deficiencies, that the want of more extensive reading, and of more
practical knowledge in military matters, may inevitably occasion. His
days have been spent in America, and he has had little opportunity of
seeing service. As you have already been informed, in 1755, he prevented
the total ruin of the British troops after general Braddock’s defeat, by
covering their retreat with his rangers; but he has never been
accustomed to the command of a regular regiment, to which is to be
imputed his saying to the volunteers he lately commanded in Virginia,
that a gun and a good sword or hanger was all the soldier wanted,
without mentioning a word of the bayonet—it was all that the ranger
wanted. When the last French war was closed, the cessions made to
Britain in these American regions, cut off all expectation of future
hostile armies in the country; and made the professed study of the arts
of war superfluous to a person inclined to the pleasure of a plantation.
Though the late Rev. Mr. Davis, whom you well remember when at London,
inserted the following note in a sermon of his on some special occasion,
“I may point out to the public that heroic youth colonel Washington,
whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a
manner for some important service to his country;” yet as no human
knowledge could, at that period, fathom the events of the present day,
and as there was no evidence of its being in a degree prophetic, it can
be ascribed only to the admiration the author felt while contemplating
the character of the colonel. But his being a person of strict honor and
probity, was undoubtedly a main reason with congress for electing him to
the chief command of the American army. They are fully persuaded of his
patriotism, that it is not pretended; that he will not betray the cause
of the united colonies; that he will not lavish away those scanty
supplies, which call for the greatest œconomy; that he will never prey
upon the vitals of his country to enrich himself, nor countenance others
in doing it; that while he is entrusted with the power of the sword he
will pay a sacred regard to the civil rights of his fellow-subjects; and
that he will not add needless barbarity to the unavoidable horrors and
calamities of war. He does not understand French; the knowledge of which
many will view as an important accomplishment, especially should the
continuance of the present rupture make the aid of France hereafter a
desirable acquisition. But should the times ever induce French
adventurers to repair in shoals to head-quarters, he may bless his
ignorance for securing him from many impertinent, long, and tiresome
applications of military men, of no eminence and little worth, mere
soldiers of fortune, who are after rank and riches, both which the
united colonies should deal out with a parsimonious hand, in
accommodation to their own circumstances. He entered on the forty-fourth
year of his age the 11th of last February. You will wish to know the
_political motive_ which may have swayed colonel Washington. You must
not look for it in any supposed neglect on the part of the British
government, after he had done them such eminent service in covering the
retreat of the troops in 1755. This may be insinuated to lessen his
character. But did he even think himself slighted at the time, he would
scarce have remembered it, much less have harbored any resentment upon
the occasion, for twenty years together. The _political motive_ must
certainly have been of another nature. It was probably complex. A common
danger has united the colonies; but has not eradicated all the
jealousies that before existed among them. New-York, Pennsylvania, and
the colonies to the southward, have not such confidence in the
Massachusetts Bay, as to admit that one of their own natives should be
the commander in chief. There is too great a nationality among the
Bay-men; such a one might be unduly prejudiced in favor of his own
colony. Beside, colonel Washington and the other colonists were in
pursuit of an honorable accommodation, and had not the most distant
thought of separating from Great-Britain. They could not be certain,
whatever was the case at present, that the Massachusetts would not
shortly aim at a separation; it was then a matter of consequence who
headed the army. Whatever some of the Massachusetts delegates might wish
in their hearts, they perceived the necessity of accommodating
themselves to the inclinations of others at such a crisis; and hence the
unanimity with which colonel Washington has been elected; for though it
was by ballot, it was not without pre-concerted counsel.
[June 17.] A draught of general Washington’s commission was agreed to,
and ordered to be fairly transcribed, signed, and delivered to him;
after which the congress declared, that they would maintain and assist,
and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the maintenance and
preservation of American liberty. They then proceeded to choose by
ballot, Artemas Ward, esq. first major-general, Horatio Gates
adjutant-general, and Charles Lee, esq. second major-general. Two days
after, they choose Philip Schuyler, esq. third major-general, and Israel
Putnam, esq. unanimously, fourth major-general.
Having attended to the proceedings of the general congress down to the
choice of their first officers to command the continental army, let us
return to the Massachusetts.
[June 15.] The committee of safety, having received various accounts of
the movements of general Gage’s army, and of his intention soon to make
an attempt to penetrate into the country, recommended to the congress
the ordering of all the militia to hold themselves in readiness to march
on the shortest notice; and to the council of war, the maintaining of
Bunker’s Hill by a sufficient force posted thereon, and the taking of
such steps respecting Dorchester Neck, as to them should appear to be
for the security of the colony. Bunker’s Hill is just at the entrance of
the peninsula of Charlestown, and is considerably high and large.
[June 16.] Orders were issued, that a detachment of a thousand men,
under colonel Prescott, do march at evening, and entrench upon the hill.
By some mistake Breed’s Hill, high and large like the other, but
situated on the furthest part of the peninsula next to Boston, was
marked out for the entrenchment instead of Bunker’s. The provincials
proceeded therefore to Breed’s Hill; but were prevented going to work
till near twelve o’clock at night, when they pursued their business with
the utmost diligence and alacrity, so that by the dawn of day they had
thrown up a small redoubt, about eight rods square. Such was the
extraordinary silence which reigned among them, that they were not heard
by the British on board their vessels in the neighboring waters. The
sight of the works was the first notice that the Lively man of war had
of them, when the captain began firing upon them, about four in the
morning. The guns called the town of Boston, the camp, and the fleet, to
behold a novelty which was little expected. The prospect obliged the
British generals to alter the plan which they meant to execute the next
day. They grew weary of being cooped up in Boston; and had resolved upon
making themselves masters of Dorchester Heights, and securing the _elbow
room_ which general Burgoyne proposed enjoying. But the present
provincial movement prevented the expedition. They were now called to
attempt possessing themselves of _Breed_’s Hill; on which the
provincials continued working, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the
enemy’s ships, a number of floating batteries, and a fortification upon
_Copp_’s Hill in Boston, directly opposite to the little American
redoubt. It is called Copp’s Hill, though the original name was Cope’s
Hill, from the name of the first owner. An incessant shower of shot and
bombs was rained by the batteries upon the American works, and yet but
one man was killed. The Americans continued laboring indefatigably till
they had thrown up a small breast-work, extended from the east side of
the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, but were prevented completing it
by the intolerable fire of the enemy. By some unaccountable error, the
detachment which had been working for hours, was neither relieved nor
supplied with refreshment, but was left to engage under these
disadvantages.
Between twelve and one o’clock, and the day exceeding hot, a number of
boats and barges, filled with regular troops from Boston, approach
Charlestown. The men are landed at Moreton’s Point. They consist of four
battalions, ten companies of the grenadiers, and ten of light infantry,
with a proportion of field artillery, but by some oversight their spare
cartridges are much too big for them, so that when the Americans are at
length forced from their lines, there is not a round of artillery
cartridges remaining. Major-general Howe and brigadier-general Pigot,
have the command. The troops form, and remain in that position till
joined by a second detachment of light infantry and grenadier companies,
a battalion of the land forces, and a battalion of marines, making in
the whole near upon 3000 men. Generals Clinton and Burgoyne take their
stand upon Copp’s Hill, to observe and contemplate the bloody and
destructive operations that are now commencing. The regulars form in two
lines, and advance deliberately, frequently halting, to give time for
the artillery to fire, but it is not well served. The light infantry are
directed to force the left point of the breast-work, and to take the
American line in flank. The grenadiers advance to attack in front,
supported by two battalions, while the left, under general Pigot,
inclines to the right of the American line. One or two of the
continental regiments had been posted in Charlestown; but afterward
removed to prevent their being cut off by a sudden attack; so that the
British are not hurt in the least by any musketry from thence, whatever
may hereafter be pretended; neither do generals Clinton and Burgoyne
perceive any[123] though properly stationed for observing all that
passes. General Gage had for some sime resolved upon burning the town,
when once any works were raised by the Americans upon the hills
belonging to it;[124] and while the British are advancing nearer and
nearer to the attack, orders come to Copp’s Hill for executing the
resolution; soon after a carcass is discharged, which sets fire to an
old house near the ferry way; the fire spreads, and most of the place is
instantly in flames. The houses at the eastern end of Charlestown are
fired by men landed from the boats. The regulars derive no advantage
from the smoke of the conflagration, for the wind suddenly shifting,
carries it another way, so that they have not the cover of it in their
approach. The provincials have not a rifleman among them, not one being
yet arrived from the southward; nor have they any rifle guns; they have
only common muskets, nor are these in general furnished with bayonets;
but then they are almost all marksmen, being accustomed to sporting of
one kind or other from their youth. A number of the Massachusetts troops
are in the redoubt and the part of the breast-work nearest it. The left
of the breast-work, and the open ground stretching beyond its point to
the water side, through which there has not been the opportunity of
carrying the work, is occupied partly by the Massachusetts forces, and
partly by the Connecticut, under capt. Nolton of Ashford, and the
New-Hampshire, under colonel Stark.
By the direction of the officers, the troops upon the open ground pull
up the post and rail fence, and carrying it forward to another of the
same kind, and putting some newly mowed grass between them, form a
slight defence in some parts. General Warren joins the Massachusetts
forces in one place, and general Pomeroy in another. General Putnam is
busily engaged in aiding and encouraging, here and there as the case
requires. The provincials are impatiently waiting the attack of the
enemy. What scenes now offer to our view! Here, a large and noble town,
consisting of about 300 dwelling houses, and near upon 200 other
buildings, in one great blaze, burning with amazing fury, being chiefly
timber, with but little exception. The only place of worship, a large
commodious meeting house, by its aspiring steeple, forms a pyramid of
fire above the rest. There, in Boston, the steeples, houses, and
heights, are covered with the inhabitants, and those of the military,
whose duty does not call them elsewhere. Yonder, the hills around the
country, and the fields, that afford a safe and distinct view of the
momentous contest, are occupied by Americans of all ages and orders. The
British move on steadily, but slowly, instead of using a quick step;
which gives the provincials the advantage of taking surer and cooler
aim. These reserve their fire till the regulars come within ten or
twelve rods, when they began a furious discharge of small arms, by which
the enemy is arrested, and which they return for some time without
advancing a step. The stream of American fire is so incessant, and does
such execution, that the regulars retreat in disorder, and with great
precipitation toward the place of landing, and some seek refuge even in
their boats. The officers are seen by the spectators on the opposite
shore running down to them, using the most passionate gestures, and
pushing them forward with their swords. At length they are rallied; but
march with apparent reluctance up to the entrenchment. The Americans
again reserve their fire, till the enemy come within five or six rods;
then discharge their well directed pieces, and put them a second time to
flight. Such is the loss already sustained, that several of the officers
say, “It is downright butchery to lead the men on afresh against the
lines.” But British honor is at stake; these must therefore be carried.
General Howe and the officers double their exertions. General Clinton
perceiving how the army is staggered, passes over, without waiting for
orders, and joins them in time to be of service. The united and
strenuous efforts of the different officers are again successful,
notwithstanding the men discover an almost insuperable aversion to
renewing the attack. The Americans are in want of powder, send for a
supply, but can procure none; for there is but a barrel and a half in
the magazine. This deficiency disables them from making the same defence
as before; while the British reap a farther advantage by bringing some
cannon to bear so as to rake the inside of the breast-work from end to
end; upon which the provincials retreat within their fort. The regular
army now makes a decisive push. The fire from the ships and batteries
and field artillery is redoubled. The officers in the rear goad on the
soldiers, and the redoubt is attacked on three sides at once. The
provincials are of necessity ordered to retreat; but they delay, and
keep the enemy at bay for some time with the butt end of their muskets,
till the redoubt is half filled with regulars; the works of which are
easily mounted, a few hours only having been employed in throwing them
up.
While these operations are going forward, at the breast-work and
redoubt, the light infantry are engaged in attempting to force the left
point of the former, through the space between that and the water, that
they may take the American line in flank. They exhibit repeated proofs
of undaunted courage; but the resistance they met with is as formidable
and fatal as what their fellow soldiers experienced in the other
quarter. Here the provincials also, by command, reserve their fire till
the enemy is near, and then pour in their shot upon the infantry with
such a true direction, and amazing success, as to mow them down in
ranks. Some of them are slightly guarded by the rail fences above
mentioned: but others are quite exposed, and more than is needful; and
the regulars will have no reason in future to charge them with fighting
unfairly, because of their using defences not formed by military rules
and workmen. The engagement between the two parties is kept up with
great resolution, but the well-aimed fire of the Americans does
astonishing execution; and the strenuous exertions of the regulars
cannot compel them to retreat, till they observe that their main body
has left the hill: when they give way but with more regularity than
could be expected from troops who had been no longer under discipline,
and in general never before saw an engagement.
The courage and conduct of the provincials that opposed the light
infantry, saved their co-patriots, who were overpowered and obliged to
retreat from the fort; and who must otherwise have been cut off, as the
enemy, but for such opposition, would have been instantly upon the back
of the redoubt. While these brave men were retreating, general Warren
was shot in the back part of his head, on the right side:[125] having
mechanically clapt his hand to the wound, he dropt down dead.
The retreat of the Americans lay over the Neck, which joined the
peninsula of Charlestown to the main land; and the Glasgow man of war
and two floating batteries were so stationed as to rake every part of it
with her shot, it was feared that they would be cut off after all, but
they retired with very little loss. The incessant fire kept up by the
ship and batteries across the Neck from the beginning of the engagement,
prevented any considerable reinforcements getting to the hill; but this
was owing more to the cowardice of some provincial officers than to the
execution of the shot.
The number of Americans engaged, including those who dared to cross the
Neck and join them, amounted only to fifteen hundred; but the unengaged,
who appeared in various parts, did, by their different movements, lead
many of the Boston spectators to apprehend, at that distance, that they
consisted of some thousands.
It was feared by the Americans, that the British troops would push the
advantage they had gained, and march immediately to head-quarters at
Cambridge, about two miles distant, and in no state of defence. But they
advanced no further than to Bunker’s Hill, of which they possessed
themselves the night of their retreat from Lexington; and here they
threw up works for their own security. The provincials did the same upon
Prospect Hill in front of them, about half way to Cambridge. The
apprehensions of each side in regard to the other appeared to be
similar. Both were guarding against an attack, in hopes of preventing
it. Had the resolution of either led on immediately to a fresh
engagement, the day would probably have been far more decisive. But the
loss of the peninsula damped the courage of the Americans, and the loss
of men depressed the spirits of the British. A veteran officer, who was
at the battles of Dittengen and Minden, and at several others in
Germany, has said, that for the time the engagement lasted, and the
number of men in it, he never knew any thing equal it. There was a
continued sheet of fire from the provincials for near half an hour, and
the action was hot for about double that period. In this short space,
the loss of the British, according to general Gage, amounted to 1054, of
whom 226 were killed, of these 19 were commissioned officers, including
a lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, and 7 captains; 70 other officers were
wounded. Among those more generally regretted, were lieutenant-colonel
Abercrombie and major Pitcairn, who occasioned the first shedding of
blood at Lexington. The battle of Quebec, in the late war, with all its
glory, and the vastness of the consequences it produced, was not so
destructive to the British officers as this affair of an American
entrenchment, the work of only a few hours. Even at the battle of
Minden, where the British regiments sustained the force of the whole
French army for a considerable time, the number of officers killed,
including two who soon died of their wounds, was only 13, and the
wounded remaining 66; their whole loss in killed, was 291, in wounded
1037, together 1328.[126] That the officers suffered so, must be imputed
partly to their being aimed at by the Americans; and this may account
for most of those who were near the person of general Howe being slain
or disabled. It was a wonder that the general himself escaped. The men,
habituated to take sight, would naturally aim at the officers, without
expecting or waiting for orders, from an apprehension that much
confusion would follow upon their dropping. Gage’s account of the killed
and wounded is large, but does not equal by much, what has been given to
one of the select men of Boston, remaining in the town, by a sergeant
who declared he had seen the returns from the proper persons, the total
of which was 1325. The light infantry and grenadiers, the moment they
presented themselves, lost three-fourths of their men, and in a few
instances more. Of one company only three or five, and of another only
fourteen escaped. A number of tories served as volunteers, several of
whom were killed. The unexpected resistance of the Americans called
forth all the courage and exertions of the British officers, which did
not fail upon the occasion; but whatever commendations they are entitled
to upon that account, the Americans are certainly entitled to a proper
portion of the like, for having made the same necessary. These have now
wiped away the reproaches unjustly cast upon them by their enemies in
Britain. Let such praise the spirited conduct of general Howe and of
general Clinton, and attribute in a great measure the success of the day
to the firmness and gallantry of general Pigot; but let them no more
pronounce the colonists cowards, who will fly at the very sight of a
grenadier’s cap. The British, beside gaining the peninsula, took thirty
wounded prisoners, and five pieces of cannon out of six.
The loss of the provincials has been trifling. The killed and dead of
their wounds, are 139; the wounded living, 278; and the missing 36, in
all 453. They deeply regret the deaths of major general Warren, of
colonel Gardner of Cambridge, of lieutenent-colonel Parker, of
Clemsford, who was wounded taken prisoner, and perished in Boston jail;
of major Moore and major M‘Clany, who were the only officers of
distinction that they lost. But the death of general Warren will be most
severely felt and occasions the greatest sorrow. His enemies bear
testimony to his importance, by triumphing at his fall, and rating it as
better to them than 500 men. Neither resentment nor interested views,
but a regard to the liberties of his country induced him to oppose the
measure of government. He stepped forward into public view, not that he
might be noted and admired for a patriotic spirit, but because he _was_
a patriot. He was a gentleman of integrity, in whom the friends of
liberty could confide. The soundness of his judgment enabled him to give
good advice in private consultations. His powers of speech and reasoning
commanded respect and gained him influence in the provincial congress.
He aimed not at a separation from, but a coalition with Britain, upon a
full redress of grievances, and a reciprocal intercourse of interests
and affection. He was valued in private life for his engaging manners,
and as a physician for his professional abilities. The death of an
amiable consort had made his life of the greatest importance to his
children; he was willing however to risk it in the service of the
public. His intrepidity and zeal for the cause he had espoused, together
with the electing voice of the provincial congress, induced him to enter
upon the military line. Within four days after his appointment to a a
major-generalship, he fell a noble sacrifice to the natural rights of
mankind. He was of a middling size, and, of a lowish stature. The ladies
pronouced him handsome.
The tories exulted upon the acquisition of the peninsula of Charlestown;
but the experienced officers in the British service thought the
advantage too dearly purchased, and their countenances became gloomy
upon the occasion. The reason for it has been increasing from the
frequent and multiplied deaths of the wounded. These have suffered
greatly for want of fresh provisions and other supplies, which the
country alone could furnish: many would have survived, had they been as
well nursed as the wounded Americans out of Boston, of whom but few have
died; with regard to the wounded prisoners in town, there are complaints
of their having been ill-treated.