_London, March 3, 1775._
A strange supineness prevailed for some time after my last was closed,
among the great body of the English nation; and the colony contests were
little regarded. Numbers flattered themselves, that as things had
formerly so often appeared at the verge of a rupture, without actually
arriving at it, some means would be found for accommodating the present
dispute. The opinion also was circulated, that a continuance of
resolution persisted in, would certainly put an end to the contest,
which (it was said) had been nourished wholly by former concessions;
people in general were therefore inclined to trust the trial of
perseverance and resolution to a ministry who valued themselves upon
these qualities. The times have been highly favorable to any purpose
which only required the concurrence of the parliament and the
acquiescence of the public. Administration has taken advantage of these
circumstances [Sept. 30, 1774.] and the late parliament has been
dissolved a twelvemonth before the expected time. This may be meant as a
preparatory step to the most coercive measures with America; but in a
new house of commons, ministry will be left at large, to choose or alter
their line of conduct as incidents may vary, and if necessary can throw
all the odium of the late laws upon the former parliament.
[Nov. 30.] His majesty in his speech informed the new one, that a most
daring spirit of disobedience to the law, still unhappily prevailed in
the Massachusetts, and had broken forth in fresh violences of a criminal
nature; that these proceedings had been encouraged in other colonies,
and unwarrantable attempts been made to obstruct the commerce of the
kingdom, by unlawful combinations; that such measures had been taken,
and such orders given, as were judged most proper for carrying the laws
into execution; and that they might depend upon a firm resolution to
withstand every attempt to weaken the supreme authority of the
legislature over all the dominions of the crown, his majesty being
assured of receiving their support while acting upon these principles.
The proposed address in the house of commons, produced a considerable
debate; and the minister was reminded of the mighty effects he had
predicted from the late acts against America—They were to humble that
whole continent in the dust, without further trouble, and the punishment
of Boston was to strike an universal panic on all the colonies; that
refractory town would be totally abandoned, and instead of obtaining
relief, a dread of the same fate would even prevent the appearances of
pity. But the address was carried, without any amendment, by a majority
of more than three to one.
That from the house of lords was couched in strong terms, and was warmly
debated. It was rendered memorable by a protest, thought to be the first
upon an address, and which was very pointed; it concluded with the
following remarkable declaration: “But whatever may be the mischievous
designs, or the inconsiderate temerity which leads others to this
desperate course, we wish to be known as persons who have disapproved of
measures so injurious in their past effects and their future tendency,
and who are not in haste, without enquiry or information, to commit
ourselves in declarations which may precipitate our country into all the
calamities of a civil war.”[113] The address was carried by a majority
of 63 to 13.
Notwithstanding the hostile tone of the speech, and the great majority
that supported the addresses, there appeared an irresolution on the side
of ministry; and previous to the Christmas recess they seemed evidently
to shrink from all contest upon American subjects. The national
estimates were entirely formed upon a peace establishment; and the
minister of the naval department publicly asserted in the house of
lords, that he knew it would be fully sufficient for reducing the
colonies to obedience. He spoke with the greatest contempt both of the
power and courage of the Americans; and held that they were not
disciplined, nor capable of discipline, and that formed of such
materials, and so indisposed to action, the numbers, of which such
boasts had been made, would only add to the facility of their defeat.
The establishment will indeed be fully sufficient, if the ministry mean
to employ the navy only, and to recal the military. Ships may effect
that with little hazard and expence, which if once attempted by
soldiers, may plunge the nation into enormous disbursements, and yet not
be accomplished. A few ships of the line stationed singly near the
capital ports of the colonies, and a number of frigates employed as
cruisers to stop the Americans from sending any vessels to sea; and this
measure continued, would at length weary out the inhabitants of the
towns and cities upon the sea-coast of the continent, and induce one or
other of them to submit; and if but one link of the chain give way, the
whole would soon come to the ground; and were the sea-ports once brought
to adjust the present dispute with administration, the towns in the back
country might be gradually inclined to the same, whatever may be their
present apprehensions. The proper application of the navy to the
American contest, would also exclude all foreign interference.
The congressional proceedings were received before the Christmas recess,
and ministry were disposed to retract their violent measures and to
redress American grievances. To this end, application was made, under
the auspices of the minister, to the body of the American merchants,
desiring them to frame petitions for the redress of American grievances
and the restoration of American rights, and promising compliance with
them, as it was most agreeable to the ministry to repeal the obnoxious
acts, seemingly in consequence of petitions at home. While this was in
agitation, letters were received from New-York, assuring that the
assembly would reject the proceedings of the general congress, and that
there would be a separation of that colony from the rest. Fresh hopes
were conceived from the prospect of a division, upon which ministry
reverted to measures more adapted to their own inclination.[114]
But during the recess, persons began to consider the consequences which
might follow the congressional proceedings, and a general alarm was
spread. This produced several meetings of the North-American merchants
in London and Bristol; and petitions to parliament were prepared and
agreed upon in both places. But the times were so altered from what they
were formerly, that no mercantile opposition could prove efficacious by
endangering the continuance of the ministry.
On the first day of the meeting after the recess, the nobleman at the
head of the American affairs, laid the papers belonging to his
department before the lords, on which lord Chatham rose, and expressed
his utmost dissent and disapprobation of the whole system of American
measures.
Being in possession at present of your friend Mr. Quincy’s journal,
wherein he gives a particular account of his lordship’s speech, of the
copies of several letters sent by himself to America, and of other
matters, permit me to transcribe from the same, and give you the
thoughts and expressions of Mr. Quincy, with the dates.
[Nov. 11, 1774.] Viewed Plymouth docks. My ideas of the riches and
powers of this great nation are increased to a degree I should not have
believed if it had been predicted to me. I am not in any measure
reconciled to the British plan of taxing America, but I should with
cheerfulness accede to a contribution from the colonies (they being the
sole judges of the time and quantity of their grants) toward the charges
of the British government.
[Nov. 18.] This morning J. Williams, esq. informed me, that governor
Hutchinson had repeatedly assured the ministry, that a union of the
colonies was utterly impracticable; that the people were greatly divided
among themselves in every colony; and that there could be no doubt but
that all America would submit; that they must, and would soon. Several
of the nobility and ministry assured Dr. Franklin of the same facts.
[Nov. 19.] Lord N—— repeatedly said to me, “We must try what we can do
to support the authority we have claimed over America; if we are
defective in power, we must sit down contented, and make the best terms
we can; and nobody then can blame us after we have done our utmost; but
till we have tried what we can do, we can never be justified in
receding; and we ought to, and shall be very careful not to judge a
thing impossible because it may be difficult; nay, we ought to try what
we can effect, before we can determine upon its impracticability.”
[Nov. 24.] To ——. “The following language hath been reiterated to me in
various companies,”—“We are afraid of nothing but your division and your
want of perseverance. Unite and persevere—you must prevail—you must
triumph.”
“From parliament expect no favor but what proceeds from fear. Depend not
upon commercial plans for your safety.—Dr. Franklin is an American in
heart and soul. His ideas are not contracted within the narrow limits of
exemption from taxes, but are extended upon the broad scale of total
emancipation.—He is explicit and bold upon the subject.”
[Nov. 26.] Governor P—— assured me, that all the measures agains America
were planned and pushed on by Bernard and Hutchinson. They were
incessant in their applications to administration, and gave the most
positive assurances of success.
[Dec. 6.] Mr. commissioner M—— waited on me. In the course of
conversation he said, “You can have no idea of the taxes of this
kingdom, and the distress of our poor. They are extreme poor and
wretched indeed—every thing here is taxed to the utmost. The colonies
must relieve us; they must ease us of our taxes, &c.” He also affirmed
to me, that governors Bernard and Hutchinson were principally attended
to in the late measures against the colonies. But he added, that
government had found many things had turned out different from
Hutchinson’s representation, and had not been at all conformable to what
he foretold.
To ——. “My whole time is employed in endeavoring to serve my country. I
find every body eager to hear, most people willing to be set right, and
almost all grossly ignorant of the American world. It is agreed on all
hands, that your courage—your courage, I repeat it—will be brought to
the test.—Should it prove answerable to your ostentations, and worthy of
your ancestors, your friends will amazingly increase—your hearty friends
will be in raptures. Prepare—prepare I say, for the worst.
“Many of your friends here, in both houses, will not take a decisive
part till they see how you act in America. For should they take a
determined part now in favor of that country, and in a short time
America give back, their hopes of rise into power and office (which are
the hopes of all British statesmen) would be for ever at an end.
Therefore, till the colonists discover that union and spirit, which all
parties here agree must force success, you are not to expect any great
exertions in your favor. But when once there is a conviction that the
Americans are in earnest, that they are resolved to endure all hazards
with a spirit worthy the prize (and not till then) will you have many
firm, active, persevering, and powerful friends. For, strange as it may
seem, there is a great doubt here, among many, whether you are really in
earnest, in the full force and extent of those words.”
[Dec 12.] Lord —— appeared a very warm friend to the Americans; and
said, “If they continue united, they must have all they ask.” He
particularly mentioned, that lord M—— last sessions, assured the house
of lords, that the plan they had laid would go down in America, _sine
clade_; and also that he had the best intelligence what might be carried
through there. His lordship had no doubt that such assurances was
grounded on Hutchinson’s information.
[Dec. 14.] To E——. “Your countrymen must seal their cause with their
blood. They must preserve a consistency of character. THEY MUST NOT
DELAY. They must——or be trodden down into the vilest vassalage—the
scorn—the spurn of their enemies—a by-word of infamy among all men.”
[Dec. 16.] To E——. “Permit me to congratulate my countrymen on the
integrity and wisdom with which the congress have conducted. Their
policy, spirit, and union, have confounded their foes and inspired their
friends. All parties agree in giving them a tribute of honor and
applause. My lord N—— endeavored to explain away his expression—“I will
have America at my feet.” Beware of the arts of negociation.”
“By the way, there is no doubt but the ministry sent large sums to
New-York, in order to bribe your continental delegates. It was openly
avowed and vindicated; and great boast was made of ministerial success
in this way, with the delegates from New-York. It was said, that they
had effected a dis-union which would be fatal to the cause of America.
You can’t well imagine the chagrin with which the ministry received the
result of that glorious body. They are viewed as the _northern
constellation_ of glorious worthies, illuminating and warming the new
world.”