_Roxbury, February 3, 1775._
The measures pursued by the British ministry, for subjecting America to
parliamentary authority in all cases whatever, have united the twelve
colonies, from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina, inclusively, into a
compact body. Many on the side of government flattered themselves that
the event would never exist. They had no small ground for it,
considering that several of the colonies clash in their particular
interests; have been frequently quarreling about boundaries and other
matters; differ greatly in manners, customs, religion and constitutions;
and have local prejudices, jealousies, and aversions. But they have been
pressed by a common danger, threatening the most valuable rights of each
individual province, so that they have all elected delegates to meet in
a general congress, to consult in what way to obtain a redress of
grievances and ward off the impending ruin. The ministerial influence in
New-York has not prevailed, as was expected, to keep that colony from
joining the others. Great dependance was had upon their monied men; but
the cause of liberty was too popular, and the numbers that espoused it
too many and too independent, either to be bribed or overawed.
[Sept. 5.] The delegates being arrived at Philadelphia, from all the
colonies except North-Carolina, they met in general congress, and
proceeded to the choice of a president, when _Peyton Randolph_, esq. was
unanimously elected, and Mr. _Charles Thomson_ was unanimously chosen
secretary. They resolved, that “in determining questions, each colony
shall have one vote.” Before they engaged in any special business, the
North-Carolina delegates joined them. The number of the whole, when
together, is fifty-two beside the president. The first important service
wherein they engaged, you have had an account of in the preceding
postscript. In their subsequent resolutions [Oct. 8.] they declared,
“That if the late acts of parliament shall be attempted to be carried
into execution by force, in such case all _America_ ought to support the
inhabitants of the _Massachusetts Bay_ in their opposition—that if it be
found absolutely necessary to remove the people of Boston into the
country, all America ought to contribute toward recompensing them for
the injury they may thereby sustain—and that every person who shall
accept, or act under any commission or authority derived from the act of
parliament changing the form of government and violating the charter,
ought to be held in detestation. They have written a letter to general
_Gage_ [Oct. 10.] in which they express the deepest concern at his
proceeding in a manner that bore so hostile an appearance, and which
even the oppressive acts of parliament did not warrant. They represent
the tendency this conduct must have to irritate and force the people,
hitherto well disposed to peaceable measures, into hostilities, which
may prevent the endeavors of congress to restore a good understanding
with the parent state, and may involve us in the horrors of a civil war.
They express their hope, that the general, to quiet the minds of the
people, will discontinue the fortifications in and about Boston, prevent
any further invasions of private property, restrain the irregularities
of the soldiers, and give orders that the communication between the town
and country may be open, unmolested, and free.
The general in his answer, said “No troops have given less cause for
complaint, and greater care was never taken to prevent it; and such care
and attention was never more necessary from the insults and provocations
daily given to both officers and soldiers. The communication between the
town and country has been always free and unmolested, and is so still.”
This assertion may appear perfectly just to a military gentleman; but
may be otherwise thought of by one in a civil department, who means that
the entrance into a town should have neither guards nor sentinels,
either to stop or challenge passengers, whether by night or by day. The
general intimated, that the hostile preparations throughout the country,
and the menaces of blood and slaughter, made it his duty to fortify the
Neck. He concluded with—“I ardently wish, that the common enemies to
both countries may see, to their disappointment, that these disputes
betwen the mother country and the colonies, have terminated like the
quarrels of lovers, and increased the affection which they ought to bear
to each other.”
The congress have also made a declaration of rights (contained within a
number of resolves) to which they say the _English_ colonies of
North-America are entitled by the immutable laws of nature, the
principles of the English constitution, and their several charters or
compacts. In the first of these are life, liberty, and property, a right
to the disposal of any of which, without their consent, they have never
ceded to any sovereign power whatever. They mention, that their
ancestors, at the time of their emigration, were entitled to all the
rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects
within the realm of England; and that by such emigration they by no
means forfeited, surrendered or lost any of those rights; but that they
were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the enjoyment of all
such of them as their local and other circumstances enabled them to
exercise. They then state, that the foundation of English liberty, and
of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their
legislative council; and proceed to show, that as the colonists are not,
and from various causes, cannot be represented in the British
parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of
legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right
of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and
internal policy, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in
such manner as had heretofore been used.
To qualify the extent of this paragraph, which may seem to leave no
means of parliamentary interference, for holding the colonies to the
mother country, they declare, that from the necessity of the case, and a
regard to the mutual interests of both countries, they cheerfully
consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament as are,
_bona fide_, restrained to the regulation of their external commerce,
for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole
empire to the mother country, excluding every idea of taxation, either
internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America,
without their consent.
They resolved, “That the respective colonies are entitled to the common
law of England, and more especially to the great and estimable privilege
of being tried by their peers of the vicinage; to the benefit of such of
the English statutes as existed in the time of their colonization, and
which they have found to be applicable to their several and other local
circumstances; and to all the immunities and privileges granted and
confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes
of provincial laws—that they have a right to assemble peaceably,
consider of their grievances, and petition the king; and that all
prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same,
are illegal—that the keeping a standing army in these colonies, in times
of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which
such army is kept, is against law—that it is rendered essential to good
government, by the English constitution, that the constituent branches
of the legislature be independent of each other; that therefore the
exercise of legislative power, by a council appointed, during pleasure,
by the crown, is unconstitutional, and destructive to the freedom of
American legislation.”
They proceeded to claim, in behalf of themselves and constituents; and
to insist on the foregoing articles, as their indisputable rights and
liberties, which cannot be legally taken from them, altered, or
abridged, by any power whatever, without their own consent, by their
representatives in their several provincial legislatures. They then
resolved concerning eleven acts of parliament, or parts of acts, passed
in the present reign, that “they are infringements and violations of the
foregoing rights, and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary,
in order to restore harmony between Great-Britain and the American
colonies.” Among these is the Quebec bill, which is termed “an act for
establishing the Roman Catholic religion in the province of Quebec,
abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny
there, to the great danger (from so total a dissimilarity of religion,
law and government) of the neighboring British colonies, by the
assistance of whose blood and treasure, the said country was conquered
from France.”
After specifying their rights, and enumerating their grievances, they
mention, that in hopes of being restored to that state in which both
countries formerly found happiness and prosperity, they have for the
present only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures, viz.
to enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation
agreement; and to prepare an address to the people of Great-Britain, a
memorial to the inhabitants of British America, and a loyal address to
his majesty.
By the association they have bound themselves, and intentionally their
constituents to a strict observance of fourteen articles. They have
agreed by the second, that after the first day of December next, they
will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither hire their
vessels nor sell their commodities to those who are concerned in it—by
the third, that from that day, they will not purchase or use any tea
imported on account of the East-India Company, or any on which a duty
hath been or shall be paid; and from and after the first of March next,
they will not purchase or use any East-India tea whatever, nor any of
those goods they have agreed not to import, which they shall have cause
to suspect were imported after the first of December, except such as
come under the directions afterward mentioned—by the fourth, that the
non-exportation agreement shall be suspended to the tenth of September,
1775, after which, if the acts objected to, are not repealed, they will
not, directly nor indirectly, export any commodity whatsoever, to
Great-Britain, Ireland, or the West-Indies, except rice to Europe—by the
fifth, that they will never more have any commercial intercourse with
any British merchants, who may ship goods in violation of, and with a
view of breaking the association—by the eighth, that they will encourage
frugality, œconomy, and industry, promote agriculture, arts, and
manufactures, discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation,
and will wear no other mourning than a piece of crape or ribbon—by the
fourteenth and last, that they will have no trade, dealings, or
intercourse whatsover, with any North-American colony or province, that
shall not accede to, or that shall hereafter violate the association;
but will hold them as inimical to their country. This association, which
is to continue in force till the above acts, or parts of acts, wherein
they relate to the colonies, are repealed, has been signed [Oct. 24.] by
all the members of congress.
In their address to the people of Great-Britain, the congress pay the
highest praise to the noble and generous virtues of their and our common
ancestors, but in a way which rather reproaches you with a shameful
degeneracy. They tell you not to be surprised that they, who are
descended from the same common ancestors, should refuse to surrender
their liberties and the constitution you so justly boast of, to men who
found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them
with a design, that by having _our_ lives and property in their power,
they may with the greater facility enslave _you_. They complain of being
oppressed, abused, and misrepresented, so that it is become a duty to
themselves and their posterity, and to the general welfare of the
British empire, to address you on this very important subject. They call
upon you yourselves, to witness to their loyalty and attachments to the
common interest of the whole empire; to their efforts in the last war;
and to your own acknowledgment of their zeal, and your even reimbursing
them large sums of money, which you confessed they had advanced beyond
their proportion, and far beyond their abilities. They proceed to state
and examine the measures and the several acts of parliament, which they
consider as hostile to America, and represent the probable consequences
to your country should ministry be able to carry the point of taxation,
and reduce the colonies to a state of perfect slavery. They ingeniously
endeavor to render theirs a cause common to both countries, by showing
that such success might, in the end, be as fatal to the liberties of
Britain as to those of America. “Take care (say they) that you do not
fall into the pit preparing for us.” After denying the several charges
of being seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of
independency, which they assert to be calumnies, they declare, that if
neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of
the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your
hands from shedding of human blood in such an impious cause, they must
tell you, “That they never will submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers
of water for any ministry or nation in the world.” They afterward make a
proposal, which if duly attended to, may afford a favorable basis for
negociation—“Place us in the same situation that we were in at the close
of the last war, and our former harmony will be restored.” The same
truth was transmitted to some of the ministry, by the late reverend Mr.
_Whitefield_, before his death, in 1770, at Newburyport, in nearly the
following words, “Would you have peace and harmony restored through the
colonies, you must attend to the military phrase, _right about, as you
were_.” The like sentiment was confirmed by a subsequent letter from
another quarter, after a designed conference upon the subject with
_Thomas Cushing_ and _Samuel Adams_, esqrs. of Boston, and _Thomas
Lynch_, esq. of South-Carolina. The congress conclude their address by
expressing the utmost regret at their being compelled by the over-ruling
principles of self-preservation, to adopt measures detrimental to
numbers of their fellow-subjects in Great-Britain and Ireland, in the
suspension of their importations from both these kingdoms. They finally
rest their hope of a restoration of that harmony, friendship, and
fraternal affection between all the inhabitants of his majesty’s
kingdoms and territories, so ardently wished for by every true and
honest American, upon the magnanimity and justice of the British nation,
in furnishing a parliament of such wisdom, independence, and public
spirit as may save the violated rights of the whole empire, from the
devices of wicked ministers and evil counsellors, whether in or out of
office.
Congress, in their memorial to the inhabitants of British America,
inform the colonies, that they have diligently, deliberately, and
calmly, enquired into all the measures which have excited the present
disturbances; and that upon the whole they find themselves reduced to
the disagreeable alternative of being silent, or betraying the innocent,
or of speaking out, and censuring those they wish to revere. They prefer
the course dictated by honesty, and a regard for the welfare of their
country. After stating and examining the several laws which have been
passed, and the measures which have been pursued with respect to
America, since the conclusion of the late war to the present period,
they enquire into the motives for the particular hostility against the
town of Boston and province of Massachusetts Bay; though the behavior of
the people in other colonies, has been in equal opposition to the power
assumed by parliament; notwithstanding which no step had been taken
against any of them by government. This they represent as an artful
systematic line of conduct, concealing several designs, adding, “It is
expected that the province of the Massachusetts Bay will be irritated
into some violent action that may displease the rest of the continent,
or that may induce the people of Great-Britain to approve the meditated
vengeance of an imprudent and exasperated ministry. If the unexampled
pacific temper of that province shall disappoint this part of the plan,
it is hoped the other colonies will be so far intimidated as to desert
their brethren suffering in a common cause, and that thus disunited, all
may be subdued.” They proceed to state the importance of the trust which
has been reposed in them, and the manner in which they have discharged
it; and deeply deplore the necessity which pressed them to an immediate
interruption of commerce, and apologize with saying, “We are driven by
the hands of violence into unexperienced and unexpected public
convulsions, and are contending for freedom so often contended for by
our ancestors.” “The people of England,” say they, “will soon have an
opportunity of declaring their sentiments concerning our cause. In their
piety, generosity, and good sense, we repose high confidence, and cannot
upon a review of past events, be persuaded that _they_, the defenders of
true religion, and the assertors of the rights of mankind, will take
part against their affectionate protestant brethren in the colonies, in
favor of our open and their own secret enemies, whose intrigues for
several years past have been wholly exercised in sapping the foundations
of civil and religious liberty.” Toward the close, they have these
words, “We think ourselves bound in duty to observe to you, that the
schemes agitated against these colonies have been so conducted, as to
render it prudent that you should extend your views to the most unhappy
events, and be in all respects prepared for every contingency.”
The address of congress to his majesty, is clothed in the habit of an
humble petition, wherein they beg leave to lay their grievances before
the throne. After an enumeration of them, they implore his clemency for
protection against them; and impute all their distresses, dangers, and
fears, to the destructive system of colony administration adopted since
the conclusion of the last war. They express their apprehension, that as
his majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, the
language of freemen cannot be displeasing; adding, “Your royal
indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous
men, who, daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and
your faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly employed
to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty’s authority,
misrepresenting your American subjects and prosecuting the most
desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length
compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be any
longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty’s repose by our complaints.”
They beg leave to assure his majesty, that in regard to defraying the
charge of the administration of justice and the support of civil
government, such provision has been and will be made, as has been and
shall be judged, by the legislature of the several colonies, just and
suitable to their respective circumstances; and that for the defence,
protection and security of the colonies, their militias, if properly
regulated as they earnestly desire may be immediately done, would be
sufficient, at least in times of peace; and in case of war his faithful
colonists will be ready and willing, as they ever have been when
constitutionally required, to demonstrate their loyalty, by exerting
their most strenuous efforts in granting supplies and raising forces.
They say, “We ask but for peace, liberty and safety. We wish not a
diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any new
right in our favor. Your royal authority over us, and our connection
with Great-Britain, we shall always carefully and zealously endeavor to
support and maintain.”—“We present this petition only to obtain redress
of grievances and relief from fears and jealousies, occasioned by the
system of statutes and regulations adopted since the close of the late
war, by the abolition of which system, the harmony between Great-Britain
and these colonies, will be immediately restored. In the magnanimity and
justice of your majesty and parliament we confide for a redress of our
other grievances, trusting, that when the causes of our apprehensions
are removed, our future conduct will prove us not unworthy of the
regard, we have been accustomed in our happier days to enjoy. For,
appealing to that Being who searches thoroughly the hearts of his
creatures, we solemnly profess, that our councils have been influenced
by no other motive, than a dread of impending destruction.” They implore
his majesty in the most solemn manner, as the loving father of his
people, connected by the same bands of law, loyalty, faith and blood,
not to suffer the transcendant relation, formed by these ties to be
further violated, in uncertain expectation of effects, that if attained,
can never compensate for the calamities through which they must be
gained. They most earnestly beseech him, that his royal authority and
interposition may be used for their relief; and that a gracious answer
may be given to their petition. The close is a prayer, that his majesty
may enjoy every felicity through a long and glorious reign, and that his
descendants may inherit his prosperity and dominions till time shall be
no more.
The congress, a week after resolving upon the association, an address to
the people of Great-Britain, a memorial to the inhabitants of the
colonies, and an address to his majesty, further resolved, “That an
address be prepared to the people of Quebec, and letters to the colonies
of St. John’s, Nova-Scotia, Georgia, East and West Florida, who have not
deputies to represent them in this congress.”
Their address to the French inhabitants in Canada, discovers the most
dexterous management, and the most able method of application to the
temper and passions of the parties, whom they endeavor to gain. They
state the right they had, upon becoming English subjects, to the
inestimable benefits of the English constitution; and that this right
was further confirmed by the royal proclamation in 1763, plighting the
public faith for their full enjoyment of those advantages. They impute
to succeeding ministers an audacious and cruel abuse of the royal
authority, in withholding from them the fruition of the irrevocable
rights, to which they were thus justly entitled. They undertake to
explain to them, some of the most important branches of that form of
government from which they are debarred; and in so doing, quote passages
from their countryman Montesquieu, whom they artfully adopt as a judge
and an irrefragable authority upon this occasion. They then proceed to
specify and explain, under several distinct heads, the principal rights
to which the people are entitled by the English constitution; and these
rights they truly say, defend the poor from the rich, the weak from the
powerful, the industrious from the rapacious, the peaceable from the
violent, the tenants from the lords, and all from their superiors.
They attempt pointing out numberless deformities in the Quebec bill, and
placing them in those points of view which should render it odious to
mankind. They renew their applications to the passions and partiality of
the Canadians; and at length introduce Montesquieu as addressing them
thus: “Seize the opportunity presented to you by Providence itself. You
are a small people compared with those who with open arms invite you
into a fellowship. A moment’s reflection should convince you, which will
be most for your interest and happiness, to have all the rest of
North-America your unalterable friends, or your inveterate enemies. Your
province is the only link wanting to complete the bright and strong
chain of union. Nature has joined your country to theirs. Do you join
your political interests. The value and extent of the advantages
tendered to you are immense. Heaven grant that you may discover them to
be blessings after they have bid you an eternal adieu.” They endeavor to
obviate the jealousies and prejudices which might arise from the
difference of their religious principles, by instancing the case of the
Swiss Cantons, whose union is composed of Roman Catholic and Protestant
states, living in the utmost concord and peace with one another, and
thereby enabled to defy and defeat every tyrant that had invaded them.
The congress, upon this article, appear to have winked out of sight
their complaint about eatablishing the Roman Catholic religion in
Quebec, and to expect that it would be unknown to the Canadians, or give
them no umbrage. They declare, that they do not ask them to commence
hostilities against the government of their common sovereign, but only
invite them to consult their own glory and welfare, and to unite with
them in no social compact. They conclude by informing them, that the
congress had, with universal pleasure, and an unanimous vote, resolved,
That they should consider the violation of their rights, by the act for
altering the government of their province, as a violation of their own;
and that they, should be invited to accede to their confederation.
Before this address was perfected and signed, congress resolved, [Oct.
21.] “That the seizing, or attempting to seize any person in America, in
order to transport such person beyond the sea, for trial of offences
committed in America, being against law, will justify and ought to meet
with resistance and reprisal.” They have also agreed, that another
congress shall be held on the tenth day of May next, unless the redress
of grievances be obtained before that time.
The general congress having finished their deliberations, dissolved
themselves [Oct. 26.] The impartial world will go near to acknowledge,
that the petitions and addresses from the congress have been executed
with uncommon energy, skill, and ability; and that abstractedly
considered, in respect to vigor of mind, strength of sentiment, and
patriotic language, they would not disgrace any assembly whatsoever. The
studied attention that congress have paid to the Massachusetts Bay and
its distressed capital, will both console and invigorate the
inhabitants. Many, however, of the congressional acts were neither
carried unanimously, nor without much debate. Mr. Galloway, of
Pennsylvania, and Mr. Duane, of New-York, inclined to the side of
ministry. The former became a member at the earnest solicitation of the
assembly, and refused compliance till they had given him instructions
agreeable to his own mind, as the rule of his conduct. These
instructions they suffered him to draw up: they were briefly to state
the rights and the grievances of America, and to propose a plan of
amicable accommodation of the differences between Great-Britain and the
colonies, and of a perpetual union. September the twenty-eighth a plan
was proposed by him, which was debated a whole day, when the question
was carried, six colonies to five, that it should be resumed and further
considered; but it at length fell through. The ten resolutions which the
congress came to in their declaration, expressing their indubitable
rights and liberties, met with very considerable opposition. Mr. Duane,
and others who drew with him, perplexed the proposals made by the high
sons of liberty, so that the congress did not come to a single
resolution for more than a fortnight, neither in stating their rights
nor their grievances.—When six days before that declaration, on October
the eighth, the resolution was passed, “That the congress approve the
opposition of the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay to the execution
of the late acts; and if the same shall be attempted, &c.” Galloway and
Duane not only opposed, but wanted to have their protests entered; which
being refused, on their return from congress they gave each other a
certificate, declaring their opposition to that question, as they
thought it a treasonable one.[112] In some stages of their proceedings,
the danger of a rupture with Britain was urged as a plea for certain
concessions. Upon this Mr. S. Adams rose up, and among other things
said, in substance, “I should advise persisting in our struggle for
liberty, though it was revealed from Heaven that 999 were to perish, and
only one of a thousand to survive and retain his liberty. One such
freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness than a
thousand slaves; and let him propagate his like, and transmit to them
what he hath so nobly preserved.” It was a flight of patriotism, serving
to show the temper of the speaker; but the sentiment is so hyperbolical,
as to throw it far beyond the reach of practice. Mr. S. Adams having
seen an happy issue to the important deliberations of the general
congress, after his return repaired to the Massachusetts provincial
congress, to aid in their deliberations.
General Gage, by the advice of his new council, issued writs for the
holding of a general assembly at Salem, on the 5th of October. The
events which afterward took place made him think it expedient to
counteract the writs, by a proclamation for suspending the meeting of
the members returned. But the legality of the proclamation was called
into question; and the new members, to the number of 90, met according
to the precepts, on the day and at the place appointed. Having waited
that day, [Oct. 5.] without the presence of the governor, or any
substitute for him, to administer the oaths and open the session, on the
next day they appointed a committee to consider the proclamation; and on
the third, resolved themselves into a provincial congress, to be joined
by such others as have been or shall be chosen, to take into
consideration the dangerous and alarming situation of public affairs.
The following day they met in provincial congress, and adjourned to
Concord, about 20 miles from Charlestown, and when there, chose Mr.
Hancock president. They proceeded to appoint a committee to wait upon
the governor with a remonstrance, in which they apologize for their
meeting, from the distressed state of the colony; express the grievous
apprehensions of the people; assert that the rigor of the Boston
port-bill is exceeded by the manner in which it is carried into
execution; and complain of the late laws, and the hostile preparations
on Boston Neck. They conclude with adjuring him to desist immediately
from the construction of the fortress at the entrance into Boston, and
to restore that pass to its natural state. The governor was involved in
some difficulty as to giving them an answer, for he could not
acknowledge the legality of their assembly. Necessity however prevailed.
He expressed great indignation at the idea’s being formed, that the
lives, liberties, or property of any people, except avowed enemies,
could be in danger from English troops; and observed, that
notwithstanding the enmity shown to the troops, by withholding from them
almost every thing necessary for their preservation, they had not yet
discovered the resentment which might justly have been expected to arise
from such hostile treatment. He reminded them, that while they
complained of alterations made in their charter by acts of parliament,
they were themselves, by their present assembling, subverting that
charter, and now acting in direct violation of their own constitution;
he therefore warned them of the rocks they were upon, and to desist from
such illegal and unconstitutional proceedings. But they were not in the
least diverted from prosecuting their measures. They adjourned to and
met at Cambridge [Oct. 17.]
[Oct. 21.] A committee was appointed to draw up a plan for the immediate
defence of the province. It was concluded to raise and enlist a number
of minute-men, now for the first time so called, from their being to
turn out with their arms, at a minute’s warning. Upon the debate for
raising money to purchace military articles, a thousand pounds lawful (a
fourth less than sterling) was moved for and seconded; then two
thousand. The country members, in common, had no conception of the
expences attending warlike operations; and were dreadfully afraid of
voting away their own and their constituents money, however necessary
the expenditure of it. They are generally persons of good understanding
in matters within their own sphere, but are not competent judges of
those that lie without it; and being accustomed only to small sums,
startle at the mention of those which to them have the comparative
appearance of enormously large; and yet it is needful to humor their
want of scientific knowledge, to prevent disgust and obtain their
support. Of this the more intelligent members of the assembly were
sensible—Therefore the debate was closed by appointing a committee to
give in an estimate of the articles wanted, together with their cost;
this being done, the committee of safety were empowered to assemble the
militia, when they shall judge the same necessary for the defence of the
inhabitants of the province; and the committee of supplies to purchase
ammunition, ordnance, stores, &c. not exceeding the value of £.20,837
lawful, or £.15,627, 15s. sterling—a glorious sum with which to oppose
the power and riches of Great-Britain! The committee of safety and the
committee of supplies, consist of different persons, and are intended
for different purposes. The first, beside being empowered to assemble
the militia, are invested with other authority for the safety of the
province, and are to recommend to the committee of supplies the
purchasing of such articles as may be deemed necessary. The last are to
assist the committee of safety not only by purchasing supplies, but by
affording them help for executing the measures which may be thought by
them requisite for the public benefit. Both are to sit and to continue
to do business when there is a recess of the provincial congress, as
also when none existeth. It is resolved [Oct. 25.] That all matters
shall be kept private; but in such a numerous assembly it is next to
impossible to effect it. Were all equally true to the same cause, each
will not have the like power of retaining a secret.
[October 27.] The honorable Jedediah Pribble, the honorable Artemas
Ward, and colonel Pomeroy, all of whom have seen some service in the
last war, were elected general officers, to have the command of the
minute-men and militia, in case they should be called out to action.
[October 29.] The provincial congress adjourned to November 23.
As winter approached, the governor ordered temporary barracks to be
erected for the troops. But such was the dislike to their being provided
for in any manner, that the select men and committees obliged the
workmen of the town to quit their employment, for fear of subjecting
themselves to the resentment of their countrymen. The governor had as
little success in endeavoring to procure carpenters from New-York; so
that it has been with the greatest difficulty that he has gotten those
temporary lodgments erected. He has endeavored also to procure some
winter covering from that city; but the merchants have refused complying
with any part of the order, and returned for answer, “They never will
supply any article for the benefit of men who are sent as enemies to
their country.” The general had thoughts at one time, of erecting a fort
upon Beacon-hill. The Boston committee obtained the plan of it, waited
upon him, and informed him that they heard he had such a design, and
that if he proceeded to execute it, he would get himself into
difficulties. He would not own that he had any such intention, but
attempted rather to make them believe the contrary; on which they
produced the plan, and told him it was the same that was presented to
him the night before.
On the other hand, the Massachusetts committee of safety; were not
inattentive to their duty. They recommended to the committee of supplies
[Nov. 2, 8, 14, 20.] the procuring of pork, flour, rice, and peas, and
the depositing of the same partly at Worcester and partly at Concord.
They further advised the procuring of all arms and ammunition that could
be got from the neighboring provinces; and of spades, pick-axes,
bill-hooks, iron shovels and pots, mess-bowls, cannon, ball, &c. &c.
Every thing now served to increase the mutual apprehension and animosity
between the government and the people. Those of Boston professed to be
under no small terror, from an apprehension of danger to their property,
liberties, and lives. The soldiers, on the other hand, considered
themselves in the midst of enemies. Each side made profession of the
best intentions in the world for its own part, and showed the greatest
suspicion of the other. In this state of doubt and profession, matters
were made still worse by a measure which seems not of sufficient
importance in its consequences, to justify its having been hazarded at
so critical a season. This was the landing of a detachment of sailors by
night, from the ships of war in the harbour, who spiked up all the
cannon upon one of the batteries belonging to the town.
In the mean time, through the disposition and promptitude of the people,
the resolutions and recommendations of the provincial congress, had all
the weight and efficacy of laws. At length the governor was induced to
issue a proclamation [Nov. 10.] in which they were charged with
proceedings generally understood as nearly tantamount to treason and
rebellion. The inhabitants were accordingly prohibited in the king’s
name, from complying in any degree with the requisitions,
recommendations, directions, or resolves of that unlawful assembly.
[Nov. 23.] When the provincial congress met again, having Mr. Samuel
Adams present with them, they pushed their preparations for hostile
opposition. These exertions suited not the feelings of many in congress.
Through timidity they began to sicken at heart, and upon the plea of
sickness begged leave to return home, and were indulged. Mr. S. Adams
penetrated the cause of their complaint; and in order to stop the
epidemical distemper, expressed his great willingness, that when members
were not well, they should be allowed to return, but proposed that they
should be enjoined, upon getting back, to inform the towns that they
were no longer represented, that so others might be sent to supply their
absence. The proposal soon cured the malady; for the disordered chose to
remain in congress rather than incur the displeasure of their
constituents, and be supplanted by new successors.
The provincial congress resolved upon getting in readiness 12,000 men,
to act upon any emergency; and directed that a quarter of the militia
should be enlisted as minute-men, who were allowed the liberty of
choosing their own officers, and were to receive pay. They sent persons
to New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, and Connecticut, to acquaint them with
what was doing, and to request that they would prepare their respective
quotas to make up an army of 20,000 men when wanted. Upon this a number
of gentlemen were sent from these colonies, to consult and settle with a
committee of about twenty, chosen by the congress for the purpose. There
was a difficulty about fixing what should be the precise period for
opposing general Gage’s troops; at length it was determined, that they
should be opposed whenever they marched out with their baggage,
ammunition, and artillery; for this would carry in it an apparent
intention of acting hostilely in support of British measures.
[Dec. 6.] A committee was appointed to correspond with the inhabitants
of Canada; and it was resolved, that the following letter be addressed
to the several ministers of the gospel, within this province:
“REV. SIR,
We cannot but acknowledge the goodness of Heaven, in constantly
supplying us with preachers of the gospel, whose concern has been the
temporal and spiritual happiness of this people. In a day like this,
when all the friends of civil and religious liberty are exerting
themselves to deliver this country from its present calamities, we
cannot but place great hopes in an order of men who have ever
distinguished themselves in their country’s cause; and do therefore
recommend to the ministers of the gospel, in the several towns and other
places in this colony, that they assist us in avoiding that dreadful
slavery with which we are now threatened.”
The ministers of New-England being mostly congregationalists, are from
that circumstance, in a professional way, more attached and habituated
to the principles of liberty than if they had spiritual superiors to
lord it over them, and were in hopes of possessing in their turn,
through the gift of government, the seat of power. They oppose arbitrary
rule in civil concerns, from the love of freedom, as well as from a
desire of guarding against its introduction into religious matters. The
patriots, for years back have availed themselves greatly of their
assistance. Two sermons have been preached annually for a length of
time, the one on general election day, the last Wednesday in May, when
the new general court have been used to meet, according to charter, and
elect the counsellors for the ensuing year; the other some little while
after, on the artillery election day, when the officers are reelected,
or new officers are chosen. On these occasions political subjects are
deemed very proper; but it is expected that they be treated in a decent,
serious, and instructive manner. The general election preacher has been
elected alternately by the council and house of assembly. The sermon is
stiled _the Election Sermon_, and is printed. Every representative has a
copy for himself, and generally one or more for the minister or
ministers of his town. As the patriots have prevailed, the preachers of
each sermon have been the zealous friends of liberty; and the passages
most adapted to promote and spread the love of it, have been selected,
and circulated far and wide by means of news-papers, and read with
avidity and degree of veneration, on account of the preacher and his
election to the service of the day. Commendations, both public and
private, have not been wanting to help on the design. Thus by their
labors in the pulpit, and by furnishing the prints with occasional
essays, the ministers have forwarded and strengthened, and that not a
little, the opposition to the exercise of that parliamentary claim of
right to bind the colonies in all cases whatever.
The clergy of this colony are as virtuous, sensible, and learned a set
of men, as will probably be found in any part of the globe of equal size
and equally populous. The first settlers were early attentive to the
providing of suitable persons to fill their pulpits with dignity. They
saw the importance of it, and in 1636 the general court gave some
hundred pounds toward a public school at Newton; but Mr. John Harvard, a
worthy minister of Charlestown, dying in 1638, and bequeathing between
seven and eight hundred pounds to the same use, the school took the name
of Harvard College by an order of court, and the town upon the occasion
changed its name for that of Cambridge.—This college has been encouraged
ever since, and is the first upon the continent. It is the _alma mater_
to whom the youth of this colony in particular, are sent, whether
designed for the pulpit, the bar, or other callings. Here they receive
the rudiments of those qualifications by which they are enabled to serve
their country in a civil or sacred department. The salaries of the
ministers are moderate, but in general sufficient for their support, by
the aid of good œconomy. They cannot approve of often bringing politics
into the pulpit, yet they apprehend it to be right upon special
occasions. Who but must admit, that “it is certainly the duty of the
clergy to accommodate their discourses to the times; to preach against
such sins as are most prevalent, and to recommend such virtues as are
most wanted. For example, if exorbitant ambition and venality are
predominant, ought they not to warn their hearers against the vices? If
public spirit is much wanted, should they not inculcate this great
virtue? If the rights and duties of magistrates and subjects are
disputed, should they not explain them, show their nature, ends,
limitations, and restrictions?” You have frequently remarked, that
though the partizans of arbitrary power will freely censure that
preacher who speaks boldly for the liberties of the people, they will
admire as an excellent divine, the parson whose discourse is wholly in
the opposite strain, and teaches that magistrates have a divine right
for doing wrong, and are to be implicitly obeyed; men professing
christianity, as if the religion of the blessed Jesus bound them tamely
to part with their natural and social rights, and slavishly to bow their
neck to any tyrant; as if Paul was faulty in standing up for his Roman
privileges, that he might escape a scourging, or falling a sacrifice to
the malice of his countrymen, when he appealed unto Cæsar.
[Dec. 8.] The provincial congress choose colonel Thomas and colonel
Heath, additional generals, and soon after dissolved themselves, that
they might be at home in time to keep thanksgiving with their families.
It has been long a custom in the colony to have a fast day in the
spring, and a thanksgiving late in the fall of the year, or in the
beginning of winter, when the heads of families collect their children
around them; and beside attending the religious exercises of the day,
feast upon a plentiful though not a splendid table, and are innocently
merry. The observation of this day they call “_a keeping thanksgiving_.”
The appointment of both days, belongs in an orderly way, to the
governor; but in these extraordinary times the provincial congress
appointed the public thansgiving, on which among other enumerated
blessings, a particular acknowledgment was to be made to the Almighty,
for the union which so remarkably prevails in all the colonies.
The assembly of Pennsylvania met toward the close of the year, and were
the first legal body of representatives that ritified unanimously all
the acts of the general congress, and appointed delegates to represent
them in the new congress, to be held the ensuing May. It is thought that
they were in a great measure dragged into it, from the fear of a
provincial convention.
No sooner did they receive at Rhode-Island the account of the royal
proclamation, prohibiting the exportation of military stores from
Britain, but the people seized upon and removed from the batteries about
the harbour, above forty cannon, of different sizes. The assembly also
passed resolutions for procuring arms and military stores by every mean,
and from every quarter in which they could be obtained, as well as for
training and arming the inhabitants.
When copies of these resolutions and of the proclamation, arrived at
Portsmouth, in New-Hampshire, the people of the province were spirited
up to make their first hostile movement. Though governor Wentworth’s
influence could not prevent their appointing deputies, holding a
convention at Exeter, and choosing delegates for the continental
congress, yet he had the address to moderate their tempers, and to keep
them from acts of violence. But the example of their neighbors, and the
alarming situation of affairs, at length roused them to uncommon
exertions. [Dec. 14.] More than four hundred men collected, and beset
his majesty’s castle at Portsmouth. Captain Cochran, who commanded,
ordered three four pounders to be fired on them, and then the small
arms; before he could be ready to fire again, the fort was stormed on
all quarters, and the assailants immediately secured both him and his
men, and kept them prisoners about an hour and a half, during which they
broke open the powder-house, took all the powder away, except one
barrel, and having put it in boats and sent it off, released him from
his confinement.
The hardy inhabitants of Marblehead, used to all the toils and dangers
of a sea-faring life, being out of employ, have attended to military
exercise for hours, three days in a week, and will soon constitute a
fine regiment of soldiers. The gentlemen of the place have encouraged
them by their own example, and made it profitable to them. Something
similar has been practised at Salem and other towns. The militia of the
colony will, therefore, acquire some knowledge of arms before they are
called to engage in actual service, should that unhappily be the issue
of present measures.
The Virginia militia officers, under the command of lord Dunmore,
convened at Fort Gower, on November the fifth, have shown what may be
expected from them; for though they resolved to bear the most faithful
allegiance to his majesty, they declared that the love of liberty and
attachment to the real interests and just rights of America, outweighed
every other consideration, and that they would exert every power within
them for the defence of American liberty, when regularly called forth by
the unanimous voice of their countrymen.
Barnstable, in New-England, and Ridgefield, in Connecticut, have
distinguished themselves in adopting measures different from the other
towns in their respective colonies. But the New-York representatives
have given the greatest disgust. After the assembly’s taking into
consideration the regulations agreed upon at the grand congress,
respecting commerce, they rejected the same. This however was thought to
be compensated for, by the late resolution of the Pennsylvania
convention [Jan. 23, 1775.] wherein they have declared, “That if the
petition of the continental congress should be disregarded, and the
British administration should determine by force to effect a submission
to the late arbitrary acts of the British parliament; in such a
situation, we hold it our indispensable duty to resist such force, and
at every hazard to defend the rights and liberties of America.” The
convention likewise recommended in particular the making of salt,
gun-powder, salt-petre, and steel. Among the many sons of liberty of
which they were composed, Mr. Charles Thomson was eminent for inflexible
spirit; but Mr. Thomas Mifflin was as the very soul of the capital and
province. Such are his natural and acquired accomplishments, his
unwearied exertions, his zeal, his address, his sprightliness, that he
enlightens and invigorates every thing around him.
The inhabitants of Maryland were no less zealous on the present critical
occasion, than those of the most active provinces. They were all in
motion, forming county meetings, entering into associations, choosing
committees, and recommending measures for carrying the resolutions of
the continental congress into effectual execution. The convention has
appointed a sum of money for the purchase of arms and ammunition. Every
person who refuses to contribute to the purchase, is deemed an enemy to
his country. Many of the principal gentlemen are ambitious of appearing
in arms to defend its liberties. They have taken the power of the
militia out of the hands of the governor, and established it by their
own authority, for the defence of the Massachusetts as well as of
themselves; and thus have shown to all the world, their approbation of
New-England measures. The lower counties of the Delaware have acted in
like manner.
[Jan. 27.] The New-Hampshire assembly, in answer to a letter from
Maryland, has gone further than ever before, in saying, “You may depend
upon the ready concurrence of this house, with the measures thought
necessary to be pursued by the other colonies in the great cause of
liberty.”
But the province did not trust to the complection of the assembly. A
convention of deputies was appointed by the several towns, and held at
Exeter, when the proceedings of the continental congress were
unanimously approved; and members chosen to represent them at the
ensuing one, two days before the assembly gave their answer.
Most of the New-Yorkers accommodate themselves to the measures appointed
by the general congress.
The general committee in Charleston, South-Carolina, upon receiving an
account of these measures, immediately convened a provincial congress,
and procured a return of representatives from every parish and district
in the colony, by which mean the body consisted of more than two
hundred, while the constitutional assembly amounts to no more than
forty-nine. The increase of the representatives naturally served the
cause of the country, by engaging a greater number of leaders in support
of it. This first provincial congress met on the eleventh of January;
they have unanimously approved the proceedings of the general congress,
and resolved to carry them into execution. Committees of inspection and
observation have also been appointed, whose business it is to see that
the public resolutions are universally obeyed, that so they may not be
broken through the selfishness of individuals. This is the prevailing
mode of guarding against such selfishness in every colony.
From the former success of non-importation agreements, and a belief that
the trade of America is indispensably necessary to Britain, it is
generally hoped and expected in the southern states, that the obnoxious
acts will be repealed. They have no idea of an appeal to the sword,
notwithstanding all the military parade that exists. A bloodless
self-denying opposition is the whole of their real intention, and all
the sacrifice that they imagine will be required. Similar sentiments
prevail among great numbers in the Massachusetts; who, while they are
preparing for war, expect that present appearances will never terminate
in it; for that Great-Britain will not fight with her best customers,
but will relax and accommodate when they find the Americans absolutely
determined to use their arms rather than submit.
Persons who discover great anxiety about the continuance of trade, are
considered as selfish, preferring private interest to the good of the
country; and under this thought, the intemperate zeal of the populace in
some places, transports them beyond the limits of moderation, to apply
singular punishments to individuals who counteract the general sense of
the community.
There is however to appearance an amazing agreement through the
continent; and it may be imagined, that the inhabitants of the twelve
colonies have but one heart, and but one understanding. Assemblies,
conventions, congresses, towns, cities, private clubs and circles, are
seemingly animated by one great, wise, active, and noble spirit—one
masterly soul, enlivening one vigorous body. All their acts tend to the
same point, the supporting of the measures of the continental congress.
But be assured there are great numbers in every colony, who disapprove
of these measures—a few comparatively, from principle and a persuasion
that the same are wrong, and that they ought to submit to the mother
country—some through attachment to the late governmental authority
exercised among them—many from self-interest—but the bulk for fear of
the mischievous consequences likely to follow. The professing friends of
liberty have acted in a spirited manner, while the others have lain
still. Such as have discovered a disposition to oppose popular measures,
have not been supported, and therefore have declined making further
efforts, and absented themselves from town and other meetings. The
popular cry being against them, they have sought personal peace and
safety in remaining quiet. But could the truth be ascertained, it would
probably be discovered, that in most of the town and other meetings,
even in New-England, far more than half the parties having a right to
attend, from various causes were absent; and that there were a great
many among the absentees, who were such, because they knew that matters
would be carried at such meetings contrary to their own sentiments. Not
only so, but it may be reasonably supposed, and time may prove, that
several in assemblies, conventions, and congresses, voted against their
own opinion, to secure themselves from resentment, and to promote their
present interest.
An inclination has appeared in several of the governmental gentlemen now
in Boston, to attempt opening the court at Worcester, and to support it
by the aid of two regiments. It has been the subject of conversation.
When the proposal of marching them came to be considered in council, it
was laid aside. The governor was well pleased with the determination. He
certainly does not wish to bring on a rupture.
Now let me conclude with giving you a picture of the Massachusetts
colony, which you will be inclined to pronounce an uncommon and
astonishing curiosity. Some hundred thousand people are in a state of
nature, and yet as still and peaceable at present, as ever they were
when government was in full vigor. We have neither legislators, nor
magistrates, nor executive officers. We have no officers but military
ones; of these we have a multitude, chosen by the people, and exercising
them with more authority and spirit than ever any did who had
commissions from a governor. The inhabitants are determined never to
submit to the act destroying their charter, and are every where devoting
themselves to arms. To force upon them a form of government to which
they are absolutely averse, may not be within the omnipotence of a
British parliament. The attempt has produced a suspension of all legal
authority, and yet individuals enjoy the same security as before, even
when they differ from the public sentiment, have they the prudence to
moderate their tempers and observe a neutrality. By accommodating
themselves so far to the times, they are safe at home and abroad.
The fortitude with which the town of Boston supports its present
distresses, and the determination it discovers to endure as much as
human nature can, rather than betray the American cause, and endanger
the liberties of posterity, will secure it the encomiums of future
generations. Not a town or city in all the colonies, would have been
likely to have exhibited so glorious a spectacle, had it been called out
to a similar trial; and all the friends of American liberty through the
continent, may congratulate themselves that the storm of ministerial
vengeance has fallen first upon the capital of the Massachusetts, as in
consequence of it they have enjoyed the opportunity of providing against
the worst that may be attempted, in order to reduce them to subjection.