LETTER XV.

_Roxbury, December 30, 1775._

The accession of _Georgia_ to the colonies, will occasion their being

called henceforward THE THIRTEEN UNITED COLONIES. To aid in the defence

of that colony, congress resolved early in November, to keep up a

battalion there at the continental expence. Toward the close of the

year, Dr. Zubly, perceiving that there was an apparent propensity to

independency in several of the delegates, withdrew and returned to

Georgia. His opposition to it being well known, and his influence upon

the Georgia inhabitants being feared, it was contrived that one of his

brother delegates, Mr. John Houston, should likewise return, with a

design of counteracting him, in case he soould set himself to oppose

independency.

The first hostilities which happened in this colony between the opposite

parties, commenced about the middle of November, when a number of

royalists attacked the American whigs, and by their superiority obliged

the latter, after three days, to surrender the fort, in which they

expected to make an effectual resistance.

The governor of South-Carolina, lord William Campbell, after the

provincial congress had raised troops, gave commissions to the officers

of the volunteer companies of militia, that were formed and trained on

the recommendation of the popular leaders. His lordship also convened an

assembly, of which several officers in the provincial regiments were

members; but finding them and their colleagues inflexibly set against

his schemes, he dissolved them [Sept. 15.] and never afterward issued

writs for a new election. He was indefatigable in secretly promoting

opposition to the popular measures, and kept up a constant

correspondence with the back country royalists. These people were told,

that it would be impossible to resist the power of Britain; that the

whole dispute was about a trifling tax on tea; and that the expences of

the new raised provincial regiments would be infinitely more than the

insignificant taxes imposed by the British parliament. They were

therefore much disaffected with the proceedings of the provincial

congress. It being suspected in Charleston that their disaffection was

greatly owing to the governor, in order to ascertain, if possible, the

connection between them, captain Adam M‘Donald, of a new raised

provincial regiment, introduced himself to his lordship about the middle

of September, under the feigned name of Dick Williams, a supposed

confidential messenger from these royalists. In this assumed character

he had a long conversation with his lordship, and was informed, that a

letter received the day before, set forth, “That his majesty was

determined speedily to send out troops to execute his schemes from one

end of the continent to the other.” The conversation being reported to

the general committee, they sent a deputation, of which captain M‘Donald

was one, to demand a communication of his lordship’s late dispatches

from England, and a perusal of his correspondence with the back country.

These requisitions being refused, it was moved to take the governor into

custody, but the motion was rejected by a great majority. His lordship,

mortified at the deception which had been passed upon him, and

distrustful of his personal safety in Charleston, took the provincial

seal with him, and retired on board the Tamar sloop of war.

[Nov. 1.] When the new provincial congress met, it was thought by the

royalists, that the determinations of the former would have been

reversed; but they were disappointed.

In order to obstruct the passage of the king’s ships to Charleston

through Hog-Island channel, a number of hulks were ordered to be sunk,

and captain Tufts had the charge of covering the workmen, on board a

schooner, armed for the security of the town, and called the Defence.

[Nov. 12.] The Tamar and Cherokee warped in the night, within gun-shot

of him, and began a heavy cannonade; but at sun-rise dropped down to

their moorings, without having done any material injury. This was the

commencement of open hostilities in South-Carolina.

[Nov. 13.] The provincial congress impressed the ship Prosper, and

ordered her to be fitted as a frigate of war. They voted to raise a

regiment of artillery, [Nov. 14.] to consist of three companies of a

hundred men each; and that bills of credit, amounting to £.17,000

sterling should be struck for their support. About the same time a new

council of safety was appointed, and authorised “to do all such matters

and things relative to the strengthening and defending the colony, as

should by them be judged expedient and necessary.”

That you may comprehend the nature of the opposition to popular measures

in this colony, you must be informed of various events relative to the

back country. About 1770, the extreme difficulty of bringing criminals

from remote settlements to a legal condemnation, induced numbers, stiled

regulators, to take the law into their own hands. They inflicted

corporal punishment on persons without a regular condemnation. Lord

Charles Greville Montague, the governor, to correct these abuses,

advanced one Scovil, a man of low character, to the rank of colonel, and

employed him to enforce settled law among these regulators. He adopted

severe measures, which involved multitudes in great distress, who having

suffered so for opposing regular government, could not be persuaded to

co-operate with their countrymen in the support of congresses and

committees, whom they conceived to be similar to their own regulating

assemblies.

A number of Dutch inhabitants had settled in the same part of the

country, on lands granted by the government. They brought from Europe

the monarchical ideas of the holding their possessions at the king’s

pleasure. They were therefore easily made to believe, that the loss of

their freeholds would be the consequence of their acceding to American

measures. After the peace of Paris, lands were offered upon easy terms,

to induce foreign Protestants to exchange their native country for a

settlement in South-Carolina. The Irish, who accepted these offers, owed

all their indulgences to the bounty of the king, and so took part with

his friends. Their countrymen, who had emigrated from the northern

provinces, commonly entered with zeal into the new measures.

The violence of some over-zealous friends, who insisted upon their

neighbors signing the association, produced in several a determined

spirit of opposition.

At an election for representatives in the first popular assemblies,

Moses Kirkland was an unsuccessful candidate. In wrath he exclaimed, “If

this dispute becomes serious, the people of South-Carolina shall feel

the weight of my influence.” The provincial congress, to gain him, gave

him the rank of captain in one of the provincial regiments; but he was

disgusted that his rival was promoted to the higher rank of major. He

accepted his commission, and inlisted men; but soon resigned, and to the

utmost encouraged opposition to the measures of congress.

The people in general felt themselves secure in their persons and

property. It was therefore easy to offer arguments against renouncing

present comforts, to ward off future evils. It was insinuated to them,

that the gentlemen on the sea-cost, in order to obtain their tea free

from tax, were adopting measures which would involve the back country in

the want of salt, osnaburgs, and imported necessaries. The popular

leaders could not urge the inhabitants to the dangers and expences of

war, otherwise than on speculation, to prevent the more alarming

consequences which would probably take place in future, if the

proceedings of the British parliament, against Boston and the

Massachusetts, were suffered to pass into precedent.

Though there were many royalists in most parts of the colony, the

principal settlement, in which they out-numbered the friends of

congress, was in the country between the Broad and Saluda rivers. When

it was determined to raise troops, the inhabitants of that part could

not be persuaded that the measure was necessary. They were happy, and

free from present oppression, and averse to believing that any designs,

inimical to American liberty, had been adopted by the British

government. The council of safety sent the honorable William Henry

Drayton, and the reverend William Tennent, to explain to them the nature

of the dispute. They had several meetings, and much eloquence was

exerted to induce them to sign the association. Some subscribed; but the

greater part could not be persuaded that there was any necessity for

congresses, committees, or military establishments. Suspicions

prevailed. The friends of the royal government doubted the authenticity

of all pamphlets and news-papers, which ascribed to the British troops

in Boston, or to the British government, any designs injurious to the

rights of the colonists. They viewed the whole as an imposition by

artful men. The friends of congress suspected the leading men of the

loyalists to be in the pay of lord William Campbell. Reports were

circulated by one party, that a plan was laid to seize the commissioners

sent by the council of safety: by the other, that the third provincial

regiment was brought up to compel the inhabitants to sign the

association. Motives and designs were reciprocally attributed to each

other of the most mischievous tendency. The royalists imbodied for

reasons similar to those which had induced the other inhabitants to arm

themselves against Britain. They suspected their adversaries of an

intention to dragoon them into a compliance with the measures of

congress; and they in their turn, were suspected of a design to commence

hostilities against the associators, for disturbing the established

royal government. Camps were formed in opposition to each other, and

great pains taken to increase their respective numbers. Moderate men

employed their good offices; and after some days, the leaders on both

sides met in conference. Several explications having taken place, a

treaty was reciprocally agreed to, [Sept. 16.] by which it was

stipulated, that the royalists should remain in a state of neutrality.

Both parties retired to their homes, and a temporary calm succeeded.

But Mr. Robert Cunningham, a principal leader among the royalists,

continued to encourage opposition to popular measures, and declared that

he did not consider himself as bound by the treaty. This declaration was

construed as an evidence of a fixed intention again to disturb the

peace. To prevent his attempting it, he was apprehended, brought to

Charleston, and committed to jail. His brother Mr. Patrick Cunningham,

instantly armed a party of friends and pursued, in expectation of

rescuing him. The party collected on this occasion seized a thousand

pounds of power, and a quantity of lead, which was passing through their

settlement, as a present to the Cherokee Indians; and was intended to

confirm them in their pacific disposition. Some persons among the

royalists propagated a report, that it was accompanied with instructions

to them, to kill every man who should refuse to sign the association.

This answered the purpose of inflaming the minds of several. It was also

confidently asserted that private marks had been agreed on by the

popular leaders and Indian chiefs, to distinguish the associators from

the non-associators; the former of whom were to be spared, and the

latter sacrificed. Great pains were moreover taken, to exasperate the

inhabitants against the council of safety, for furnishing the Indians

with powder, at a time when the white people could not be supplied with

that article.

Lord William Campbell had uniformly recommended to the royalists to

remain quiet till the arrival of a British force. This advice had been

providentially frustrated. Similar reasons of policy to those which

induced the royal governor to recommend inaction to the royalists,

operated with the council of safety to crush their intestine foes before

that force should arrive. The rising occasioned by the seizing of Mr.

Cunningham, was construed into a violation of the treaty, and gave

ground to doubt the sincerity of their engagements to continue in a

state of neutrality. It was feared, that as soon as a proper opportunity

offered, they would throw their weight into the royal scale. It was

therefore judged necessary, to march an army into their settlements

before that event should exist. But to remove prejudices, the provincial

congress, first of all circulated through their settlements, [Nov. 19.]

a declaration assigning the reasons for the present to the Cherokees,

and detesting the invidious misrepresentations that had been put upon

the measure. They solemnly declared before Almighty God, that they did

not believe any order was ever issued, or any idea ever entertained by

the late council of safety, or any member of it, or by any person under

authority of congress, to cause the Indians to commence hostilities upon

the frontiers or any part thereof. They then sent forward a large body

of militia and new raised regulars who were joined by seven hundred

militia from North-Carolina, and two hundred and twenty regulars. They

soon had an army of seven thousand men under their direction, with

instructions “to apprehend the leaders of the party which had seized the

powder, and to do all other things necessary to suppress the present and

prevent future insurrections.” Assurances were publicly given, that no

injury should be done to inoffensive persons, remaining quietly on their

plantations. The leaders of the royalists found great difficulty in

persuading their followers to imbody; and they themselves were destitute

of political knowledge and military experience. The unanimity of the

whigs and the numbers, which from all sides invaded the settlements of

the royalists, disheartened them from facing their adversaries in the

field. The whigs acted by system, and in concert with their brethren of

neighbouring colonies, and were directed by a council of safety,

composed of the greatest and wisest men in the province. They easily

carried every point, seized the leaders of the royalists, and dispersed

their followers, without the loss of a single man; most of the royalists

returned to their plantations, while several retired over the mountains.

In _North-Carolina_, the committees of the district of Wilmington

alledged a number of charges against governor Martin, particularly those

of fomenting a civil war, and of exciting an insurrection among the

negroes; upon which they declared him an enemy to America in general,

and to that province in particular, and forbad all persons holding any

communication with him.

[Aug. 8.] When their proceedings appeared in print, the governor

published his remarks upon them, in a proclamation of uncommon length;

which the provincial congress, in their subsequent meeting at

Hillsborough, [Aug. 25.] resolved unanimously, to be a false,

scandalous, scurrilous, malicious and seditious libel, and ordered it to

be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. Four days before, a plan of

confederation was laid before them. Upon mature deliberation they

resolved, that “They are of opinion, that the plan of general

confederation between the united colonies is not at present eligible;

and that the present association ought to be further relied on for

bringing about a reconciliation with the parent state, and a further

confederacy ought only to be adopted in case of the last extremity.”

Afterward [Sept. 8.] Mr. Hooper submitted to them an address to the

inhabitants of the British empire, which was unanimously received. In

answer to the suggestion, that independence was their object, they say,

“We again declare, that we invoke that Almighty Being who searches the

recesses of the human heart, and knows our most secret intentions, that

it is our most earnest wish and prayer to be restored, with the other

united colonies, to the state in which we and they were placed before

the year 1763, disposed to glance over any regulations which Britain had

made previous to this, and which seems to be injurious and oppressive to

these colonies, hoping that, at some future day, she will benignly

interpose, and remove from us every cause of complaint.”

They broke up two days after, having sat three weeks. During the

session, they agreed upon raising a 1000 men; upon striking a quantity

of paper money, for the subsistence of the troops; upon inlisting a

considerable body of minute-men; in a word, upon putting the colony

immediately into a state of defence.

Within a fortnight after the session closed, the grand repository of the

governor’s magazine was discovered. In the palace garden, under a bed of

cabbages, was found a barrel, containing about three bushels of

gun-powder. In the palace cellar were dug up two quarter casks of the

same commodity; and in the garden about 1000lb. of musket-balls, about

500 weight of iron, swivel balls, a large quantity of small shot, lead,

iron, worms for the cannon, and the whole apparatus for his park of

artillery.

The Virginia convention continued to establish rules for the defence and

regulation of the colony; and passed an ordinance for imbodying a

sufficient force for its protection. It appearing to them, that only 15

half barrels of powder had been taken out of the magazine by lord

Dunmore’s order, they valued it fairly, and then directed the surplus

money received by Patrick Henry, esq. to be returned to the receiver

general. [August 22.]

Upon a petition of sundry merchants and others, natives of

Great-Britain, mostly from Scotland, praying to be exempted from bearing

arms against the people among whom they were born, and promising to

observe a strict neutrality in case the colony was attacked by the

British troops, the convention unanimously recommended to the

committees, [Aug. 25.] and others the good people of the colony, to

treat all such resident natives as did not show themselves enemies to

the common cause of America, with lenity and friendship; to protect all

persons whatsoever in the just enjoyment of their civil rights and

liberty; to discountenance all national reflections; and to promote

union, harmony, and mutual good will, among all ranks of people.

Before the session ended, the delegates in a declaration set forth the

cause of their meeting, and the necessity of immediately putting the

country into a posture of defence, for the better protection of their

lives, liberties and properties. In it they solemnly declare, “before

God and the world, we do bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty;

and will, so long as it may be in our power, defend him and his

government, as founded on the laws and well-known principles of the

constitution: we will, to the utmost of our power, endeavor by every

honorable mean, to promote a restoration of that friendship and amity,

which so long and happily subsisted between our fellow subjects in

Great-Britain, and the inhabitants of America: and as, on the one hand,

we are determined to defend our lives and properties, and maintain our

just rights and privileges, at even the extremest hazard, so, on the

other hand, it is our fixed and unalterable resolution to disband such

forces as may be raised in this colony, whenever our dangers are

removed, and America is restored to its former state of tranquility and

happiness.”

Lord Dunmore, however, being joined by a number who had rendered

themselves obnoxious to the country, as well as by a parcel of run-away

negroes, and supported by the naval force upon the station, endeavored

to establish such a marine, as might enable him, by means of the noble

rivers with which the colony abounds, to be always at hand, and ready to

profit by every favorable occasion which should offer. He by degrees

fitted and armed several vessels, in one of which he constantly resided,

never setting his foot on shore, but in an hostile manner. The force was

calculated only for depredations; and while these were confined to the

procuring of provisions or other necessaries, respect was shown to the

rank and office of the governor: but being at length changed into open

and avowed hostility, his lordship met with resistance. The Virginians

could not brook his seizing persons, and conveying them on board the

ships; destroying plantations, and carrying off the negroes, and burning

houses. They therefore sent detachments of the new-raised forces to

protect the coasts; and from thence ensued a small mischievous war,

incapable of affording honor or benefit.

During this state of hostility, his lordship procured a few soldiers,

with whose assistance an attempt was made to burn the port-town of

Hampton. The inhabitants having a previous suspicion of the design, sunk

a number of boats across the channel to prevent a landing. The ships,

having surmounted all obstacles in the night, drew up close to the town,

[October 27.] and began a furious cannonade in the morning. At this

critical period, a detachment of riflemen from Williamsburgh, that had

marched all night, arrived, and being joined by the minute-men and

others, who had assembled the day before, took such a position as

enabled them, with their small arms, to compel the enemy precipitately

to quit their station, with the loss of some men and of a tender.

[Nov. 7.] In consequence of this repulse, the governor issued a

proclamation, declaring that martial law should take place, and be

executed through the colony; requiring all persons capable of bearing

arms, to resort to his majesty’s standard, or to be looked upon as

traitors; and further declaring all indented servants, negroes or others

(appertaining to rebels) free, who were able and willing to bear arms,

upon joining his majesty’s troops. The Virginians highly resented his

lordship’s declaring martial law; and by his single fiat attempting to

strip them of their property, and to arm their negroes and servants

against them to effect their destruction. This measure occasioned to

government the loss of many friends.

The proclamation, with his lordship’s presence and his marine, produced

some effect in the town of Norfolk and the adjoining country, where many

were well effected to the old government. He was accordingly joined by

some hundreds of blacks and whites; but the pleasure it afforded, was

soon interrupted by intelligence that a party of Virginians were

marching toward them with great expedition. To obstruct their designs,

and protect the well effected, he took possesion of the Great Bridge,

near Norfolk, a pass of much consequence, being the only way by which

the town could be approached He constructed a fort on the Norfolk side,

and rendered it as defencible as time would admit. His force consisted

of about 200 regulars, including the grenadiers of the 14th regiment,

and a body of Norfolk volunteers; the rest was a motley mixture of

blacks and whites. The Virginians, under colonel Woodford, fortified

themselves within less than cannon shot of the royalists, having a

narrow causeway in front, which was to be passed to come at their works.

In this state they continued quiet on both sides for some days. At

length a servant belonging to major Marshall, being properly tutored,

deserted to the royalists, and told them that colonel Woodford had not

more than 300 shirtmen (as they called the riflemen, on account of their

being dressed in their hunting shirts) badly provided with ammunition.

The bait took, and a design was formed for surprising the Virginians in

their entrenchments. Captain Leslie, with the regulars, arrived at the

bridge about three in the morning; and being joined by about 300 white

and black slaves, laid planks upon the bridge, and crossed just after

the Virginians had beaten the reveille, a lucky time for the last, as

their men were of course all under arms. Captain Fordyce, at the head of

his grenadiers, amounting to about sixty, led the van, while lientenant

Batut commanded the advanced party. They passed the causeway, which

admitted only of a few men’s marching abreast, and approached the

intrenchments with fixed bayonets, and a coolness and intrepidity which

excited astonishment. They were not only exposed naked to the fire in

front, but infiladed by another part of the provincial lines. The

captain fell with several of his men, within a few yards of the breast

work. The lieutenant with others were taken, and all the survivors of

the grenadier company, whether prisoners or not, were wounded. The

royalists were soon obliged to sound a retreat, having sixty-two men

killed and wounded. The provincials, during the whole action, did not

lose a single man, and had only one slightly wounded. The fire of the

artillery from the fort covered the retreat of the royalists. None of

the blacks, &c. in the rear, with captain Leslie, advanced further than

the bridge. Captain Fordyce was buried with every military honor by the

victors, who showed a due respect to his former merit, as well as to the

gallantry which signalized his last moments. The British prisoners were

treated with great kindness: the American royalists, who joined the

king’s standard, with rigor. The king’s forces retired the ensuing

night, without other loss than a few pieces of cannon. Captain Leslie,

it is said, has absolutely refused to act any more on shore, till he can

be better supported; on the other hand, the Norfolk volunteers, and the

black battalions, have declined acting without the regulars; this has

induced his lordship to abandon the entrenchments at Norfolk, and to go

on board the ships. Most of the wretched negroes who had joined him,

were now left to shift for themselves.

[Dec. 14.] Colonel Woodford, with the provincials, entered Norfolk; but

almost all the inhabitants had fled on board the ships. At night he

resigned the command to colonel Howe, designing to return to his family,

and attend on his private affairs.

Many of the Scotch petitioners having, contrary to their faith, solemnly

plighted, become strict adherents to lord Dunmore, and active promoters

of his measures; and having excited their slaves to act against the

colony, the convention has totally rescinded the former recommendation

in their favor. But persons of ability, declining to act with the

Virginians, and who have not taken up arms nor showed themselves against

them, may be permitted to leave the country.

A scheme for raising a considerable force for the service of lord

Dunmore, has been lately discovered in Maryland.

One John Connelly, a native of Pennsylvania, waited on his lordship with

certain proposals, toward the latter end of July, which being approved

of, he dispatched intelligence to the officers of the militia on the

frontiers of Augusta county, with assurances from his lordship, that

such of them as would hereafter evince their loyalty to his majesty, by

putting themselves under his command, should be amply rewarded. He had

before, by direction, prepared the Indians on the Ohio, to act in

concert with him against his majesty’s enemies in that quarter. His

lordship sent him to general Gage, at Boston, about the 15th of

September; and about the middle of October he returned with instructions

from the general to his lordship. A commission of lieutenant-colonel

commandant of a regiment, to be raised in the back parts and in Canada,

was to be granted to this adventurer; who was to be assisted by the

garrisons at Detroit and Fort Gage, at the Illinois, with artillery and

ammunition. He was to use means to urge the Indian chiefs to act with

vigor in the execution of his orders; and to have the supreme direction

of the new forces. When they were in sufficient condition, he was to

penetrate through Virginia, so as to meet lord Dunmore at a set time in

next April, at Alexandria, on the Potomak; his lordship was to bring

such a naval strength and other assistance, as might be deemed necessary

for the purpose. He had so far succeeded, that he was on his way, with

two associates, to Detroit; where he was to meet his commission and

instructions; but when they had reached about five miles beyond

Hager’s-town, they were taken into custody and brought before the county

committee, at Frederick-town, in Maryland [Nov. 23.] for examination,

about ten days after parting with lord Dunmore. Their papers have

betrayed every thing. Among them were the geneneral plan of the whole

business, and a letter from lord Dunmore to one of the Indian chiefs,

and other authentic vouchers, which leave nothing to be doubted. His

lordship’s letter was accommodated, as is usual in all such cases, to

the Indian taste, and addressed to _Brother Captain White Eyes_, who was

to acquaint the _Corn-Stalk_, as well as the chiefs of the Mingoes, and

the other six nations, with the sentiments contained in it.

The capture of Connelly and his associates, is ascribed to the seizure

of an express passing between an Indian commissary and the governor;

from whose papers such intelligence was gained as to put the provincial

committee upon keeping a good look-out for the parties. The Indian

commissary was known to be disaffected to the American cause, by a

gentleman whose suspicions made him a principal in effecting the

discovery.

The Pennsylvania general assembly, in their November session, instructed

their delegates to exert their endeavors at the continental congress,

for the adoption of such measures as might afford the best prospect of

obtaining a redress of American grievances, and of restoring the union

and harmony between Great-Britain and the colonies. They said, “Though

the oppressive measures of the British parliament and administration

have compelled us to resist their violence by force of arms, yet we

strictly enjoin you, that you, in behalf of this colony, dissent from,

and utterly reject any propositions, should such be made, that may cause

or lead to a separation from the mother country, or a change in the form

of this government.” The reason for mentioning _a change in the form of

this government_, was, congress’s recommendation of a measure of that

kind to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, which will be

properly noticed in its place.

[Nov. 16.] Governor Franklin met the general assembly of New-Jersey. In

his speech he acquainted them, “That the commanders of his majesty’s

squadrons in America, have orders to proceed as in the case of a town in

actual rebellion, against such of the sea-port towns and places, being

accessible to the king’s ships, as shall offer any violence to the

king’s officers, or in which any troops shall be raised, or military

works erected, or other than by his majesty’s authority, or any attempts

made to seize or plunder any public magazine of arms or ammunition.” He

said “Sentiments of independency, are by some men of present

consequence, openly avowed, and essays are already appearing in the

public papers, to redicule the people’s fears of that horrid measure.”

The house of assembly in their answer declared, [Nov. 29.] “There is

nothing we desire with greater anxiety, than a reconciliation with our

parent state, on constitutional principles. We know of no sentiments of

independency that are by men of any consequence openly avowed; nor do we

approve of any essays tending to encourage such a measure. We have

already expressed our detestation of such opinions; and we have so

frequently and fully declared our sentiments on this subject, that we

should have thought ourselves, as at present we really deserve to be,

exempt from all suspicion of this nature.” The governor in his reply

mentioned, that he had not the most distant thought while speaking of

the sentiments of independency openly avowed by some that they would

consider the remark as at all meant for, or applicable to their house.

He concluded with pointedly saying, “I sincerely wish that both you and

I may ere long have the happiness to see those who either openly or

privately avow sentiments of independency, _men of no consequence_.”

The New-York convention having resolved upon the removal of the cannon

from the battery in the city, captain Sears was appointed to the

business. Captain Vandeput, of the Asia man of war, was privately

informed of the design, and prepared to oppose its execution. Learning

when it was to be attempted, he appointed a boat to watch the motion of

the people assembled for that purpose about the dead of night. The

sailors in the boat giving the signal, with a flach of powder, of what

was going forward, the persons on shore mistook it for an attempt to

fire a musket at them, and immediately aimed a volley of shot at the

boat, by which a man was killed. Captain Vandeput soon after commenced a

firing from the Asia with grape shot, swivel shot, 18 and 24 pounders,

without killing a single person, and wounded only three, two slightly,

the other lost the calf of his leg. He then ceased for a considerable

time, supposing that the people had desisted from their purpose, while

they were only changing their mode of operation. Captain Sears provided

a deceiving party, intended to draw the Asia’s fire from the line of the

working party. He sent the former behind a breast-work, by which they

were secured on dodging down upon observing the flash of the Asia’s

guns. When all was in readiness, they huzzaed, and sung out their notes,

as though tugging in unison, and fired from the walls: while the working

party silently got off twenty-one eighteen pounders, with carriages,

empty cartridges, rammers, &c. Upon hearing the noise, and seeing the

fire of the musketry, the captain ordered the Asia to fire a whole

broad-side toward that part of the fort, where the deceiving party had

secured themselves, without intending a particular injury to the city;

however, some of the shot could not but fly into it and do damage. This

affair happened at a very late hour, between twelve and two, [August

22.] and threw the citizens into the utmost consternation. Such was the

stillness of the night, that the report of the cannon was heard at

Philadelphia, ninety miles off. The distress of the Yorkers was much

increased, by a painful apprehension, that captain Vandeput would renew

the firing upon the city. A removal of men women, children and goods

commenced and continued till Saturday. Matters were afterward so

adjusted, as to quiet the apprehensions of the people, in reference to

their suffering further from the Asia. To prevent it, the convention

permitted Abraham Lott, esq. to supply all his majesty’s ships stationed

at New-York, with all necessaries, as well fresh as salted, for the sole

use of said ships.

The art and influence of governor Tryon alarmed the continental

congress, some of the members especially, so that it was moved, that he

should be seized. But Mr. Duane, one of the New-York delegates, speaking

in behalf of, and answering for him, no resolution to that purpose was

taken. Mr. Duane saying, in his eagerness to defend the governor, that

he was as good a friend to the American cause as any one present, called

up captain John Langdon from New-Hampshire, who resenting the assertion

as an aspersion on the several members, answered with much acrimony, and

was permitted to go on as long as he pleased, Mr. Duane’s conduct not

having answered, in several instances, the warm wishes of the zealous

delegates. Though nothing was resolved upon against governor Tryon, the

matter only subsided for the present, under an apprehension that if the

motion was made, it would not be carried, or when carried, would be

conveyed to the governor time enough for him to secure himself. The

affair was brought on again after a while in another form; and congress

resolved, [October 6.] “That it be recommended to the several provincial

assemblies or conventions, and councils or committees of safety, to

arrest and secure every person in their respective colonies, whose going

at large may in their opinion endanger the safety of the colony, or the

liberties of America.”

An authentic copy of the resolve was to be transmitted by the delegates,

to proper persons in the different colonies. The fathers of it aimed at

governor Tryon; they had little or no expectation that the New-York

convention would secure him; but they hoped that the sons liberty at

large would effect the business. It has been asserted, that Mr. Duane

was uneasy at the resolution, and withdrew from congress for near an

hour before he returned to his seat. Be that as it may, it is certain

that Mr. Duane’s footman went off to governor Tryon in season to give

him information of what was resolved; which occasioned his writing to

the mayor of New-York [Oct. 13.] acquainting him that he knew from

_undoubted authority_, what was recommended to the provincial congress,

and desiring to be informed whether he should be secure in the

protection of the corporation and citizens. The provincial congress had

not then received the recommendation. Several letters passed upon the

occasion, but the governor not obtaining satisfaction as to his being

secure, went on board the Halifax packet [Oct. 19.] of which he informed

the mayor by letter; and in that expressed his readiness to do such

business of the country, as the situation of the times would permit.

A correspondent residing at New-York complains, that the leaders of the

people in that colony, are inconsistent and perfidious, and that their

councils are stampt with folly, timidity, and treachery. Some days

before the governor went on board, members of the provincial convention

declared, even in the convention, that they would not receive the bills

of credit to be emitted by themselves; that they would join the king’s

standard if troops came, in order to save their estates, &c. These

speeches were uttered without meeting with any censure.

The day the governor sent his letter from on board, Messrs. Low, De

Lancey, Walton, Kissam, Verplank, &c. &c. labored hard in the provincial

congress, to preclude the freemen of the city from voting for new

members, and the mode of voting by ballot. They were for polling, as

formerly, and expected, that if the freemen were excluded, the

freeholders would return none but such as would be for preserving the

city, though at the expence of the liberties of America.

The New-York troops are not to be depended upon in general. Persons who

have been pretty hearty, are now afraid of falling a sacrifice. The

defection becomes greater every day in both city and country. This may

be owing to the arts of governor Tryon, whose exertions may be as

strenuous and successful in the ship as in the city. He is not at a loss

how to intrigue with the people of his government.

Such is the importance of securing the North River, that the continental

congress have given direction for rendering it defensible, by erecting a

fortification in the High-lands, and garrisoning the same. They have

also directed Mr. Alexander, titular lord Sterling, to collect the

troops in and for the defence of New-Jersey [Nov. 27.] (except six

companies ordered to the forts on the North River) and to place them in

barracks in the eastern division of the colony, as contiguous to

New-York as can be, there to remain till further orders. The city

abounds with persons opposed to congressional measures. This opposition

was much strengthened by Mr. Rivington’s press, which was carried off

four days before the above order. Captain Sears observing the

mischievous effects of this press, determined upon a violent and

effectual mode of silencing it. He procured seventy-five Connecticut

horsemen, well armed, with muskets, &c. unexpectedly entered the city at

the head of them; repaired immediately to Mr. Rivington’s, and seized

all his types and printing materials, many of which were destroyed.

While he was thus employed, people collected, and the street was

thronged. To prevent interruption, he called out and told them, that if

they attempted to oppose him, he would order his men to fire upon them;

and preparation was made for doing it, in case it should be needful.

This appearance instantly cleared the street, when captain Sears and his

party rode off in triumph, with the booty they were pleased to take

away.

[Sept. 30.] Captain Wallace, in the Rose man of war, and two tenders,

began in the morning to fire upon Stonington, in Connecticut, close in

with the Sound; and continued it the whole day, with very little

intermission. They killed two men, much shattered the houses, stores,

&c. and carried off a schooner loaded with molasses, and two small

sloops. The firing was brought on by a vessel (which he was in chace of)

escaping and securing itself in the harbour of the town. The men of war

and transports at Newport, exciting a suspicion by their movements, that

there was an intention of taking off live stock from the farms in the

south part of Rhode-Island, a number of persons went down in the evening

[Oct. 2.] and brought off about 1000 sheep and 50 head of cattle. The

next day and the following one, the ships took off a quantity from the

two farms, where it was thought they were collected for the purpose of

supplying the British troops at Boston. Soon after 300 minute-men

arrived, who marched to the spot [Oct 5.] and brought off the remaining

cattle, sheep, hogs and poultry, though fired upon by the ships which

lay within gun shot. The interposition of the minute-men subjected the

town to threats of being cannonaded by the men of war; so that many of

the inhabitants moved their effects, while others left the place. On

Saturday afternoon [October 7.] the ships weighed anchor, went up the

river to Bristol, and demanded 300 sheep, which not being complied with,

between eight and nine o’clock, they began a heavy fire on the town, and

continued it upward of an hour. The women and children, in great anxiety

(dark and rainy as it was) were obliged to leave their habitations, and

seek shelter in the adjacent country. Between nine and ten a committee

went on board, and purchased peace and the safety of the town at the

expence of forty sheep. The firing thus upon a defenceless town, greatly

irritated the minds of the Americans in distant colonies, and they have

censured it in their public transactions.

[Nov. 11.] The general assembly of _Rhode-Island_ passed an act for the

capital punishment of persons who should be found guilty of holding a

traitorous correspondence with the ministry of Great-Britain, or any of

their officers or agents, or of supplying the ministerial army or navy

employed against the united colonies, with provisions, arms, &c. or of

acting as pilots on board any vessels. They however excepted the

negociation and treaty of the town council with captain Wallace,

respecting the supplying the ships of war stationed in the harbour of

Newport, and regulation thereof by the commanding officer, which they

had before permitted. They also passed an act for sequestring the

estates of several persons, whom they considered as avowed enemies to

the liberties of America.

[Nov. 30.] Captain Wallace, about one in the morning, left the harbour

of Newport, went to Conanicut with several vessels, and landed about 200

marines, sailors, and negroes, who were employed in burning the houses

and barns upon the island. The men, while upon the service, were ordered

to fire on one Mr. Martin, who gave no provocation, and was standing

unarmed at his own door. He was shot in the belly, and died. He was an

inoffensive person, and had treated captain Wallace with great civility

and friendship.

General Lee was at length detached with a small corps, from the army in

the Massachusetts, to the assistance of the Rhode-Islanders; on whom,

upon his arrival, he imposed a most tremendous oath. This act of the

general’s does not meet with the approbation of the congress.

The _Massachusetts_ military and naval transactions will be related

separate from the civil, as far as convenient.

The American prisoners taken on the 17th of June, were thrown

indiscriminately into the jail at Boston, without any consideration

being paid to those of rank, though languishing with wounds and

sickness. The sick and wounded were put under the hands of a man who had

never before been employed but in the diseases of horses.[133] The

inhabitants of the town who befriended the American cause, were not

allowed to afford the prisoners all that relief they were entitled to

upon the principles of humanity. The sufferers had even some of their

books of devotion taken from them, and were reproached for their much

reading, as leading them into rebellion. Being accounted rebels, no

cruelty was thought more than they deserved, while their existence was

not terminated by a halter.

The education and reading of the colonists have undoubtedly contributed

to encourage and support their opposition to measures deemed destructive

to the liberties of their country. Every town in the Massachusetts and

Connecticut, has a public English school for the education of youth,

supported by an annual tax upon the inhabitants; to which any one may

send his children, while the expence of their education is nothing more

than his proportion of the tax. The masters are often young men who have

finished their college education; and who spend a year or more in this

employ, till they take to a different one, which often leads to their

becoming some of the first persons in the colony. The universal

education promoted by these schools, spreads a general knowledge among

the lowest orders of people; and gives them a taste for reading the

interresting publications of the day; while able writers have been and

are employing their pens in nourishing the spirit of resistance, by

arguments, historical narrations, and all the various arts of animated

persuasion.

[Aug, 11.] General Washington wrote to general Gage upon the subject of

the ill treatment of the prisoners, and apprized him, that he should

regulate his conduct toward those gentlemen who are or may be in his

possession, exactly by the rule that the other should observe toward the

Americans who may be in his custody. [Aug. 13.] General Gage in his

answer asserted, that the prisoners had hitherto been treated with care

and kindness, though indiscriminately, as he acknowledged no rank that

was not derived from the king. He mentioned, “I understand there are of

the king’s faithful subjects, taken by the rebels, laboring like negro

slaves to gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the wretched

alternative to perish by famine, or take arms against their king and

country.” He remarked upon the passage relating to retaliation, with an

appeal to God; and closed with this charge, “unfortunately for both

countries, those who long since projected the present crisis, and

influence the councils of America, have views very distant from

accommodation.” General Gage was mistaken, in charging the party alluded

to, with _projecting_ the present crisis, which is the casual and

unexpected consequence of pernicious ministerial councils. He was no

less far from the truth, while he intimated that the American leaders

“have views very distant from accommodation.” Some few have such views,

but the great body of them at present long for an accommodation.

[Aug. 19.] General Washington replied to general Gage, in a pointed

manner, and told him, “I have taken time, Sir, to make a strict enquiry,

and find the intelligence you have received, has not the least

foundation in truth. Not only your officers and soldiers have been

treated with a tenderness due to fellow citizens and brethren, but even

those execrable parricides, whose councils and aid have deluged the

country with blood, have been protected from the fury of a justly

enraged people. You affect, Sir, to despise all rank, not derived from

the same source with your own. I cannot conceive one more honorable than

that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people,

the purest source and original fountain of all power. May that God to

whom you appeal, judge between America and you! Under his providence,

those who influence the councils of America, and all the other

inhabitants of the united colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are

determined to hand down to posterity those just and invaluable

privileges which they received from their ancestors.”

[Aug. 26.] At night about two thousand of the American troops intrenched

on Plow’d Hill, within point blank shot of the British on Bunker’s Hill:

notwithstanding a continual fire almost all the day following, they had

only two killed and two wounded. While the intrenchments were carrying

on, parties of riflemen were employed in firing upon the advanced guards

on Charlestown Neck. One of the British officers and several men were

seen to fall. Two of the British floating batteries attempting to annoy

the Americans at work upon the hill, were silenced in Mystick river, and

one partly sunk. More than 300 shells were thrown at the fortress on

Plow’d Hill, without a single person’s being thereby hurt; and the

consequent contempt they entertained of shells, induced them to omit

providing a bomb-proof cover for the garrison. Bunker’s Hill, Plow’d

Hill and Winter Hill, which last the Americans have possessed and

fortified for some time, are situated in a range from east to west, each

of them on or near Mystick river. Plow’d Hill is in the middle, and the

lowest of the three, the summit is about half a mile from the works on

Bunker’s Hill. The British finding that their firing did not answer,

relaxed, and after a while desisted entirely, and the Americans remained

quiet in their new post. General Washington received, in the beginning

of September, a very acceptable remittance of ammunition from

Rhode-Island, even 7000lb. of powder—a great quantity, compared with the

late amazing scarcity. It is probably a part of what has been brought

from Africa. The Americans practised a manœuvre, which credits their

understanding. They sent out a quantity of New-England rum, which was

exchanged for a fiery commodity of a different quality, so successfully

as not to leave an ounce for sale in any of the British forts on the

African coast.

The general having obtained pleasing accounts from Canada, being assured

that neither Indians nor Canadians could be prevailed upon to act

against the Americans, and knowing there was a design of penetrating

into that province by Lake Champlain, concerted the plan of detaching a

body of troops from head-quarters, through the province of Mein, across

the country to Quebec. He communicated the same to general Schuyler, who

approving it, all things were got in readiness. The corps was to be

commanded by colonel Arnold, aided by colonels Christopher Green and

Roger Enos, and majors Meigs and Bigelow; and was to consist of ten

companies of musket men, and three companies of riflemen, amounting to

eleven hundred.

[Sept. 13.] In the evening the detachment marched from Cambridge for

Newbury-port, where, six days after, they embarked on board ten

transports bound to Kennebec, fifty leagues distant. [Sept. 20.] They

entered the mouth of the Kennebec in the morning, and favored with the

wind and tide proceeded up to Gardner’s town. It was only fourteen days

from first giving orders for building 200 batteaux, for collecting

provisions, and for draughting the 1100 men, to their reaching this

place. Such was the dispatch!

[Sept. 22.] The troops embarked on board the batteaux, and proceeded to

Fort Western on the east side of the river. From thence, captain Morgan,

with three companies of riflemen, was sent forward by water, [Sept. 25.]

with orders to get on to the great carrying place in the most

expeditious manner, and to clear the road, while the other divisions

came up. The second division embarked the next day, and the third the

day after. As they advanced up the river, the stream grew very rapid,

and the bottom and shores were rocky. [Sept. 29.] By eleven in the

morning, major Meigs with the third division, arrived at Fort Halifax,

standing on a point of land between the rivers Kennebec and Sebasticook.

In their progress up the river, they met with two carrying-places, over

which they were obliged to carry their batteaux, baggage, and every

other article, till they came again a part of the river which was

navigable, and no longer obstructed by water-falls, rapids, rocks or

other encumbrances, as was that which they avoided. [October 3.] They

got to Norridgewalk, where the major’s curiosity was entertained by the

sight of a child 14 months old, the first white one born in the place.

After crossing over more carrying places, he and his men encamped at the

great carrying place, [Oct. 10.] which was twelve miles and a half

across, including three ponds that they were obliged to pass. These

ponds had plenty of trout. Two days after colonel Enos arrived at the

same place with the 4th division of the army consisting of three

companies of musket men. [Oct. 13.] Colonel Arnold meeting with an

Indian, wrote to general Schuyler, and inclosed his letter to a friend

in Quebec. Though he had no knowledge of the Indian, he venturously

intrusted the packet with him, to be carried and delivered according to

order. This strange confidence may ruin his expedition, beside involving

his friend in great trouble. [Oct. 15.] The provision was so reduced,

that the men were put to allowance, 3–4lb. of pork and 3–4lb. of flour a

day for each. The next day they reached Dead river. Colonel Enos having

got up with his division in about three days, was ordered to send back

the sick, and those that could not be furnished with provision; but,

contrary to colonel Arnold’s expectation, returned to Cambridge with his

whole division a few days after. Major Meigs received orders to push on

with his division, [Oct. 19.] for Chaudiere head, with the greatest

expedition. But they proceeded very slowly by reason of falls, carrying

places and bad weather. Their course was only three miles. [Oct. 22.]

The rains made the river raise the preceding night in some parts eight

feet perpendicular: and in many places it overflowed its banks, and

rendered it very difficult for the men on shore to march. The next day

the stream was so rapid, that, in passing it, five or six batteaux

filled and overset, by which they lost several barrels of provision, a

number of guns, clothes, and other articles. Such was the rapidity of

the stream, and interruptions by carrying places, that it was with much

fatigue they got on one-and-twenty miles within the three following

days. To their great satisfaction they reached the carrying place, [Oct.

27.] which lies across the height of land that runs through the colonies

to Georgia, and on the further side of which the stream run the reverse

of the river they had ascended. They crossed the heights to Chaudiere

river, and continued their march by land to Quebec. [Nov. 1.] The

marching through the woods was extremely bad. Major Meigs passed a

number of soldiers who had no provisions, and some of whom were sick. It

was not in his power to help or relieve them. But one or two dogs were

killed, which the distressed soldiers eat with a relishing appetite,

without sparing either feet or skin. A few eat their cartouch-boxes,

breeches and shoes, being several days without provision. The major and

his men marched on upon the banks of the Chaudiere, [Nov. 3.] and at

twelve o’clock met with supplies, to the inexpressible joy of the

soldiers, who were near starving. Colonel Arnold, with a small party,

made a forced march, and returned with provisions purchased of the

inhabitants; on which the hunger-bitten adventurers made a voracious

meal. [Nov. 4.] The next day at eleven, major Meigs and his men arrived

at a French house, and were hospitably treated. It was the first house

he had seen for 31 days, having been all that time in a rough, barren,

and uninhabited wilderness, where he never saw a human being except

those belonging to the detachment. He and his party were immediately

supplied with fresh beef, fowls, butter, pheasants and vegetables, at

this settlement called Sertigan 25 leagues from Quebec. They were kindly

entertained while marching down the country. When colonel Arnold got

within two leagues and a half of Point Levi, [Nov. 8.] he wrote to

general Montgomery, that as he had received no answer either from

general Schuyler or his friend, he made no doubt but that the Indian had

betrayed his trust: and that he was confirmed in it, upon finding that

the inhabitants of Quebec had been some time apprised of his coming, and

had destroyed all the canoes at Point Levi to prevent the detachments

from passing over. The fact was, the Indian, instead of delivering the

packet as directed, carried it to the lieutenant-governor, who on

reading the letters, secured Mr. Mercier the merchant, and began

immediately to put the city in the best state of defence he could;

whereas before it was wholly defenceless, and might easily have been

carried by surprise. [Nov. 9.] Colonel Arnold arrived at Point Levi,

where we leave him to remove, if possble the embarrasments into which

his own imprudence has brought him, by needlessly trusting an unknown

Indian with dispatches of the utmost consequence. The detachment

suffered hardships, beyond what can well be conceived of, in the course

of the expedition. The men had to haul their batteaux up over falls, up

rapid streams, over carrying places; and to march through morasses,

thick woods and over mountains, for about 320 miles. In many places they

had to pass over the ground and the mountains several times, as without

it they must have left much of their baggage behind, and have failed in

the enterprise. They lost all their powder, except what was in

cartridges and horns, while penetrating through the woods. But what

proved the greatest trial to them, was the starving condition to which

they were reduced, when approaching the end of their tedious and

distressing march. The pork being gone, they had for four days only half

a pound of flour a day for each man. Their whole store was then divided,

which yielded about four pints of flour per man—a small allowance for

men near a hundred miles from any habitation or prospect of supply. It

was used sparingly; but several when they had baked and eaten their last

morsel, discovered, to their great confusion, that they had thirty miles

to travel before they could expect the least mouthful more. But their

dread of consequences was soon removed, by the unexpected return of

colonel Arnold with cattle. The soldiers exercised the greatest

fortitude and patience under the difficulties and sufferings that

occurred; and when again in the midst of plenty and an easy situation,

soon lost all painful remembrance of what had happened, and gloried in

having accomplished, by their indefatigable zeal and industry, an

undertaking above the common race of men in this debauched age. Let us

attend to colonel Enos. His return to camp excited both astonishment and

indignation. [Dec. 1.] A court martial was ordered to sit upon him; when

it appeared, that he had but three days provisions, and was about one

hundred miles from the English settlements; that a council of war was

called, which agreed upon the return of the colonel’s whole division,

and that he was for going on without, but that it was opposed. It was

the unanimous opinion of the court, that colonel Enos was under a

necessity of returning, and he has been acquitted with honor. A number

of officers of the best character are fully satisfied, and persuaded

that his conduct deserves applause rather than sensure. Had he not

returned, his whole division must have been starved.

We must now resume the account of the military transactions in the

Massachusetts, from the period of colonel Arnold’s leaving the camp.

The Americans, that they might equal in some measure the British, have

built some floating batteries with a deck, to secure the people on board

from suffering by musketry. General Washington perceiving that the

expence of supporting the army will by far exceed any idea formed of it

in congress, is alarmed at the apprehension of consequences, and most

earnestly wishes for such a termination of the campaign, as may make the

army no longer necessary. The want of powder has subsided in part.

Salt-peter is made in every colony. Powder-mills have been erected at

Philadelphia and New-York. Non only so, but upward of a hundred barrels

of powder have been taken out of the magazine at Bermuda, as supposed by

a sloop from Philadelphia, and a schooner from Carolina. It was easily

accomplished from the magazine’s being situated far distant from the

town, without any dwelling-house in the vicinity. Some of the

inhabitants were probably concerned in the transaction. It might be

connected with the address to the deputies from the different parishes

of Bermuda presented to congress in July, and might influence the

subsequent resolve of congress in November, “That the inhabitants of

Bermuda appear friendly to the cause of America, and ought to be

supplied with such a quantity of the produce of these colonies, as may

be necessary for their subsistence and home consumption.”

[Oct.] The perfidy of Dr. Church has been at length detected, by the

discovery of a traiterous correspondence with a British officer in

Boston. He had intrusted a letter in cypher with his kept mistress to be

forwarded, which being found upon her, she was taking and carried to

head quarters. The Doctor not being suspected, had an opportunity of

speaking to her, so that she would not discover the writer, till

terrified into it by the severest threats. The general was shocked at

the discovery, and talked with the doctor upon the baseness of his

conduct. The marks of guilt were apparent. The doctor was confounded,

and never attempted to vindicate himself. He was immediately secured.

Since the letter has been decyphered, and the doctor has had opportunity

of recollecting himself, he has pleaded that his intentions were not

criminal; admitting his plea, so gross a piece of stupidity in so

sensible a man is quite a prodigy. But this plea was invalidated, though

not by the contents of the letter, which served mainly to point out the

necessity of a speedy accommodation; yet by the marks of guilt he

discovered in the presence of the general, and in his attempt to conceal

the writer, instead of declaring at once who he was, what was his

design, and what he had written. The doctor being a representative, was,

on the 27th of October, examined at the bar of the house. He endeavored

to evade the censure of the house, by insisting, that as the affair

would be before another court where the matter must have a final issue,

should the house proceed to expel him it would have a fatal effect

whenever a final judgment was to be given on his conduct. He made the

most solemn appeal to heaven, that the letter was written with the

design of procuring some important intelligence. He observed, that there

was not a single paragraph in it which contained information that could

hurt the Americans; and that the exaggerated accounts of their force,

strength and unanimity, tended to dishearten the enemy, and keep them

quiet, at a time when the Americans were poorly able to have withstood a

vigorous attack. It is impossible to write all he said; but if the force

of rhetoric and the powers of language, if the most pathetic arts of

persuasion, enforced by all the ingenuity, sense, and spirit of the

doctor, could have made him innocent, he would have appeared spotless as

an angel of light.—The house however expelled him as guilty; and

congress afterward resolved, “That he be close confined in some secure

jail in Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink and paper, and that no

person be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and

hearing of a magistrate or the sheriff of the county.”

The time for which the continental soldiers were engaged to serve, was

hastening to a close; the evil of a very short inlistment was felt; it

was therefore unanimously agreed at a council of war, [Oct. 8.] that the

men to be raised for the future army, should be engaged to the first of

December 1776, but be discharged sooner if necessary. Hopes still

remain, that an accommodation may possibly take place.

[October 10.] General Gage sailed for Great-Britain, leaving several

thousand of the inhabitants of the town in want of bread and every

necessary of life. Before his departure, he was addressed by his

majesty’s mandamus council; by a number of gentlemen and principal

inhabitants of the town; and by such as were driven from their

habitations in the country to Boston, amounting to no more than

seventy-six, a small number considering the extent and populousness of

the colony, and that many of them would not pass for gentlemen in

Great-Britain. The command of the army devolved of course upon general

Howe, who issued one proclamation, condemning to military execution,

such inhabitants as attempt to quit the town without a written licence,

if detected and taken; if they escape, they are to be proceeded against

as traitors, and their effects are to be forfeited: and another,

declaring that if such as are permitted to depart, attempt carrying away

more than five pounds in specie, to which sum they have been restrained

for some time past, they shall forfeit the whole sum discovered, beside

suffering fine and imprisonment.

Congress having intimated to general Washington, that an attack upon

Boston was much desired, a council of war was called, [October 18.] but

unanimously agreed that it was not expedient, at least, for the present.

On the same day captain Mowat destroyed 139 houses, and 278 stores and

other buildings, the far greatest and best part of the town of Falmouth

in the northern part of the Massachusetts. The inhabitants, in

compliance with a resolve of the provincial congress to prevent tories

carrying out their effects, gave some violent obstruction to the loading

of a mast ship, which drew upon them the indignation of the admiral.

Captain Mowat was dispatched in the Canceaux, of sixteen guns, with an

armed large ship, schooner and sloop. After anchoring toward the evening

of the seventeenth, within gun-shot, he sent a letter on shore giving

them two hours for the removal of their families, as he had orders to

fire the town, they having been guilty of the most unpardonable

rebellion. A committee of three gentlemen went on board, to learn the

particular reasons for such orders. He answered, that his orders were to

set on fire all the sea-ports between Boston and Halifax; but agreed to

spare the town till nine o’clock the next morning, would they consent to

send him off eight small arms, which was immediately done. The next

morning the committee applied afresh; he concluded to spare the town

till he could hear from the admiral, in case they would send him off

four carriage guns, deliver up all their arms, ammunition, &c. and four

gentlemen of the town as hostages. That not being complied with, about

half past nine he began to fire from the four armed vessels, and

continued it till after dark. With shells and carcases, and about thirty

marines whom he landed, he set the town on fire in several places. About

a hundred of the worst houses escaped destruction, but suffered damage.

The inhabitants got out a very considerable part of their furniture, and

had not a person killed or wounded, though the vessels fired into the

town about three thousand shot, beside bombs and carcases. General Lee

reprobates their cowardice, in admitting such a paltry party to land

with impunity, an set their town in flames, when they had at least two

hundred fighting men, and powder enough for a battle. In the private

letter wherein he expressed these sentiments, he made no mention of the

sailors being repulsed, with the loss of a few men; though this might

happen in the close of the day, and give occasion for its being related

by others. The burning of Falmouth spread an alarm upon the sea-coast,

but produced no disposition to submit to the power and mercy of the

armed British agents. The people in common, chose rather to abandon the

sea-ports that could not be defended, than quit their country’s cause;

and therefore removed back with their effects to a safe distance.

The congress, the latter end of September, concluded upon sending a

committee of three members, to confer with general Washington and the

governor of Connecticut, the lieutenant-governor of Rhode-Island, the

council of Massachusetts, and the president of the convention of

New-Hampshire, and others, touching the most effectual method of

continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army. They met and

agreed on the measures to be pursued. Dr. Franklin being one of the

committed, the Massachusetts general court embraced that opportunity

[Oct. 23.] of ordering the treasurer to pay him £.1854 sterling, in full

for his late services as agent, from October 31, 1770, to March 1, 1775.

You may recollect that governor Hutchinson always refused signing the

grants made him by the house of assembly. The doctor might lave liked

specie at the time such grants were made, better than the present paper

money; but his foresight will undoubtedly transform the latter into some

solid substance. He had to pay £.100 of it back into the hands of a

committee, appointed to wait upon him within a day or two, being the

amount of a sum sent by several persons from England, for the relief of

those Americans who were wounded in the battle of Lexington, and of the

widows and children of those who were then slain.

[October 27.] The old south meeting-house, a large, handsome brick

building, well fitted up without and within, was taken possession of,

and destined for a horse riding-school and the service of the light

dragoons. It is said and believed, that an offer was made of building a

complete riding-school for less money than it would cost to remove the

pews and the side galleries (the front remains for the accommodation of

tea-company and others) and to make a proper flooring for the horse. In

clearing every thing away, a beautiful carved pew, with silk furniture,

formerly belonging to a deceased gentleman in high estimation, was taken

down and carried to Mr. John Amory’s house, by the order of an officer,

who applied the carved work to the erecting of a hogsty. Had the

meeting-house and its contents been honored with episcopal consecration,

these proceedings would be deemed by multitudes, profane and

sacriligious. But they, who in the present day hold not with the

holiness of any buildings, will censure the insults offered professors

of whatever denomination, by needlessly demolishing their places of

worship, or consigning them to despicable and filthy uses. When Roman

virtue and patriotism were at their height, the Roman officers would not

allow the religion or temples of the persons with whom they fought, to

be insulted and profaned. They were more politic than to exasperate men

into a ferocious courage for the defence of their altars. But too many

of the present British officers act as though they owed a spite to all

the meeting-houses of the presbyterians, by which common name they

stigmatize those who dissent from the church of England, without

reflecting that it is no stigma in Scotland, but the reverse.

The southern colonies, in consequence of accounts transmitted to them

from the camp, begin to entertain prejudices with respect to the troops

raised in the Massachusetts. They ought to allow for the precipitation

with which the army was necessarily collected. General Thomas declared

[Oct. 24.] that the regiments at Roxbury were equal, as to the privates,

to any with whom he served the last war, and many of them have proved

themselves brave. The greatest part of the officers are unexperienced,

and in general unqualified, being strangers to subordination, which was

not unexpected to the general, as they were chosen by their privates. He

complained of many of the southern riflemen, that they often deserted to

the enemy, were mutinous, repugnant to all kind of duty, and so

exceedingly vicious that the army would be as well without them; but

spake with satisfaction of their officers. It is a mortifying truth,

that some of the Massachusetts officers disgrace the colony, by

practising the meanest arts of peculation. Every subtilty that avarice

can invent, or rascality carry on, are used to cheat the public, by men

who procured commissions, not to fight for the liberty of their country,

but to prey upon its distresses. The army about to be enlisted, will

undoubtedly be better officered.

Gentlemen, ladies, and others, from neighboring and distant colonies,

attracted by curiosity, have visited the American troops, and animated

them by their presence. A number of Indian chiefs have also been down,

that they might see and judge for themselves, how far the reports

propagated among them, were true or false. They were treated at

head-quarters, and by different officers, with much respect. One evening

they entertained the general and others with a war dance, if that may be

called an entertainment, wherein the motions and actions of the dancers

were calculated to alarm and terrify those who were not acquainted with

such sights. They were pleasant and agreeable company. Two of them had

their squaws or wives with them; who were well looking women, allowing

for their dark complexion; one of them was much dejected, having lately

lost her papoos or child. When the Indians danced in company with the

American gentlemen and ladies, both men and women kept time with far

greater exactness than the others. They went off upon their return,

fully satisfied with the treatment they had received; and it is hoped

will carry back those accounts which will keep their tribes peaceable.

Many of the Americans have sickened and died of the dysentery, brought

upon them, in a great measure, through an inattention to cleanliness.

When at home, their female relations put them upon washing their hands

and faces, and keeping themselves neat and clean; but being absent from

such monitors, through an indolent heedless turn of mind, they have

neglected the means of health, have grown filthy, and poisoned their

constitutions by nastiness.

[Nov. 2.] The weather set in very cold, and the soldiers were distressed

for want of wood. The building of barracks had been delayed too long:

and they were not in sufficient forwardness to admit and accommodate all

the troops. Several regiments were obliged to keep the field; and some

in a bleak position on the brow of hills, where it was difficult to drag

up the wood with which they could be supplied. It is mortifying to

reflect how these supplies have been reduced by short measure. But many

persons think it no harm in this way to cheat the united colonies, and

to deliver a less quantity than they are paid for.

[Nov. 9.] Several companies of the British regulars passed over from

Charlestown to Phipp’s farm, and kept possession of the ground for near

an hour before they could be obstructed, owing to a high tide that

prevented the Americans crossing the causeway, which was overflowed.

During this period they were employed in shooting cattle with a design

of carrying them off. At length a battalion of riflemen, under colonel

Thomson, took to the water, when up to their middles, and a quarter of a

mile across; at their approach the British hastened to their boats.—The

Charlestown forts, one in Boston and a frigate, kept up a warm fire upon

the Americans the whole time, killed them one man and wounded three. The

British have provided for the security of Charlestown, by the erection

of a strong citadel on Bunker’s Hill, with convenient barracks for the

garrison. [Nov. 16.] Such was the distress of the inhabitants in Boston,

that fences, trees, houses, &c. were taken down and carried off for

fuel: beef, mutton and pork, were 1s. 1½d. sterling per lb. geese, half

a guinea a piece, and fowls five shillings. At the scarcest season half

a guinea was given for a dozen of common eggs.

General Washington, desirous of improving the troops to the utmost ere

the army was weakened by the return of the Connecticut ones to their own

colony, resolved upon securing Cobble, or Miller’s Hill, about half a

mile in a direct line from the enemy’s works on Bunker’s Hill, and at a

like distance from the shipping at West Boston. About 1000 men broke

ground on the hill, [Nov. 22.] without having a single cannon fired at

them. They went on intrenching and planting several 9, 18, and 24

pounders, till they made themselves secure. General Howe does not seem

so fond of cannonading as was general Gage. [Oct. 24.] To lessen the

demand for provision, he ordered a transport ship to carry about 400 of

the inhabitants out of the town to Point Shirley, to be taken care of by

the country. Ten days after he sent out 300 more. The persons thus sent

out were not thought to be wholly free from the small-pox; and it was

suspected that there might be a design of spreading that disorder among

the American troops, which induced the Massachusetts assembly to resolve

upon measures for preventing such an event.

The Massachusetts assembly resolved, October the ninth, to fit out armed

vessels; which proving a sufficient encouragement for individuals to

apply themselves to that business, and some being in proper forwardness,

an act was passed in November for granting letters of marque and

reprisal, and the establishment of courts of admiralty. The declared

intention of the act was for the defence of the American coast, and the

condemnation of those vessels only which should be proved to be the

property of, or in any wise employed by the enemies of the united

colonies, or for supplying said enemies. The Lee privateer, captain

Manly, belonging to Marblehead, was soon at sea, and took the brig

Nancy, [Nov. 29.] an ordinance ship from Woolwich, containing, beside a

large brass morter upon a new construction, several pieces of fine brass

cannon, a large quantity of small arms and ammunition, with all manner

of tools, utensils and machines, necessary for camps and artillery, in

the greatest abundance. General Washington, but thirteen days before

wrote, “I am in very great want of powder, lead, morters, indeed of most

sorts of military stores.” Had congress sent an order for articles most

wanted, they could not have made a more satisfactory invoice. The morter

is now at Cambridge, in the park of artillery, is named _the Congress_,

and is much admired for its size by every spectator, whether acquainted

or nor with the uses for which it is designed. About two months before

this capture, a ship from Bristol with flour for Boston, having parted

with her convoy, was decoyed into Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, and

secured for the benefit of the Americans.

[Dec. 8.] Three ships from London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, with various

stores for the army, and a brig from Antigua with rum, were taken in the

bay by captain Manly, by whale-boats, &c. A number of men in whale-boats

can overpower unarmed vessels, and carry them off into secure harbours.

These and the privateers captured several more store-ships before five

days were ended. Among the privateers were some continental ones, for

general Washington fitted out a few armed vessels, which has met with

the approbation of congress. These repeated and considerable captures

have increased the distress of the troops and people in Boston, and

furnished the continental army with many, valuable articles. But though

the success of the Americans upon the watery element has been matter of

joy and triumph, their affairs upon land do not answer the wishes of the

genuine patriots. On the first of the month the enlistment of the

Connecticut troops expired. They were urged to tarry longer by different

persons, who harrangued them upon the occasion. A few hundreds were

prevailed upon to continue; but the main body marched off, leaving the

army in too week a condition. It is true they had suffered greatly

through the intenseness of the cold, and the want of fuel, with which

they ought to have been more faithfully and punctually supplied. The

Massachusetts and New-Hampshire men complete their term the first of

January; and the enlistment of the new army goes on very heavily. There

is a general reluctance among the soldiers to inlisting afresh. The

Massachusetts people show as much backwardness as the others. In short,

they expect to be hired, and that at a very high price, to defend their

own liberties; and choose to be slaves unless they can be bribed to be

freemen. _Quid facit libertas, cum sola pecunia regnat?_ How must it

afflict general Washington to observe in the present crisis, so little

of that patriotic spirit, which he was taught to believe was the

characteristic of the Massachusetts people; and on which he relied

greatly for support. While burdened with an apprehension that he might

possibly be deserted, he could recollect the severity of the season, and

the distresses of his fellow-creatures at a distance, and wrote to the

gentleman with whom he had intrusted the management of his concerns at

Mount-Vernon, “Let the hospitality of the house be kept up with respect

to the poor. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people

should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does

not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my

money in charity, when you think it will be well bestowed. I mean, it is

my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither

myself or wife are now in the way to do these good offices.”

[Dec. 11.] About 2000 militia arrived in camp, and 3000 more were

expected every hour, making in the whole the number required by the

general to supply the deficiency of the continental regiments. The

American army being by this mean sufficiently strengthened, carried

their approaches to within half a mile of Boston, and broke ground at

Lechmere’s Point which brought on a cannonade from the batteries of

Charlestown and Barton’s Point, that continued for four days, without

obliging them to desist. Their labor was hard, owing to the ground’s

being so frozen; but they persevered till they had perfected their

design.

[Dec. 25.] Some persons have been so curious as to note the number of

men killed by the firing of the enemy on Cambridge side of the American

lines, and on the Roxbury, as also, the number and nature of their

firings. The accounts stands thus “From the burning of Charlestown down

to this day, the enemy have fired upward of 2000 shot and shells, an

equal number of 24 pounders with any other sort. They threw more than

300 bumbs at Plowed Hill, and 100 at Lechmere’s Point. By the whole

firing on Cambridge side, they killed only seven, and on Roxbury side

five, just a dozen.”

Let me now give you the following anecdote. Deacon Whitcomb of

Lancaster, (who was a member of the Massachusetts assembly till the

present contest, had served in former wars, and been in different

engagements) has served as a colonel in the American army; but on

account of his age was left out upon the late new regulation. His men

highly resented it, and declared they would not inlist again, after

their time was out. The colonel told them, he did not doubt there were

sufficient reasons for the regulation, and he was satisfied with it; he

then blamed them for their conduct, and said he would inlist as a

private. A colonel Brewer heard of it, and offered to resign in favor of

colonel Whitcomb. The whole coming to general Washington’s ears, he has

allowed of colonel Brewer’s resignation in colonel Whitcomb’s favor,

appointed the former barrack-master, till he can further promote him,

and acquainted the army with the whole affars in general orders. This

terminates the narrative of the military and naval transactions within

the Massachusetts; little remain to be mentioned of the civil. The great

call there was for salt-petre, put the house of assembly upon resolving

[Oct. 30.] to pay a bounty of three shillings sterling in paper currency

per lb. for all that shall be manufactured before the first of next

June, beside two shillings and three-pence per lb. purchase money. The

assembly was far from giving satisfaction to general Lee, who about the

middle of November, pronounced them benumbed in a fixed state of

torpitude, without the symptoms of animation, unless an apprehension of

rendering themselves unpopular among their particular constituents, by

any act of vigor for the public service, deserved the name of animation.

He charged them with inconsistent and timid conduct; and ascribed it to

their torpor, narrow politics, or call it what you will, that the army

had been reduced to very great distress. There was however, about the

beginning of December, an act passed for emitting bills of credit to the

amount of more than £.50,000 sterling, with a pretty device on the back,

viz. an American with a sword in his right hand, with the following

inscription suspended therefrom, “_Ense petit placidam sub libertate

quietem_;” and from his left hand “_Magna Charta_;” and round the figure

these words, “_Issued in defence of American liberty_.” The assembly

also gave orders relating to wood [Dec. 26.] that so the great

distresses of the army on that head might be removed.

_New-Hampshire_ colony has presented us with a novelty, which the

polititians will apply to the purpose of promoting independency. By some

dextrous, or rather sinister management, instructions were delivered to

the New-Hampshire delegates at the continental congress containing these

expressions, “we would have you immediately use your utmost endeavours

to obtain the advice and direction of the congress, with respect to a

method for our administering justice and regulating our civil police. We

press you not to delay this matter, as its being done speedily will

probably prevent the greatest confusion among us.” They were laid before

congress Oct. the eighteenth, and proved a fine opening for those

individual delegates, who were looking forward to a separation from

Great-Britain, to introduce an entering wedge wherewith to divide the

empire. Even these very instructions might be designedly obtained by

confidential letters written to trusty deputies in the New-Hampshire

convention, by certain delegates in the general congress. The first step

to be taken by such was, to procure, in some one colony, the

establishment of a new form of government, in which the people at large

should have a leading influence, that so their attachments and efforts

might be secured in support of the same. The inhabitants of adjoining

colonies would soon be eager to enjoy the like power and importance,

which would pave the way for their insisting also upon a change. These

changes being once effected, the parties will then have gone too far to

retreat, and must seek their security in independence. The scheme met

with opposition, and the New-Hampshire delegates used unwearied

importunity, both within doors and without, before they obtained the

recommendation they were after. At length the report of the committee

was taken into consideration, and it was resolved by congress, [Nov. 3.]

“That it be recommended to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire,

to call a full and free representation of the people, and that the said

representatives, if they think it necessary, establish such a form of

government, as in their judgment will best produce the happiness of the

people, and most effectually secure the peace and good order in the

province, during the continuance of the present dispute between

Great-Britain and the colonies. The vote was far from being unanimous;

and, in order to make it pass, was qualified with a seeming desire of an

accommodation with Britain, and of restoration by that mean to the old

form of government. The provincial convention, without waiting for the

arrival of the recommendation, appointed a committee to report a mode of

representation, which being laid before them, [Nov. 14.] they agreed,

that precepts be sent to elect persons to represent the towns, &c. in

congress, to meet at Exeter on the twenty-first of December, and to be

empowered to prosecute such measures as they may deem necessary for the

public good, during the term of one year, unless they see fit to disolve

themselves sooner. And in case there should be a recommendation from the

continental congress for this colony to assume a government, in a way

that will require a house of representatives, that the said congress of

this colony be empowered to resolve themselves into such a house as may

be recommended, and remain such for the aforesaid term of one year.” The

provincial congress met agreeable to the receipts, and after a while

voted, “That congress will at any time take up civil government, to

continue during the present contest with Great-Britain; and resolve

themselves into a house of representatives, and then choose a council to

continue one year from the twenty-first of December.”

The continental congress having dispatched the New-Hampshire case,

immediately took into consideration the state of _South-Carolina_ and

appointed a committee to consider a number of papers relative thereto,

and to report what in their opinion was necessary to be done. What this

opinion would be was easily foreseen, from Messrs. Chase and Samuel

Adams being of the committee. The report was brought in the next day,

[Nov. 4.] and it was resolved, “That for the defence of South-Carolina,

there be kept up in that colony, at the continental expences, three

battalions of foot: That if the convention, or council of safety shall

think it expedient, for the security of the colony, to seize or destroy

any ship or vessel of war, this congress will approve of such

proceeding:—That Charleston ought to be defended against any attempts to

take possession thereof by the enemies of America; and that the

convention or council of safety ought to proceed immediately to erect

such fortifications and batteries as will best conduce to its

security;—That if the convention of South-Carolina shall find it

necessary to establish a form of government in that colony, it be

recommended to that convention to call a full and free representation of

the people, &c. &c.” as to the convention of New-Hampshire.

The measures pursued by lord Dunmore naturally led congress to resolve,

[Nov. 10.] “That a committee be appointed to inquire into the state of

the colony of _Virginia_, to consider what provisions may be necessary

for its defence, and to report the same.” Mr. Samuel Adams was of the

number. New information being received before they reported, when they

did it, it was in such a way that congress resolved [Dec. 4.] “That

three companies of the Pennsylvania battalion immediately march into

Northampton county, in Virginia, for the protection of the

association—That it be recommended to the inhabitants to resist to the

utmost, the arbitrary government intended to be established therein.”

They then said, “Whereas lord Dunmore by his proclamation, has declared

his intention to execute martial law, thereby tearing up the foundations

of civil authority and government within the colony; resolved,

therefore, that if the convention of Virginia, &c. &c.” as to the

conventions of New-Hampshire and South-Carolina.

A growing change in the sentiments of congress, would of course follow

upon the dispatches received the day before the committee on the state

of Virginia was appointed. Their agents informed them, that the American

minister told them, some days after the delivery of the petition by the

late governor Penn, _No answer will be given to it_; and that no one

person in authority had, since the arrival of that gentleman, deigned to

propose a single question to him, or to desire the smallest information

from him. This cavalier treatment of a petition containing professions

of the greatest loyalty to the king, and attachment to the mother

country, and couched in terms the most moderate and humble; and of the

person who was intrusted with it; left no reasonable ground for hoping

that the present dispute could be amicably adjusted.

Having been led by the New-Hampshire instructions, to mention some of

the doings of congress, let me proceed to relate some others which have

been unnoticed.

Congress resolved, that the new army intended to lie before Boston [Nov.

4.] consist of 20,372 men, officers included. Beside, it has been

recommended to particular colonies to raise battalions at the expence of

the continent. Orders have also been given for fitting out four armed

vessels, for the intercepting of such transports as may be laden with

warlike stores and other supplies for the enemy; and for the protection

and defence of the united colonies. [Nov. 9.] It was agreed, “That every

member consider himself under the ties of virtue, honor, and love of his

country, not to divulge, directly or indirectly, any matter or thing

agitated or debated in congress, before the same shall have been

determined, without the leave of congress; or any other matter or thing

determined in congress, which the majority of congress shall order to be

kept secret; and that if any member shall violate this agreement, he

shall be expelled this congress, and be deemed an enemy to the liberties

of America, and liable to be treated as such; and that every member

signify his consent to this agreement by signing the same.” [Nov. 10.]

They resolved upon raising two battalions of marines, to be considered

as part of the number of which the continental army before Boston is to

consist.

[Nov. 28.] A committee appointed to take into consideration the state of

_North-Carolina_, made their report, whereupon it was resolved, among

other matters, that two ministers of the gospel be applied to, to go

immediately among the regulators and highlanders of that colony, for the

purpose of informing them of the nature of the present dispute between

Great-Britain and the colonies. Instead of a similar recommendation to

what was given to South-Carolina about establishing a form of

government, it was only recommended to the convention or committee of

safety, in case the method of defending the colony by minute-men, be

inadequate to the purpose, to substitute such other mode as to them

should appear most likely to effect the security of the colony.

[Nov. 29.] Congress resolved, that a committee of five be appointed for

the sole purpose of corresponding with their friends in Great-Britain,

Ireland, and other parts of the world. Information being given, that

there is a large quantity of powder in the island of Providence, the

secret committee were ordered to take measures for securing and bringing

away the said powder. To prevent any petition to the king from a

particular colony, they declared [Dec. 4.] that in the present situation

of affairs, it would be very dangerous to the liberties and welfare of

America, if any colony should separately petition the king, or either

house of parliament. This declaration is thought to be owing to an

apprehension that the New-Jersey assembly would be drawn in, by the art

and persuasion of governor Franklin and his adherents, to adopt such a

measure. Congress were certainly alarmed at some disagreeable

appearances, for they appointed a committee to confer with that assembly

immediately after the declaration. [Dec. 6.] They agreed to the report

of the committee on proclamations. It contained many severe remarks upon

the royal proclamation of August, for suppressing rebellion and

sedition; together with many pointed questions, designed to sink it into

equal contempt with what it experienced at the Royal Exchange, where we

have heard it was read by one of the lord mayor’s officers, accompanied

only by the common crier, without horse or mace to grace the ceremony,

and when finished, saluted with a general hiss. Toward the close, the

report holds forth the following threat; “we, in the name of the people

of these united colonies, and by authority, according to the purest

maxims of representation, derived from them, declare, that whatever

punishment shall be inflicted upon any persons in the power of our

enemies, for favoring, aiding, or abetting the cause of American

liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind and the same degree, upon

those in our power, who have favored, aided, or abetted, or shall favor,

aid, or abet the system of ministerial oppression.”

[Dec. 13.] Congress determined upon building five ships of 32 guns, five

of 28, and three of 24, in all 13; one in New-Hampshire, two in

Massachusetts, one in Connecticut, two in Rhode-Island, two in New-York,

four in Pennsylvania, and one in Maryland. [Dec. 20.] They, having taken

into consideration the dispute between the people of Pennsylvania and

Connecticut, on the lands near Wyoming, on the Susquehannah river,

recommended, that “the contending parties immediately cease all

hostilities; that all persons seized and detained on account of said

dispute, on either side, be dismissed and permitted to go to their

respective homes; and that, things being put in the same situation they

were before the late unhappy contest, they continue to behave themselves

peaceably, until a legal decision can be had on said dispute, or

congress shall take further order thereon.” The committee appointed to

fit out armed vessels, having procured a few, laid before congress [Dec.

22.] a list of the officers by them appointed; and were directed to give

such instructions to the commander of the fleet, Ezekiel Hopkins, esq.

touching the operations of the ships under his command, as should appear

to them most conducive to the defence of the united colonies, and to the

distress of the enemy’s naval forces and vessels.

In Canada, Sir Guy Carleton was no sooner acquainted with the Americans

having surprised Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and obtained the command

of Lake Champlain, than he planned a scheme for their recovery. The

British troops he had with him were too few to admit of their being

drawn out of garrison. He expected a supply of Canadians sufficient for

his purpose, and to have the assistance of the Indians in his intended

operations; but both failed him. He established martial law in the

province, that he might be able in that way authoritatively to force the

people to take arms, but they refused. They had tasted the sweets of the

English mode of government since the conquest of the country; and were

disgusted (the noblesse excepted) at the re-establishment of the French.

The Quebec act was of no use in exciting them against the colonists; on

the contrary they talked much of liberty.[134] They declared themselves

ready to defend the province, but absolutely refused to march out of it,

and commence hostilities upon their neighbors. The governor applied to

the bishop of Quebec to use his spiritual influence, particularly to

issue an episcopal mandate, to be read by the parish priests in the time

of divine service, but the bishop excused himself. The ecclesiastics, in

the place of this, issued their letters, which were however greatly

disregarded. The noblesse alone, who were chiefly considered in the

Quebec act, showed a zeal against the English colonists.

Colonel Johnson, a son of the late Sir William Johnson, had repeated

conferences with the Indians; at the one in Montreal, he delivered to

each of the Canadian tribes a war-belt and the hatchet; after which he

invited them to feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood,

figuratively, an ox being roasted for the purpose, and a pipe of wine

given; but the entertainment could not prevail with them to take up the

hatchet. The congress, being made acquainted with the disposition of the

Canadians, and the designs of governor Carleton, and expecting a

powerful opposition from that quarter when European troops were arrived,

unless they could prevent it by securing the country, determined upon

penetrating into Canada, in hope of gaining the speedy possession of it,

and of joining it to the union. The more effectually to support the

reasonableness of the measure, and to strengthen the operation, it was

given out, that the powers with which governor Carleton was entrusted by

his commission, were special and extraordinary, _purposely_ designed to

warrant his attempting by force to suppress the opposition making in the

colonies to the British measures. Several, or even most of the members

of congress could not but know, that the words of the commission for

governing their own colonies, name and place excepted. Sir Guy’s

commission was in the usual mode, and similar to what was given to

Danvers Osborne, esq. governor of New-York.[135]

General Montgomery was sent forward to Tyconderoga with a body of

troops, New-Yorkers and New-Englanders. When he took leave of his lady,

his parting words were, “You shall never blush for your Montgomery.”

[Aug. 21.] He arrived with the continental army (if not too diminutive

to be so called) at the place of destination. General Schuyler, who was

the chief commander, remained at Albany, to attend the Indian treaty

carrying on in that city. General Montgomery made a movement down Lake

Champlain, without waiting the arrival of more troops, that so he might

hinder the enemy’s armed vessels getting into the lake. [Sept. 4. 5.]

Schuyler having pushed forward, notwithstanding great indisposition, and

joined Montgomery at Isle la Motte, they moved on, and arrived at Isle

aux Noix. Here he drew up a declaration, which he sent among the

Canadians by colonel Allen and major Brown, assuring them, that the army

was designed only against the English garrisons, and not the country,

their liberties or religion. [Sept. 6.] The army, not exceeding a

thousand men, proceeded without any obstruction toward St. John’s. When

in sight of the works, and about two miles distant, the enemy began to

fire, without doing any damage. After advancing half a mile nearer, the

troops landed without opposition, in a close deep swamp; and being

formed, marched through grounds marshy and covered with woods, in order

to reconnoitre the fortresses. The left was attacked in crossing a

creek, by a party of Indians, who killed a sergeant, corporal, and three

privates, beside wounding eight, three of whom died. Three officers also

were wounded. The Indians were soon compelled to give way, and had five

killed and four badly wounded. Gen. Schuyler receiving certain

intelligence in the evening, that the enemy’s fortifications were

complete, and plentifully furnished with cannon, it was thought

advisable the next morning, to return to Isle aux Noix, which was

accordingly done; and the troops were employed in erecting proper works

to secure the entrance into the lake; and in getting ready, on the

arrival of further reinforcements, to take advantage of any events that

might happen in Canada. Schuyler returned, leaving the command to

Montgomery; who, being strengthened by an addition of men and artillery,

and receiving orders to undertake the siege of St. John’s, [Sept. 17.]

proceeded to execute the same. The next day the enemy threw bombs, but

did no damage. The Americans returned the salute. [Sept. 21.] The lines

of circumvallation were finished; but between 20 and 30 waggons with

provisions, rum, brandy, &c. for the garrison, were taken prior to it.

Afterwards there was a continual firing for some days and nights; and

could the general have depended upon the troops, he might have ventured

to promise success, but he could say nothing pleasing on that head. The

men took good care of themselves; and one night captain Mott, of the 1st

regiment of Yorkers, basely deserted the mortar battery without ever

being attacked.

Colonel Allen being upon his return, with a guard of about eighty men,

from a tour upon which he had been sent by the general, was desired to

halt by major Brown, who proposed that colonel Allen should return to

Longuil, procure canoes and cross the river St. Lawrence a little north

of Montreal; while he crossed a little to the south of the town with

near 200 men, as he had boats sufficient. The plan was approved of, and

colonel Allen crossed in the night. Major Brown by some means failed on

his part; and colonel Allen found himself, the next morning, in a

critical situation; but concluded upon maintaining his grounds. [Sept.

25.] General Carleton learning how weak colonel Allen was, marched out

against him with about forty regulars, together with Canadians, English

and Indians, amounting to some hundreds. The colonel defended himself

with much bravery; but being deserted by several, chiefly Canadians, and

having had fifteen of his men killed, was under the necessity of

surrendering with thirty-one effectives and seven wounded. He was

directly put into irons. Had the plan been executed according to major

Brown’s proposal, Montreal would probably have been surprised and taken.

Success would have prevented the censures, which are now passed upon the

one for proposing, and the other for adopting a plan of operation to

which the general was an entire stranger. [Oct. 4.] A party of

Canadians, who had joined and greatly assisted the besiegers, intrenched

themselves on the east side of the lake, on which the enemy sent an

armed sloop with troops to drive them away; but the Canadians attacked

the sloop with vigor, killed a number of the men, and obliged her to

return to St. Johns in a shattered condition. The main body of the army

decamped from the south, [Oct. 7.] and marched to the north side of the

fort: and in the evening began to throw up a breast work, in order to

erect a battery of cannon and mortars. The continental troops brought

such a spirit of liberty into the field, and thought so freely for

themselves, that they would not bear either subordination or discipline.

The general could not in truth direct their operations, and would not

have stayed an hour at their head, had he not feared that the example

would be too generally followed and so the public service suffer. There

was a great want of powder, which with the disorderly behavior of the

troops was a damp to the hope of terminating the siege successfully.

[Oct. 18.] The prospect was much brightened. The Canadians planned an

attack upon Chamblee, and carried down in batteaux the artillery, past

the fort of St. John’s. After a short demur it surrendered to major

Brown and major Livingston.—The greatest acquisition was about six tons

of powder, which enabled the general to accomplish his wishes. The other

particulars you have below,[136] except the colours of the 7th regiment,

which were immediately transmitted to congress—the first present of the

kind they ever received. The garrison became prisoners of war, but were

allowed all their baggage, the quantity of which was astonishing. Their

women and children, whose number was equally astonishing, were permitted

to go with them and to take their effects. The besiegers having obtained

a full supply of ammunition, went to work in earnest, compleated a

battery within 250 yards of the fort, and mounted in it [Oct. 30.] four

guns and six mortars, in defiance of the continual fire of the enemy.

While the army was busily engaged in preparing for a cannonade, and an

assault if necessary, they received the agreeable news of governor

Carleton’s being repulsed. [Oct. 31.] The governor, with a view of

raising the siege, collected a body of about 800 forces, consisting of

the militia of Montreal, a number of Canadians, whom he had maintained

for some time, a few troops, not a hundred, and some Indians. They left

Montreal in high spirits, and attempted to cross the river St. Lawrence

and land at Longeuil; but colonel Warner, with 300 Green Mountain boys,

and a four pounder which kept pouring grape-shot into the boats,

prevented their making good a landing. They were suffered to come very

near the shore, and then the fire was so hot and distructive, that they

were thrown into great confusion, and retired with the utmost

precipitation. [Nov. 1.] The batteries kept an incessant fire all day on

the garrison of St. John, which returned a very brisk one.—In the

evening general Montgomery sent a flag, with a letter to major Preston,

the commander, by one of the prisoners taken by colonel Warner,

informing him of governor Carleton’s defeat, and recommending to him the

surrender of the fort, as he could now have no longer reason to expect

relief from that quarter. Major Preston in return sent an officer to the

camp, proposing to answer the letter fully in the morning, and that in

the mean time hostilities should cease on both sides. Two officers came

into the camp [Nov. 2.] with an answer from major Preston, who requested

the general to wait four days, to see whether no relief would come in

that time, if not, they would make proposals for a surrender. The

advanced season of the year did not allow of the general’s complying. He

required them immediately to surrender prisoners of war; but referred

them for the truth of the governor’s defeat to another prisoner. It was

at length agreed that the garrison should march out with the honors of

war, as what was due to their fortitude and perseverance. The

non-commissioned officers and privates were to ground their arms on the

plain; the officers were to keep their side arms, and their fire arms

were to be reserved for them. The effects of the garrison were not to be

withheld from them. The Canadian gentlemen and others, at St. John’s,

were considered as part of the garrison, which amounted to about 500

regulars, and better than 100 Canadian volunteers. The next morning they

marched out [Nov. 31.] and the continental troops took possession of the

fort, in which were 17 brass ordnance, from 2 to 24 pounders, 2 eight

inch howitzers, seven mortars, and 22 iron ordnance, from 3 to 9

pounders, a considerable quantity of shot and small shells, and about

800 stand of small arms, beside a small quantity of naval stores. The

ammunition and provision was trifling, these having been nearly

expended.

General Montgomery pressed on to Montreal. It being capable of making no

defence, governor Carleton quitted it in one day; the general entered it

the next [Nov. 12.] He treated the inhabitants with becoming liberality,

engaging upon his honor to maintain the individuals and religious

communities of the city in the peaceable enjoyment of their property of

every kind; and the inhabitants, whether English, French, or others, in

the free exercise of their religion. The general, in all his

transactions, wrote, spake, and behaved with that attention, regard, and

politeness to both privates and officers, soldiers and citizens, which

might be expected from the gentleman. He was careful to push forward in

time, a number of continental troops under colonel Easton, to the point

of Sorel River, which they guarded so with cannon, an armed gondola, and

their fire arms, that the fleet which had fallen down below Montreal,

would not venture to attempt passing it. General Prescot, who was on

board, with about 120 privates and several officers, was reduced to the

necessity of surrendering by capitulation. [Nov. 17] 11 sail of vessels,

with all their contents, consisting of, beside sailors and soldiers, 760

barrels of flour, 675 ditto of beef, 376 firkins of butter, 3 barrels of

powder, 4 nine and six pounders, cannon cartridges and ball, 2380 musket

cartridges, 8 chests of arms, 200 pair of shoes, and a quantity of

entrenching tools; all of which proved very acceptable to the

continental troops, who had no redundency of any articles whatever. In

the preceding midnight, governor Carleton was conveyed, in a boat, with

muffled paddles, by a secret way, to the Three Rivers, and arrived safe

at Quebec the Sunday following.

Notwithstanding the advanced and severe season, general Montgomery

marched on for the capital, expecting to be joined by colonel Arnold and

his detachment in its neighbourhood, and designing to complete the

reduction of Canada before the arrival of any British reinforcement. But

while he was advancing, numbers were returning. An unhappy home sickness

prevailed, and no specific was so efficacious as a discharge. No sooner

was it administered, but the cure of nine out of ten was perfected; who,

refusing to wait for boats to go by the way of Fort George, upon their

arrival at Tyconderoga, flung their heavy packs over their shoulders,

crossed the lake at that place, and undertook a march of two hundred

miles with the greatest good will and alacrity. Three hundred of the

continentals passed by Tyconderoga on their way home, by the end of the

month. The ruin of the cause was further hazarded by the turbulent and

mutinous spirit of several officers.

Colonel Arnold’s arrival with his detachment, at Point Levi, was not

known at Quebec for twenty-four hours; and was at length discovered by

his ordering out some men to secure the midshipman of the Hunter sloop

of war, who was just landed on that side the river; the boat returned,

and carried the intelligence to Quebec; on which two ships of war were

stationed, one above and the other below Wolfe’s Cove, to prevent the

Americans crossing over. A council was called, and by a majority of one

it was agreed _not_ to proceed immediately to attack the town. The

contrary resolution, backed by vigorous exertion, would probably have

put him into the possession of it. On the fifth of November it was

really in a defenceless state, without a single soldier. Had the

detachment crossed, the gates would, it is thought, have been opened by

the disaffected and faint-hearted. The colonel however declared, that he

would certainly make the attack when he had crossed, in case they were

not discovered to be over. In the mean time the troops were employed in

preparing scaling ladders. Before they were ready with these, colonel

Maclean, the deputy governor, arrived at Quebec from Sorel [Nov. 12.]

with about 170 men of his new raised regiment of emigrants; of this

colonel Arnold had advice the next day, when, in the evening at nine

o’clock, he began to embark his forces on board thirty-five canoes,

leaving the ladders behind, and by four the next morning, got over and

landed 500 men, wholly undiscovered. They landed in the small cove where

the brave and enterprising general Wolfe did, now called Wolfe’s Cove.

The Lizard’s barge rowing up the river, the colonel ordered her to be

hailed, and fired upon for refusing to come in shore; on which she

pushed off, and carried the account of the detachment’s having crossed

over. But before this discovery, the men paraded on the Heights of

Abraham. From thence they sent out a reconnoitering party toward the

city, marched across the plain, and took possession of a large house,

formerly owned by general Murray, and other adjacent houses, which

afforded fine accommodations for the troops. Guards were placed on the

different roads, to cut off the communication between the city and

country. The main body, about noon, marched fairly in view of the enemy,

and gave them three huzzas, which were returned by a few shot from the

ramparts. In the evening the colonel sent a flag of truce with a demand

of the garrison, in the name and on hehalf of the united colonies, which

was fired upon as it approached the walls. The colonel was certainly

overseen; he should have taken the scaling ladders along with him, have

concealed his being over, and attempted a coup-de-main the next night,

which might have been done with a prospect of success, as his Canadian

friends, English and French, were in the city to second his operations,

and as the sailors were then scattered on board the ships, some about

Quebec, and others up the river. [Nov 16.] A company of men were sent to

take possession of the general hospital. The Canadians were continually

coming in to express their satisfaction at the continental forces having

entered the country. The next day a certain account was received of the

capture of Montreal. Early in the morning [Nov. 19.] the troops

decamped, and marched up to Point-au-Trembles, about seven leagues from

Quebec, through a thick settled country, where you meet every few miles

with a handsome little chapel. This was the day on which governor

Carleton arrived at Quebec; and the first thing he did was to turn out

the suspected, and all who would not assist in the defence of the city.

[Nov. 23.] By express from Montreal, the forces were informed that

Montgomery was upon his march, and had sent down clothing for them. The

general finding plenty of woollens at Montreal, at a reasonable price,

gave his soldiers new clothes, after their having suffered much by the

severity of the climate, to which they submitted with patience and

resolution, particularly in marching from St. John’s to Montreal, the

road being half leg deep in mire. He was also mindful of colonel

Arnold’s detachment, which had suffered still greater hardships. General

Montgomery arrived at one o’clock [Dec. 1.] with three armed schooners,

men, ammunition, and provision, to the great joy of the colonel’s

forces, who toward evening turned out and marched to the general’s

quarters, and were there received and complimented by him upon their

appearance. The next day the batteaux were sent to Point Levi for the

scaling ladders. The general appeared before Quebec [Dec. 5.] which is

the last we have heard of his movements.

[Dec. 14.] General Howe issued orders for taking down the old north

meeting-house, a large wooden building, containing a great deal of

timber; and a hundred old wooden dwelling-houses and other buildings, to

be used for fuel. The scarcity of this article, now that the usual

supplies from the country are cut off, will reduce the inhabitants to an

entreme difficutly.

[Dec. 30.] P. S. Admiral Shuldham is just arrived from Great-Britain in

the Chatham man of war of 50 guns, to supersede admiral Greaves.