_Roxbury, Sept. 28, 1774._
The appointment of general Gage to the government was not thought of by
Mr. Hutchinson. He expected to have been entrusted with the execution of
the ministerial plan; and was rather disconcerted when he found it to be
otherwise. Before he left the colony, he was presented with a few
addresses; one by a number of gentlemen, conceived in very respectful
terms, but against which many others entered a protest. Had he applied
himself vigorously and steadily to the healing of the breach between the
colonies and the parent state, instead of calling upon ministry to force
submission, he would have been a blessing, and had the love of all; but
now it will be well if he does not prove a curse to both countries, and
make himself odious to the latest posterity.
[May 13.] When general Gage landed on the long wharf, it was thought
from appearances, that he had apprehensions of being ill treated by the
inhabitants; but though they were highly incensed at the port-bill,
which they had just received, they behaved toward him with the greatest
decency. He was complimented by the council, the gentlemen in the
commission of the peace, and others, and afterward sumptuously
entertained.
The next day there was a numerous town-meeting to consider the
port-bill; when they resolved, “That it is the opinion of this town,
that if the other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all
importation from and exportation to Great-Britain, and every part of the
West-Indies, till the act be repealed, the same will prove the salvation
of North-America and her liberties; and that the impolicy, injustice,
inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, exceed all our powers of expression:
We therefore leave it to the just censure of others, and appeal to God
and the world.” Copies of the act arrived in different parts; were
multiplied with incredible expedition; and circulated through the
colonies, by which the whole country was inflamed. In some places they
were printed upon mourning paper, with a black border, and cried about
the streets under the title of _a barbarous, cruel, bloody and inhuman
murder_; in others, great bodies of the people were called together by
advertisement, and the obnoxious law burned with great solemnity,
similar to what was done in the time of the stamp act.
When the Boston port-bill arrived at New-York, captain Sears and
M‘Dougall wrote to the committee at Boston, assuring them of the support
of the New-Yorkers. The letter was published without their names. The
Yorkers would have fixed a censure upon them, but could get no proof of
their being the writers. Captain Sears and M‘Dougall called the people
together by a publication. They collected, and after a violent
opposition from the tories, who had brought their whole strength upon
the occasion, a vote was obtained for appointing a committee on account
of the port-bill, which was to consist of fifty-one. The tories fearing
the worst, had provided a list; but all lists were taken off the table
at Mr. Sears’s motion, when nominations took place, and the number of
whigs and tories was nearly equal. Mr. Sears got another added, which
made the committee fifty-two. The whigs in it insisted that there must
be a congress. The violence of captain Sears’s temper, and his influence
over the populace, induced the tories to fall in with the proposal of
one, rather than be exposed to the dangers of a mob; but they expected
that they should prevent it. A letter was sent to the Boston committee,
with a recommendation to them to appoint time and place. They approved
of a congress, but declined making the appointments. The York committee
considered the answer; and it was carried to write to them afresh upon
the subject. The tories were caught; for having agreed to the motion for
a congress, they could not hinder it by all their contrivances. You must
admit of my using, for brevity sake, the term _whig_ and _tory_ for the
_pro’s_ and _con’s_ on the subject of full redress to American
grievances. When better can be met with, they shall be adopted; but they
are universally applied in this manner by the liberty party.
The Boston committee of correspondence were sensible that the utmost
delicacy and precaution in the use of words and expressions, were
requisite in the present state of affairs; that so their enemies might
not disappoint them of that support for which they were to make a
general application to all the colonists, and whom they addressed on the
head of the port-bill, and the distresses coming upon the inhabitants,
with the utmost respect; they were careful to insert in all their
letters, “It is hoped that Boston will be considered _as suffering in
the common cause_.”
While these letters were circulating, the period arrived for the meeting
of a new general court, which assembled at Boston, [May 25.] when the
services of the election day were carried on as usual; but the hearts of
many felt sad with the apprehension that it would be the last of the
kind. Their forebodings were increased, by the number and characters of
the elected counsellors whom governor Gage negatived, not less than
thirteen. He laid nothing before the court more than the ordinary
besiness of the province; but gave them notice of their removal to Salem
on the first of June in pursuance of the act. Learning that the house of
assembly, to avoid removing were hastening through the necessary
business, with the greatest expedition, he adjourned the general court
to the seventh of June, then to meet at Salem. Before that day the
inhabitants of several towns and cities, in different parts of the
continent, concurred in expressing the greatest disapprobation of the
measures pursued against Boston, an abhorrence of the new act, and a
condemnation of the principles on which it was founded, with a
resolution to oppose its effects in every manner, and to support their
distressed brethren, who were to be the immediate victims. At
Philadelphia a subscription was set on foot for the support of such poor
inhabitants of Boston, as should be deprived of the means of subsistence
by the operation of the act. The Virginia house of burgesses appointed
the first of June to be set apart as a day of fasting and humiliation,
devoutly to implore the divine interposition, for averting the heavy
calamity which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the
evils of a civil war; and for giving one heart and one mind to the
people, firmly to oppose every injury to the American rights. This
occasioned their dissolution; but before they separated, eighty nine of
the members entered into an association, in which they declared, “That
an attack made on one of our sister colonies, to compel submission to
arbritrary taxes, is an attack made on all British America, and
threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the
whole be applied.” They recommended to the committee of correspondence,
to communicate with the several committees of the other provinces, on
the expediency of appointing deputies from the different colonies, to
meet annually in general congress, to deliberate on those measures,
which the united interests of America might from time to time require.
[June 1.] Business was finished at the custom-house in Boston at twelve
o’clock at noon, and the harbour shut up against all vessels bound
thither; and after the fourteenth none were to be allowed to depart. The
day was devoutly kept at Williamsburgh in Virginia, as a day of fasting
and humiliation. There was a solemn pause in the business of
Philadelphia. If we except the Quakers, near nine-tenths of the citizens
shut up their houses; and the bells were rung, muffled, all the day. It
was observed in other places as a day of mourning.
[June 7.] The Massachusetts general court met at Salem according to
adjournment, and a committee was appointed to consider and report the
state of the province. Mr. _Samuel Adams_ observed, that some of the
committee were for mild measures, which he judged no way suited to the
present emergency. He conferred with Mr. _Warren_ of Plymouth upon the
necessity of giving into spirited measures, and then said, “Do you keep
the committee in play, and I will go and make a _caucus_[109] against
the evening; and do you meet me.” Mr. Samuel Adams secured a meeting of
about five principal members of the house, at the time specified; and
repeated his endeavours against the next night; and so as to the third,
when they were more than thirty: the friends of administration knew
nothing of the matter. The popular leaders took the sense of the members
in a private way, and found that they should be able to carry their
scheme by a sufficient majority. They had their whole plan compleated,
prepared their resolves, and then determined upon bringing the business
forward. But before they went upon it, the door-keeper was ordered to
let no one whatsoever in, and no one was to go out: however, when the
business opened, a ministerial member pleaded a call of nature, which is
always regarded, and was allowed to go out. He then ran to give
information of what was doing, and a messenger was dispatched to general
Gage, who lived at some distance. The secretary was sent off to dissolve
the general court; found the door fastened; knocked for entrance, but
was answered, that the house was upon very important business, which
when they had finished they would let him in. As he could obtain no
entrance, he read the proclamation upon the steps leading to the
representatives’ chamber, in the hearing of several members and others
on the out-side with him, and immediately after in the council, thus
dissolving the general court. The house, while sitting with their doors
shut, appointed _Thomas Cushing_, _Samuel Adams_, _Robert Treat Pain_,
_James Bowdoin_ and _John Adams_, esqrs. as their committee to meet
other committees, that might be convened the first of September at
Philadelphia, voted them five hundred pounds lawful (seventy-five pounds
sterling) each, and chose a treasurer. They recommended also to the
several towns and districts, the raising the said sum, by equitable
proportions, according to the last provincial tax—a recommendation which
had all the force of a law. It was a triumph to many of the sons of
liberty to think that the house had out-generalled the governor.
Sometime before the dissolution of the general court, near upon three
hundred citizens of _Philadelphia_ met and appointed a committee to
write to Boston. Their letter was temperate and firm. They acknowledged
the difficulty of offering the inhabitants advice upon the sad occasion
that existed; wished first to have the sense of the province in general;
and observed that all lenient applications for obtaining redress should
be tried, before recourse was had to extremities. They remarked that it
might perhaps be right to take the sense of a general congress, before
the desperate measure of putting an entire stop to commerce was adopted;
and that it might be right at any rate, to reserve that measure as the
last resource when all other means had failed. They mentioned, that if
the making of restitution to the East-India Company for their teas would
put an end to the unhappy controversy, and leave the people of Boston
upon their ancient footing of constitutional liberty, it could not admit
of a moment’s doubt what part they should take; but they added, it was
not the value of the tea, it was the indefeasible right of giving and
granting their own money, a right from which they could never recede,
that was now the matter of consideration.
The importance and necessity of a general congress was soon felt by
every colony, so that the measure taken by the Massachusetts was
gradually adopted by the others.
_Maryland_, whose zeal in the cause of liberty was ardent, had a meeting
of the committees appointed by the several counties, at the city of
Annopolis, who elected five deputies for that province [June 25.] “to
attend a general congress, at such time and place as may be agreed on,
to effect one general plan of conduct, operating on the commercial
connection of the colonies with the mother country, for the relief of
Boston and preservation of American liberty.”
This meeting commenced three days before the election of deputies; and
considering the distance of Salem from Annopolis, cannot be ascribed to
the transaction of the Massachusetts assembly on the seventeenth; beside
it appears from the words _at such time and place as may be agreed on_,
that the committees did not know that the Massachusetts assembly had
mentioned the convening of a general congress on the first of September
at Philadelphia.
When the opinion of the Boston town-meeting respecting a joint
resolution of the colonies to stop all importation and exportation till
the port-bill was repealed, arrived in South-Carolina, it was
represented to a number of the principal gentlemen in Charlestown. The
mode proposed was thought to be of too much consequence to be adopted
without the universal consent of the people. It was therefore determined
to request a meeting of the inhabitants. That this might be as general
as possible, circular letters were sent by express to every parish and
district within the colony.
[July 6.] A great number from almost every part of South-Carolina met at
Charlestown. The proceedings of parliament against Boston and the
Massachusetts Bay were distinctly related to this convention of the
people; on which, without one dissenting voice, they came into various
resolutions. Among others they resolved, “That five gentlemen be
appointed deputies on the behalf of this colony, to meet the deputies of
the several colonies in North-America in general congress, to consider
the act lately passed, and bills depending in parliament, with regard to
the port of Boston and province of Massachusetts, also the grievances
under which America labors, with full power and authority, in behalf of
us and our constituents, to concert, and effectually to prosecute, such
legal measures (by which we for ourselves and them most solemnly engage
to abide) as in the opinion of the said deputies, and of the deputies so
to be assembled, shall be most likely to obtain a repeal of the said
acts, and a redress of these grievances.”—That, while the oppressive
acts relative to Boston are enforced, we will cheerfully, from time to
time, contribute toward the relief of such persons there, whose
unfortunate circumstances may be thought to stand in need of most
assistance:”—“That a committee of ninety-nine persons be now appointed,
to act as a general committee, to correspond with the committees of the
other colonies, and to do all matters and things necessary to carry the
resolutions into execution; and that any twenty-one of them met
together, may proceed on business—their power to continue till the next
general meeting.”
The appointment of the above-mentioned deputies was recognized, ratified
and confirmed by the house of assembly, at their next session, on the
second of August.
The Connecticut house of representatives, in expectation of the event
during their recess, empowered a committee of nine, in case a congress
of commissioners from the several colonies should be convened, to meet
and choose delegates to serve for that colony, and to correspond with
other committees. Mr. _Silas Deane_ was of the committee, and being
ambitious of going to congress, schemed their meeting at New-London,
(instead of Hartford) where through the influence of a most worthy
father-in-law, his own policy, and his _own_ vote, he obtained a
majority of _one_, and became one of the four Connecticut delegates,
though not viewed by those who know him most, as a person of the
greatest integrity, or the truest patriotism.
At _Philadelphia_, a petition signed by near nine hundred freeholders
was presented to Mr. Penn, the governor, entreating him to call a
general assembly as soon as possible. This request being refused, the
province proceeded to the election of deputies, who soon after met at
_Philadelphia_. The resolutions passed at this meeting, carry the marks
of cool and temperate deliberation, as well as affection to the mother
country, more than those of any others; and are at the same time equally
firm in the determination of supporting the colonial rights.
In them the deputies set out with the strongest professions of duty and
allegiance, and express their abhorence of every idea of an
unconstitutial dependence on the parent state, and the most ardent
wishes for a restoration of the former harmony. They reprobate in the
strongest terms the act and bills relative to the _Massachusetts-Bay_,
and declare that they consider their brethren at Boston, as suffering in
the common cause. They insist upon the absolute necessity of a congress
to consult together and form a general plan of conduct for all the
colonies. They acknowledge, that a suspension of the commerce of that
large trading province with Great-Britain, will greatly distress
multitudes of their industrious inhabitants, but pronounce themselves
ready to offer that sacrifice, and much greater, for the preservation of
their liberties; however, they express their desire, that congress will
first try the gentle mode of stating their grievances, and making a firm
and decent claim of redress. They conclude with declaring, that that
province will break off all commercial intercourse whatever, with any
town, city or colony, and individuals in them who shall refuse, or
neglect to adopt and carry into execution, such general plan as shall be
agreed upon in the congress.
They did not undertake to appoint the delegates, but left it to the
Pennsylvania assembly, [July 22.] who soon after fixed upon seven
gentlemen.
At a meeting of delegates, from the different counties in _Virginia_ at
_Williamsburgh_, beside the warmest professions of allegiance and
loyalty, and several resolutions in common with the other colonies, they
passed others, which considering the circumstances of the colony, with
its immediate dependence on the mother country for the disposal of its
only staple commodity, must be considered as very deserving of
attention, because strongly indicating the true spirit of that people.
They resolved not to purchase any more slaves from Africa, the
West-Indies, or any other place; that their non-importation agreement
should take place on the first of the following November, and that if
the American grievances were not redressed by the tenth of August 1775,
they would export after that time, no tobacco, nor any other goods
whatever to Great-Britain. They recommended the cultivation of such
articles of husbandry, instead of tobacco, as might form a proper basis
for manufactures of all sorts; and particularly, the improvement of the
breed of sheep, the multiplying of them, and the killing as few as
possible. [Aug. 5.] They chose as delegates to a general congress,
_Peyton Randolph_, _Richard Henry Lee_, _George Washington_, _Patrick
Henry_, _Richard Bland_, _Benj. Harrison_ and _Edmund Pendleton_, esqrs.
At Newport, in Rhode-Island, an animated paper was circulated, with the
motto JOIN or DIE. The state of Boston was represented as a siege, and
as a direct hostile invasion of all the colonies. “The generals of
despotism (it says) are now drawing the lines of circumvallation around
our bulwarks of liberty, and nothing but unity, resolution and
perseverance, can save ourselves and posterity from what is worse than
death—Slavery.” The general assembly of the colony chose two deputies to
represent the colony in a general congress; who were legally authorised
for that service, [Aug. 10.] under the hand and seal of the governor.
All the other colonies, from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina
inclusively, adopted the measure of electing representatives to meet in
general congress.
To judge aright of the present alarming state of affairs, you must
observe, that it does not arise from the discontent of a turbulent or
oppressed nobility or gentry, so that by bringing over a few of the
leaders, the rest will follow of course, or persist only to their own
ruin; nor does it depend upon the resolution or perseverance of a body
of merchants and dealers, so that every man, habitually studious of his
immediate interest, will tremble at the thought of those consequences
which may essentially affect it: nor will a few lucrative jobs or
contracts split the colonists into numberless factions. On the contrary,
the great force of the opposition consists in the landholders throughout
America. The British lands in this continent, are, in general, and more
especially in the New-England colonies, the Jerseys, and in part of
New-York and Pennsylvania, portioned out in such freeholds as afford
that mediocrity of condition to the possessors, which is sufficient to
raise strong bodies and vigorous minds; but seldom that superabundance
which proves so fatal to both, in old and refined countries. The
American freeholders, from many circumstances, are more enthusiastic
lovers of liberty, than ever were the English yeomanry. The body of them
are too bold to be despised without danger, and now that they are
united, too numerous to be bribed. Human nature being the same in every
quarter of the globe, had moderation instead of compulsion been
employed, several who are at present zealous leaders, might have been
secured, and ministry (in colonies of such different manners, interests,
and principles, and on these accounts strongly inclined to variance with
each other) might have carried many points which they will now find it
difficult or impossible to do, since they have united them, by
evidencing a design of subjugating each to a mode of government to which
all, without exception, are averse in the highest degree.
The Boston committee of correspondence received the most encouraging
answers to their letters; and were assured that the town of Boston was
considered _as suffering in the common cause_. They had more than the
strongest expressions to console them, they had the substantial evidence
of facts. Ministry promised themselves mighty advantages from making
_Salem_ the seat of government, with the privilege of an open port,
while the neighboring one, in itself of much greater consequence, was
shut. But the merchants and freeholders of the town discovered a most
noble spirit, which will prove a sore disappointment to them. If it was
expected that incurable envy, jealousy, or animosity, would be excited
between the two towns, and that the refractory capital being abandoned
and left alone to ruminate upon her forlorn situation, would soon be
reclaimed and brought to a full sense of her duty; the very reverse will
mortify.
[June 18.] The day after the dissolution of the general court, the
merchants and freeholders of _Salem_ presented an address to the
governor, and in it expressed the most generous sentiments. They said,
“We are most deeply afflicted with a sense of our public calamities; but
the miseries that are now rapidly hastening on our brethren in the
capital of this province, greatly excite our commiseration, and we hope
your excellency will use your endeavors to prevent a further
accumulation of evils on that already sorely distressed people.”—“By
shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade
might be turned hither and to our benefit; but nature, in the formation
of our harbor, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce with that
convenient mart. And were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of
justice, and lost to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one
thought to seize on wealth, and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our
suffering neighbors.” The governor was treated with the highest respect,
and mention was made of their hoping much from his general character, as
well as from his wisdom and mildness in another command. They expressed
the stronges attachment to the mother country, the deepest concern for
the present unhappy troubles, and the most fervent wishes for a speedy
and happy reconciliation, to obtain which they were willing to sacrifice
every thing compatible with the safety and dignity of British subjects.
_Marblehead_, a sea-port, about three miles from Salem, and equally far
with the last from Boston, but a town of no great trade, being engaged
chiefly in the cod fishery, testified its regard and compassion for the
capital, by letting the suffering merchants have the free use of its
wharfs and stores. Its inhabitants offered also to attend the lading and
unlading of their goods, and transact for them all the business to be
done at their port, without putting them to the smallest expence.
The pity and resentment of the country at large, were excited by
observations published on the Boston port-bill. Those of Mr. _Josiah
Quincy_, jun. were most generally read and admired. He observed—“The
Boston port-bill condemns a whole town unheard, nay, uncited to answer;
involves thousands in ruin and misery, without suggestion of any crime
by them committed; and is so constituted that enormous pains and
penalties must ensue, notwithstanding the most perfect obedience to its
injunctions. The destruction of the tea, which took place without any
illegal procedure of the town, is the only alledged ground of consigning
thousands of its inhabitants to ruin, misery and despair. Those charged
with the most aggravated crimes, are not punishable till arraigned
before disinterested judges, heard in their own defence, and found
guilty of the charge. But here a whole people are accused, prosecuted by
they know not whom, tried they know not when, proved guilty they know
not how, and sentenced to suffer inevitable ruin. Their hard fate cannot
be averted by the most servile submission, the most implicit obedience
to this statute. Their first intimation of it was on the tenth of May,
and it took place the first of June, thence to continue in full force,
till it shall sufficiently appear to his majesty, that full satisfaction
hath been made by, or in behalf of the inhabitants of Boston, to the
East-India Company, for the damage sustained by the destruction of their
tea; and until it shall be certified to his majesty, by the governor or
lieutenant governor of the province, that reasonable satisfaction has
been made to the officers of the revenue and others, for the riots and
insurrection mentioned in it. So short a space is given for staying the
torrent of threatened evils, that the subject, though exerting his
utmost energy, must be overwhelmed and driven to madness by terms of
deliverance which deny relief till his ruin is inevitable.”
Others said, “Had punishment been only threatened, had it been in our
option whether we would submit or suffer, the reason for complaint would
have been less. But without previous warning in the proposal of any
terms that might have prevented the coming of evil upon us, it is
inflicted with ineffable vengeance; so that should we servilely submit
to all required, we must notwithstanding suffer almost total ruin. The
conditions upon which alone our sufferings are to be removed, far from
being fixed with precision, are so loose and indeterminate, that a
governor may perpetuate them during his political existence, the king in
council not being enabled to open the port without his certificate. The
wharfs and landing places at Boston, which are the property of numerous
individuals, are, as to the use of them, wherein only their value
consists, wrested out of their hands and put into the king’s, to be
disposed of at his pleasure. Two wharfs indeed are to be opened again,
when his majesty shall think proper; but the residue are for ever
interdicted the exercise of commerce.”
The rough drafts of the bills, “for the better regulating of the
government of the Massachusetts-Bay;” and “for the impartial
administration of justice in it,” as well as of that “for quartering the
troops in America,” upon their arrival at Boston, were instantly
circulated through the continent, and filled up whatever was before
wanting, of violence and indignation in most of the colonies. Even those
who were moderate, or seemed wavering, now became resolute and
resentful. Nothing was to be heard of but meetings and resolutions.
Liberal contributions for the relief of the distressed Bostonions were
every where recommended, and soon practised. Numberless letters were
written from districts, towns, and provinces, to the people of Boston,
in which, besides every expression of sympathy and tenderness, they were
commended for their past conduct, and strongly exhorted to a
perseverance in that virtue which had brought on their sufferings. It
was in vain that the friends of government attended a town-meeting, and
attempted to pass resolutions for the payment of the tea, and for
dissolving the committee of correspondence; they found themselves lost
in a prodigious majority, and had no other resource than drawing up a
protest against the proceedings of that body. The Boston committee of
correspondence apprehended themselves so fixed in the good opinion of
the public, that they ventured to frame and publish an agreement,
entitled, _A solemn league and covenant_.
[June 29.] General Gage was so alarmed at the idea of _a solemn league
and covenant_, that he issued a strong proclamation against it, stiling
it an unlawful, hostile, and traiterous combination. He charged all
magistrates to apprehend and secure for trial, such as should have any
share in aiding or abetting the foregoing or any similar covenant. The
charge was needless; for the engagement was so unguardedly expressed,
and so extremely ensnaring, that it was severely censured by many of the
best and warmest sons of liberty in and about Boston, who refused to
give it support; so that however it might be venerated out of the
colony, it sunk into obscurity at home; and changed its form into one
that was less exceptionable, and yet equally well calculated to stop the
trade with Great-Britain, and that accorded with those entered into
about the same time, in various parts of the continent, without any
previous concert with each other, any more than with Boston. The
coincidence of sentiments and measures given into by individuals and
assemblies, larger and smaller, in the several and more distant
colonies, without any previous contrivance, has been so remarkable, that
persons the furthest removed from superstition, have inclined to ascribe
it to a special providence of God. They have been seemingly actuated by
one and the same spirit, nearly at the same instant. When letters have
been dispatched from Boston to fellow-patriots afar, asking or giving
advice; letters from these have been upon the road, giving or asking the
very advice which was wanted—the like in other matters. Not that there
is a uniformity in all points through the continent. The people may be
divided into two great classes. One is for rushing headlong into the
greatest extremities, without waiting till other measures are tried, or
receiving the general sense of the colonies; and though eager for
holding a congress, would leave it nothing to do but to prosecute the
violence which they have began. The other is averse to violent measures,
till all other means are ineffectually tried. They wish further
applications to be made to Britain, and the grievances they complain of,
with the rights which they claim, to be clearly stated and properly
presented. This, they say, can be effectually done only by a general
congress. There is a third party, who are friends to the British
administration, or rather who do not totally disapprove of its measures;
but their voice is so low, that except in a few particular places, it
can scarcely be distinguished. The friends to colonial rights have a
great advantage over them, not only from the goodness of their cause,
but their possessing most of the presses on the continent. These are
chiefly in the hands of the whigs, and news-papers publishing essays and
other compositions against the prevailing opinions of the people, have
not a universal spread, and cannot prove so profitable to the
proprietors, as those on the other side of the question. The command
which the sons of liberty have of the press, gives them the superiority
in point of influence, over their antagonists in the periodical
publications of the day.
As the Boston port bill prohibits all water carriage, beside shutting up
the port, the merchants are under the necessity of adopting the
expensive mode of bringing their goods from Salem or Marblehead, all the
way round, through Cambridge and Roxbury, to Boston. Had they been
allowed to bring them to Charlestown by land, and thence to cross them
over by water, they would have saved a fourth of the way. But it is
pleasing to observe what trade is going forward, notwithstanding the
embarrassments with which it is clogged. Boston is exhibiting a scene of
patience, fortitude, and perseverance, which will make them renowned in
history. Though liberal contributions have been made, are raising, and
will be raised, for the succour of sufferers; yet it may be easily
conceived, that in a town containing several thousand inhabitants, who
have subsisted chiefly by commerce and the various kinds of business
subservient to it, and where the maintenance of many families depends
merely upon the locality, the cutting off of that grand source of their
employment and subsistence, must occasion great distresses
notwithstanding every relief. Even the rich are not exempt from the
general calamity, as a very considerable part of their property consists
in wharfs, warehouses, stores, and those numerous erections which are
destined to the purposes of commerce, but are now no longer profitable.
The people at large have been for some time preparing to defend their
rights with the point of the sword. They see that they are either to be
terrified or driven into submission, by an armed force; and are for
providing against both. The countrymen, in returning from Boston, are
daily bringing out guns, knapsacks, &c. Every one appears desirous of
being well accoutred. They have arms in general, the militia law
requiring it of all within a certain age. Note—They are fond of
shooting, are accustomed to it from early life, and are special
marksmen. They are perfecting themselves in their exercise. Handling the
musket and training, are the fashionable amusements of the male
inhabitants, while the females encourage them to proceed. The sound of
drums and fifes is constantly saluting your ears. Husbands and wives,
parents and children, brothers and sisters, lovers, the young and the
old, seem possessed of, or rather to be possessed by a martial spirit,
and are fired with an enthusiastic zeal for liberty. In most places, but
particularly in _Berkshire_ and _Worcester_ counties, where the
influence of government was supposed to prevail most, nothing is to be
seen or heard of, except the purchasing of arms and ammunition, the
casting of balls, and the making of all those preparations which testify
the most immediate danger, and determined resistance.
The high military tone of the country people, is to be placed chiefly to
the account of the two bills “for regulating the government of the
Massachusetts,” and “the impartial administration of justice in it.”
These bills have proposed so thorough a change in the civil and
religious liberties of towns and individuals, that they view themselves
as intentionally deprived of every privilege, and reduced to the
necessity of fighting for all they hold dear to them. It is of the
utmost consequence that juries should not be packed. The accustomed mode
of electing them is excellent, but liable to abuse, and there “may have
been instances wherein persons who have no regard to religion and to
divine revelation, have been really picked up to serve a turn.”[110] But
this will not justify that most execrable alteration of leaving it in
the power of the governor and council, through the aid of the sheriff,
to obtain such a jury in each cause, as may best suit their passions and
interests, whereby the lives and properties of the subjects are put into
their hands without controul.[111]
It is also to be enacted, by the regulating bill, that after the first
of August, 1774, there shall be no town-meetings, without the leave of
the governor or lieutenant governor, in writing, expressing the special
business of such meetings, first obtained, except the annual meetings in
March, for the choice of select men, constables, and other officers; and
in May, for the election of representatives, and meetings to fill up the
offices aforesaid, on death or removal; and that no other matter shall
be treated of at such meetings except the election of aforesaid officers
or representatives, nor at any other meeting, except the business
expressed in the leave given. A more obnoxious alteration could scarce
have been invented.
Every town is an incorporated republic. The select men, by their own
authority, or upon the application of a certain number of townsmen,
issue a warrant for the calling of a town-meeting. The warrant mentions
the business to be engaged in, and no other can be legally executed. The
inhabitants are warned to attend; and they that are present, though not
a quarter, or tenth of the whole, have a right to proceed. They choose a
president by the name of moderator, who regulates the proceedings of the
meeting. Each individual has an equal liberty of delivering his opinion,
and is not liable to be silenced or browbeaten by a greater or richer
townsman than himself. Every freeman or freeholder, as the business
regards either the freeholders in particular or the freemen at large,
gives his vote or not, and for or against, as he pleases; and each vote
weighs equally, whether that of the highest or lowest inhabitant. At
these town-meetings the people are used to debate and conclude upon
instructions to their representatives respecting matters before, or
likely to come before the general court—freely to express their
sentiments regarding public transactions—to agree upon the choice of a
minister, and the salary they shall give him—upon building or repairing
the meeting-house, and upon a variety of other interesting matters,
which concern the exercise of their civil or sacred privileges. All the
New-England towns are upon the same plan in general, though different in
certain particulars. In the colony of Rhode-Island they have no minister
paid by the town, as a town, nor is it allowed by the government; the
salary is not a town charge, but is made up out of the voluntary
contributions of the denomination to which he is joined.
From the free exercise of all the above cited rights, the Massachusetts
inhabitants are to be suspended by the aforesaid enacting clause. When
they wish, or have occasion to hold meetings for any of the above
purposes, they will be obliged to apply to the governor, who may put a
negative upon every application, and who will have it in his power to
prevent their settling a minister when the pulpit is become vacant, till
he can be well assured that the person on whom the choice will fall,
either does or will incline to support governmental measures.
The bill for the impartial administration of justice, the people
consider as threatening them with military execution, if they comply not
with that for the better regulating of the government. The English blood
which they have derived from their forefathers, without corrupting it by
foreign mixtures, for they have been too national to encourage, like
some colonies, the settlement of foreigners among them—that blood boils
in their veins at those two bills, and fires them to a military
opposition. The inhabitants of Connecticut mean not to be idle
spectators of the fate of their sister colony, which can only be a
prelude to their own, and are therefore giving in to equal exertions for
stemming the approaching torrent.
Soon after general Gage’s arrival, two regiments of foot, with a small
detachment of the artillery, and some cannon, were landed at Boston, and
encamped on the common. These troops were by degrees reinforced by the
arrival of several regiments from Ireland, New-York, Halifax, and at
length from Quebec. The arrival and station of these troops, was far
from being agreeable to the inhabitants; nor was the jealousy in any
degree less in the minds of their neighbors of the surrounding counties.
The dissatisfaction was increased by placing a guard upon Boston Neck,
the narrow isthmus which joins the peninsula to the continent; for which
measure the frequent desertion of the soldiers was the assigned reason.
Individuals have encouraged such desertion; and the Boston committee
have not failed to contribute to the temptation, by making the situation
of the soldiery as disagreeable as they could, and by counteracting all
endeavors to render it comfortable. They act systematically for the
prevention of all supplies for the British troops. Through their
connection with the neighboring committees, the farmers and others are
prevented from selling them straw, timber, slitwork, boards, in short
every article excepting provisions necessary for their subsistence. The
straw which is purchased for their service is daily burnt. Vessels with
brick intended for the army are sunk, and carts with wood are
overturned. Thus, by some contrivance or other, purchases are either
prevented, or when made, the king’s property is destroyed in every
manner in which it can be effected. While these things are doing, a
trifling circumstance gives the inhabitants of Boston a full earnest of
the support they may expect from the country in case of extremity, and
an opportunity of knowing the general temper of the people. A report
spreads, that a regiment posted on the Neck, has cut off all
communication with the country, in oder to starve the town into a
compliance with any measures which may be proposed to it. Upon this
vague report, a large body of the inhabitants of Worcester county
assemble, and dispatch two messengers express to Boston, to discover the
truth of the information. These envoys acquaint the townsmen, that if
the report had been true, there were several thousand armed men ready to
have marched to their assistance. They tell them further, that they are
commissioned to acquaint them, that even though they should be disposed
to a surrender of their liberties, the people of the country will not
think themselves at all included in their act; that by the late act and
the bills pending in the British parliament when the last intelligence
was received, their charter was utterly vacated; and that the compact
between Britain and the colonies being thus dissolved, they are at full
liberty to combine together, in what manner and form they think best,
for mutual security.
[August 4.] The governor, by a proclamation for the encouragement of
piety and virtue, the prevention and punishment of vice, profaneness and
immorility, has exasperated the minds of the people, owing to the
insertion of _hypocrisy_ among the immoralities. They have been scoffed
at and reproached by enemies, and those of looser manners, for a
pharisaical attention to outward forms and the appearances of religion;
and therefore view this insertion as an intended insult. With the new
acts, the governor received a list of thirty-six new counsellors, who
agreeable to the new regulations, have been appointed by the crown,
contrary to the method prescribed by the charter.—About twenty-four of
the gentlemen have accepted, so that there is a sufficient number to
attempt carrying on the business of government. But the courts of
judicature at Boston are suspended, for the grand jurors refuse to take
the oaths, and to act under new judges and laws. The petit jurors
decline serving, on account of _Peter Oliver_, esq. standing impeached
by a late honorable house of commons of the province, and of the judges
of the superior court being made to depend upon the crown. Not only so,
but the great and petty juries through the colony, unanimously refure to
act in any manner under the new regulations; and the clerks of the court
have found it necessary to acknowledge their contrition in the public
papers, for issuing the warrants by which the juries were summoned, and
not only to declare that they will not act so again, but to apologize
for what they have done. At Great Barrington and some other places, the
people assembled in large bodies, and filled the court-house and avenues
in such a manner, that neither judge nor officer could obtain entrance;
and upon the sheriff’s commanding them to make way for the court, they
answered, “We know no court, nor any other establishment, independent of
the ancient laws and usages of our country, and to none other will we
submit, or give way upon any account.”
At Salem the merchants, freeholders and other inhabitants, were by
hand-bills summoned to meet on Wednesday the twenty-fourth, to consider
on measures for opposing the execution of divers late acts of
parliament. The day preceding the intended meeting, [August 23.] the
governor, who resides within a few miles of the place, published a
proclamation prohibiting all persons from attending. The proclamation
being disregarded, a company of soldiers were ordered into town to
disperse the meeting; but before they got to it, the business was
finished, and the inhabitants withdrawn. Three of the gentlemen were
apprehended, but gave bonds to appear in court, and so were discharged.
The proceedings of the people, and their manifest dispositions, have
alarmed the general, who has thought it necessary for the safety of the
troops, as well as to secure the important post of Boston, to fortify
the entrance at the Neck, which affords the only communication, except
by water, between the town and the continent. His own personal safety,
while at his country residence in Danvers, would have been endangered,
had not the prudence of Samuel Holten, esq. M. D. a genuine, determined,
but considerate son of liberty, cooled and moderated the temper of his
neighbors.
_William Brattle_, esq. frequently an elected counsellor under the
charter, having given a hint to the governor to secure the provincial
ammunition, he sent two companies of soldiers across the river long
before day-break, [Sept. 1.] who possessed themselves of the powder in
the arsenal at Charlestown. The news circulated apace, and in the
morning the inhabitants of the neighboring towns, to the amount of
several thousands, assembled at Cambridge, mostly in arms. They
proceeded to the lieutenant governor Oliver’s house, and to the house of
several of the new counsellors, and of others who they thought had shewn
themselves unfriendly to the province. Some of the consellors were
obliged to resign, and to declare they would no more act under what are
pronounced the arbitrary laws lately enacted—It was with difficulty that
the multitude was restrained from marching to Boston, there to demand a
delivery of the powder, and, in case of refusal, to attack the troops.
This collection of people, and the confusion necessarily attending their
transactions, gave rise to a rumor, that the fleet and troops were
firing upon the town of Boston, which flew with amazing rapidity through
New-England; and in less than 24 hours after, there were between 30 and
40,000 men in arms, some of whom marched from 20 to 30 miles toward
Boston before they were undeceived. This report, and the seizure of the
powder, roused the inhabitants in the other colonies beyond New-England,
so that they immediately began learning the military exercise. The
transaction at Cambridge produced such other risings in the colony, as
obliged more of the new council to resign or to flee to Boston; whither,
by the close of the month, the commissioners, the custom-house officers,
and all who have made themselves particularly obnoxious, by taking an
active and decided part against the country, repaired for protection.
Thus is the seat of government at Salem abandoned, and the apparatus of
a custom-house removed to a place, which an act of parliament has
proscribed from all trade.
About this time the governor’s company of cadets, consisting of Boston
gentlemen, disbanded themselves, and returned him the standard he
presented them upon his arrival. This slight was owing to his taking
away the commission from Mr. Hancock, who was colonel of the corps. But
Mr. John Murray, a colonel of the militia, having accepted a seat in the
new council, twenty-four officers of his regiment resigned their
commissions in one day. Such is the prevailing spirit, that all persons
accepting offices under the new laws, or preparing to act in conformity
to them, are declared enemies to their country, and threatened
accordingly.
The seizing of the powder, and the withholding from the legal
proprietors what is lodged in the magazine of Boston, and the design
carrying into execution of repairing and manning the fortifications at
the entrance of the town, have occasioned the holding an assembly of
delegates from the several towns and districts in the county of Suffolk,
of which Boston is the county town. After a most spirited preamble, they
resolved, among other things [Sept. 9.] “That no obedience is due from
this province to either or any part of the late acts, but that they be
rejected as the attempts of a wicked administration to enslave
America—that so long as the justices are appointed or hold their places
by any other tenure than that which the charter and the laws of the
province direct, they must be considered as unconstitutional officers,
and as such no regard ought to be paid to them by the people of this
country—that if the justices shall sit and act during their present
disqualified state, this county will bear harmless all sheriffs, jurors,
and other officers, who shall refuse to carry into execution the orders
of said courts—that it be recommended to the collectors of taxes and all
other officers who have public monies in their hands, to retain the
same, and not to make any payment thereof to the provincial county
treasurer, until the civil government of the province is placed upon a
constitutional foundation, or it shall be otherwise ordered, by the
proposed provincial congress—that the persons who have accepted seats at
the council board, by virtue of a mandamus from the king, have acted in
a direct violation of the duty they owe to their country; this county do
recommend it to all who have so highly offended, and have not already
resigned, to make public resignation on or before the 20th of this
instant, September; all refusing so to do, shall, after said day, be
considered by this county, as obstinate and incorrigible enemies to this
country—that the fortifications begun and now carrying on upon Boston
Neck, gives us reason to apprehend some hostile intention against that
town—that the late act establishing the Roman Catholic religion in
Quebec, is dangerous in an extreme degree to the Protestant religion,
and to the civil rights and liberties of all America—that whereas our
enemies have flattered themselves that they shall make an easy prey of
this numerous brave people, from an apprehension that they are
unacquainted with military discipline; we therefore, for the honor and
security of this county and province, advise, that such persons be
elected in each town as officers in the militia, as shall be judged of
sufficient capacity, and who have evidenced themselves the invincible
friends to the rights of the people, and that the inhabitants do use
their utmost diligence to acquaint themselves with the art of war, and
do for that purpose appear under arms at least once every week—that
during the present hostile appearances on the part of Britain, we are
determined to act merely upon the defensive so long as such conduct may
be vindicated by reason and the principles of self-preservation, but no
longer—that as we understand it has been in contemplation to apprehend
sundry persons of this county, we do recommend, should such measure be
put in practice, to seize and keep every servant of the present
government throughout the province, until the persons so apprehended be
restored uninjured—that we recommend to all persons, not to engage in
any routs, riots, or licentious attacks upon the properties of any
person whatsoever, as being subversive of all order and government; but
by a steady, manly, uniform, and persevering opposition, to convince our
enemies, that in a contest so important, in a cause so solemn, our
conduct shall be such as to merit the approbation of the wise, and the
admiration of the brave and free of every age and of every country.”
They then drew up an address to the governor, and voted that doctor
_Joseph Warren_ (a physician, an amiable gentleman, who wishes for a
reconciliation between the colonies and the parent state, upon a redress
of grievances, and aims not at independency) with others, be a committee
to wait on his excellency, to inform him how the country is alarmed, and
to remonstrate against the fortifications making on the Neck, and the
repeated insults offered by the soldiery to persons passing and
re-passing into Boston, and to confer with him on those subjects. The
governor was waited upon to know if he would receive the committee with
the address; but desiring a private copy of it, that when he received
them he might be ready with a prepared answer, he was furnished with it,
and afterwards fixed on Monday the 12th for receiving the committee. The
doings of the county delegates, and a copy of the address to the
governor have been sent off by express to the general congress, now met
at Philadelphia. On the Monday, when the committee had delivered the
address of the county, he answered to it, “I have no intention to
prevent the free egress and regress of any person to and from the town
of Boston. I shall suffer none under my command to injure the person or
property of any of his majesty’s subjects; but it is my duty to preserve
the peace, and to prevent surprise; and no use will be made of the
cannon, unless the hostile proceedings of the people shall render it
necessary.” The patriots are waiting earnestly for the opinion of
congress on the Suffolk resolves, in hopes that they will be approved
of; and if so, they will go on with greater resolution and courage; for
they will consider such approbation as a declaration that the colony
will be supported by congress, in case hostilities are necessary for the
preservation of its liberties, and is also justifiable in arming and
training the militia.
Mr. _Quincy_ is upon the point of sailing for Britain, at the request of
several co-patriots. Be so obliging as to pay a proper attention to him;
you will be pleased at finding him so intelligent a gentleman, and may
rely upon his information. Shall keep the letter open, that if the sense
of congress is received time enough, it may be forwarded.
P. S. The sons of liberty are in high spirits. The Suffolk resolves were
before congress on Saturday morning, the 17th, and were considered;
after which it was _resolved unanimously_, “That this assembly deeply
feels the suffering of their countrymen in the _Massachusetts Bay_,
under the operation of the late unjust, cruel, and oppressive acts of
the _British_ parliament—that they most thoroughly approve the wisdom
and fortitude with which opposition to these wicked ministerial measures
has hitherto been conducted, and they earnestly recommend to their
brethren, a perseverance in the same firm and temperate conduct, as
expressed in the resolutions determined upon at a meeting of the
delegates for the county of _Suffolk_, on Tuesday the 6th instant (that
was the day of their first meeting, but they did not finish till the
9th) trusting that the effect of the united efforts of _North-America_
in their behalf, will carry such conviction to the _British_ nation, of
the unwise, unjust, and ruinous policy of the present administration, as
quickly to introduce better men and wiser measures.—“_Resolved
unanimously_, That contributions from all the colonies, for supplying
the necessities and alleviating the distresses of our brethren at
Boston, ought to be continued, in such manner, and so long as their
occasions may require.” Mr. Quincy sails to-day.