prodigies in every other branch of the public service, and in every
other part of the territory; and if it be considered that all were
executed amidst perpetual war, and without more, perhaps even with less
burdens, than now, after a long peace, weigh on the countries that
composed the vast French Empire, it is impossible to repress
astonishment and admiration. All these miracles were effected by
steadiness of determination, talent armed with power, and finances
wisely and economically applied! Certainly, if, in addition to what has
already been mentioned, the mass of fortifications, the multitude of
public roads, bridges, canals, and edifices of various kinds, be taken
into account, it must be acknowledged that no sovereign in the world
ever did so much in so short a time, and by imposing so few burdens on
his people.
Italy, of which Napoleon was king, also enjoyed her share of his
magnificent improvements. He cut fine roads across the Alps and the
Apennines; established a maritime arsenal at Genoa; fortified Corfu, so
as to make that island the key of Greece; repaired and enlarged the port
of Venice; and, while the works were proceeding, it was rendered capable
of admitting French ships of the line, by means of the _camels_ used in
Holland. To obviate the risk of the ship being attacked by the enemy,
during this hazardous conveyance, a plan was proposed by which they were
to be enabled to carry their own guns; and it was, I believe,
successfully adopted. Napoleon, moreover, intended to establish a naval
arsenal at Ragusa, another at Pola, in Istria, and a third at Ancona. He
conceived the happy and bold idea of forming a junction between the
gulfs of Venice and Genoa, by the help of the Po, and a canal extending
from Alessandria to Savona, through the Apennines. This plan would have
been attended with the most important results; for, independently of its
immense commercial and military advantages, it would have established a
direct and safe communication between Venice and Toulon; and the latter
port would thus have received all the naval productions of the Adriatic
free from any chance of their being attacked by the enemy. Finally,
Napoleon cleared Rome of the rubbish with which it was encumbered,
restored many ancient vestiges of the Romans, and formed the design of
draining the Pontine marshes, &c.
I here subjoin the preamble of the Report on the state of the Empire,
presented to the Legislative Body, in the sitting of the 25th of
February, 1813, by Count Montalivet, Minister of the Interior. This
superb Report, which is founded in all its points on authentic
documents, is calculated to afford a just idea of the wonders of
Napoleon’s government. I think I may properly close the present subject,
by inserting an official statement of the expenses in public works,
during the memorable reign of the Emperor.
“GENTLEMEN,—His Majesty has directed me to make you acquainted with the
situations of the Interior of the Empire, during the years 1811 and
1812.
“You will have the satisfaction to observe that, notwithstanding the
great armies which a state of war, both maritime and continental, has
rendered indispensably necessary, the population has continued to
increase; that French industry has made new progress; that the soil was
never better cultivated, nor our manufactures more flourishing; and that
at no period of our history has wealth been more equally diffused among
all classes of society.
“The farmer now enjoys benefits to which he was formerly a stranger. He
is enabled to purchase such land as suits him at the highest price; his
food and clothing are better, and more abundant than before; and his
dwelling is more substantial and convenient.
“Improvements in agriculture, manufactures, and the useful arts, are no
longer rejected merely because they are new. Experiments are made in
every branch of labour, and the methods that prove to be most
advantageous are substituted for old ones. Artificial meadows are
multiplied; the system of fallows is abandoned; the succession of crops
is better understood, and improved plans of cultivation augment the
produce of the soil. Cattle are multiplied, and the different breeds
improved. The very labourer finds means to purchase, at a high price,
Spanish rams and stallions of the finest breed. They are now
sufficiently enlightened to know their real interests, and they do not
scruple to make these valuable purchases. Thus the demands of our
manufacturers, our agriculturists, and our armies, are every day better
supplied.
“This high degree of prosperity is to be attributed to the liberal laws
by which this great Empire is ruled, to the suppression of feudalism,
tithes, mortmains, and monastic orders; measures which have created or
set at liberty numerous private estates, which are now the free
patrimony of a multitude of families, formerly mere paupers. It is also
to be ascribed to the more equal division of wealth, to the clearness
and simplification of the laws relative to landed property and
mortgages, and to the promptitude observed in the decision of law-suits,
which are now daily decreasing in number. To these same causes, and to
the influence of vaccination, must be attributed the increase of the
population. It may even be said that the conscription, which annually
enrols under our banner the flower of the French youth, has had some
share in contributing to this increase, by multiplying the number of
marriages; because marriage fixes for ever the fate of the young
Frenchman, who has once served in obedience to the law.”
_Official statement of the expenditure in public works, from Napoleon’s
accession to the imperial throne; presented, together with the
vouchers, to the Legislative Body, by the Minister of the Interior._
_Francs._
Imperial palaces and buildings, belonging to the 62,000,000
crown.
Fortifications 144,000,000
Sea Ports 117,000,000
Roads, highways, &c. 277,000,000
Bridges in Paris and the departments 31,000,000
Canals, navigation and draining 123,000,000
Works in Paris 102,000,000
Public buildings of the departments and great 149,000,000
towns
—-—-—-—-—
Total 1,005,000,000
—-—-—-—-—
THE EMPEROR INDISPOSED AND MELANCHOLY.—AMUSING
ANECDOTES.—TWO AIDES-DE-CAMP.—MALLET’S
PLOT.
3rd.—The Emperor still continued to seclude himself like a hermit.
Towards evening he sent for me:—he informed me that he was somewhat
relieved of his tooth-ache, though he was not better in other respects.
He said that he felt extremely weak and depressed in spirits, and that,
during the whole day, his mind had been possessed with gloomy ideas. He
was taking the bath, and, after a few moments’ silence, he said, as if
making an effort to rouse himself, “Come, _my Dinarzade_, if you are not
too drowsy, tell me one of your stories. It is long since you have told
me any thing about your friends of the Faubourg St. Germain.”—“Sire,” I
replied, “I have related so much on that subject that I fancy I have
exhausted my whole stock of tales, whether true or false. Only the
scandalous stories now remain untold, and in these your Majesty knows
that you yourself were never spared. However, a droll anecdote just now
occurs to me. One day, M. de T—— on leaving home to attend to his
ministerial duties, informed his wife that he should bring back M. Denon
with him to dinner. He wished the distinguished traveller to be treated
with the utmost attention; and he told Madame de T—— that the best thing
she could do would be to look over his work, so that she might be
enabled to pay some handsome compliments to the author; at the same time
informing her in what particular part of the library the book was to be
found. Madame de T—— set about her task—she found the book exceedingly
interesting, and was delighted at the thought of speedily being
introduced to the hero. No sooner were the company seated at table, than
she informed M. Denon, whom she had taken care to place beside her, that
she had been reading his work, and that she had been very much pleased
with it. M. Denon bowed, and the lady proceeded to remark on the
singular countries he had visited, and the hardships he had endured, at
the same time taking pains to assure him how deeply she sympathized in
his troubles. M. Denon bowed again; and all went on very smoothly until
Madame de T—— still addressing herself to M. Denon, declared how very
much delighted she had been when his faithful _Friday_ came to share his
solitude. “Have you him still,” she asked. On hearing this, M. Denon
started, and, turning to the person who sat on his other hand, he said:
Is it possible that she can take me for Robinson Crusoe? The fact is, or
I should more properly say, as the story goes, poor Madame de T—— had
been reading the Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, instead of Denon’s
Travels in Egypt.” The Emperor laughed heartily, and afterwards several
times related the anecdote himself.
The conversation turned on the inventive malignity of Parisian society,
and the fine story that was got up about the cabinet-maker, who
awkwardly discovered to B—— the concealed drawer of a bureau, which
happened to contain many secrets connected with his own family: the
violent anger of B—— against _Ventre de Biche_, the sympathy expressed
for him by Madame de V——, and the singular consolation she afforded
him,—all were described. The Emperor was much amused by these details,
most of which were new to him, and he expressed his belief that the
story was not entirely an invention. He once more repeated his censure
of the saloons of Paris, which, he said, might truly be styled the
infernal regions. He observed that they kept up a constant system of
slander and calumny, and that, therefore, they might with justice have
engaged the constant attention of all the tribunals of correctional
police in the capital.
The Emperor had now become animated, and he conversed for a considerable
time. He happened to mention an officer whom, he said, he had not
treated very well; and I ventured to observe that I believed he had,
notwithstanding, been Aide-de-camp to a distinguished General. “What
signifies that?” resumed the Emperor. “Don’t you know,” continued he,
smiling, “that a general frequently has two aides-de-camp: one for the
field and one for the household?”
He said a great deal respecting the national inaptitude of the French to
close a revolution, or to adhere to any fixed order of things; and he
alluded to the celebrated affair of Mallet, which he jokingly said might
be called a miniature or a caricature of his own return from the Isle of
Elba. “Mallet’s absurd plot,” said he, “might have been truly regarded
as a hoax. A prisoner of state, an obscure individual, effected his own
liberation, and, in his turn, imprisoned the Prefect and even the
Minister of Police, those keepers of dungeons and detectors of plots,
who suffered themselves to be caught in the snare like so many sheep. A
Prefect of Paris, the born sponsor of his department, and moreover a
very devoted subject, readily lent himself to every plan for assembling
a government that had no existence. Ministers, appointed by the
conspirators, were engaged in making their round of visits, when those
who nominated them were again safely lodged in prison. Finally, the
inhabitants of the capital learned in the morning the sort of political
debauch that had taken place during the night, without having been in
the least disturbed by it. Such an extravagant attempt,” said the
Emperor, “could never have produced any result. Even had it succeeded,
it must have fallen, of itself, in the space of a few hours; and the
victorious conspirators would have thought only of hiding themselves
amidst their success. I was, therefore, far less incensed at the attempt
of the criminal than at the facility with which those who appeared most
attached to me had been prevailed on to become his accomplices. On my
arrival, each candidly related to me the details that concerned himself,
and which served to criminate all! they frankly avowed that they had
been caught, and had, for a moment, placed full faith in my overthrow.
They did not deny that, in the delirium of the moment, they had entered
into the designs of the conspirators; and they rejoiced with me at their
happy escape. Not one of them mentioned the slightest resistance, or the
least effort made to defend and perpetuate the existing government. This
seemed never to have entered their heads: so accustomed were they to
changes and revolutions, that all were perfectly resigned to the
establishment of a new order of things. All therefore changed
countenance, and manifested the utmost embarrassment; when, in a
resolute tone of voice, I said, ‘Well, Gentlemen, it appears you thought
my reign at an end; to that I have nothing to say. But where were your
oaths to the King of Rome? What became of your principles and doctrines?
You make me tremble for the future.’ I found it necessary to make an
example, were it only for the sake of putting weak men on their guard
for the future; and judgment fell upon poor Frochot, the Prefect of
Police, who, I am sure, was attached to me. Yet, at the mere request of
one of these mountebank conspirators, instead of making the resistance
which his duty required; instead of manifesting a firm determination to
perish at his post rather than yield; he very contentedly issued orders
for preparing a place for the sitting of the new Government!—Indeed,”
said the Emperor, “the readiness with which the French people
accommodate themselves to change is calculated to prolong vicissitudes,
which no other nation but themselves could endure. Thus, individuals of
every party seem to be convinced that all is not yet settled; and Europe
shares this opinion, which is founded not less on our natural
inconstancy and volatility than on the mass of events that have occurred
during the last thirty years.”
THE EMPERORS’S CONTINUED INDISPOSITION AND CONFINEMENT.—HE OBSERVES THAT
HE OUGHT TO HAVE DIED AT MOSCOW OR WATERLOO.—EULOGIUM ON HIS FAMILY.
4th.—To-day, the Emperor would not receive any one during the whole of
the morning. He sent for me at the hour he had appointed for taking the
bath, during which, and for some time afterwards, he conversed on the
knowledge of the ancients, the historians by whom it has been
transmitted to modern times, the connecting links formed by different
writers, &c. His reflections on this subject all led to the conclusion
that the world is yet in its infancy, and human nature still more so. We
then took a view of the structure of the globe, the irregularities of
its surface, the unequal division of sea and land, the amount of its
population, the scale by which that population was dispersed, the
different political societies into which it was formed, &c. I calculated
that Europe contained 170,000,000 inhabitants. The Emperor remarked that
he himself had governed 80,000,000; and, I added that, after the
alliance with Prussia and Austria, he had been at the head of more than
100,000,000. The Emperor then suddenly changed the conversation. He
asked for my Atlas, and while he looked over it, he several times
remarked that it was a truly invaluable work for youth.
Afterwards, when speaking of the wonders of his life and the
vicissitudes of his fortune, the Emperor remarked that he ought to have
died at Moscow; because, at that time, his military glory had
experienced no reverse; and his political career was unexampled in the
history of the world. He then drew one of those rapid and animating
pictures, which he sketches off with so much facility, and which
frequently rise to a degree of sublimity. Observing that the countenance
of one of the persons, who happened to be present, was not exactly
expressive of approbation, he said, “This is not your opinion? You do
not think I ought to have closed my career at Moscow?”—“No, Sire,” was
the reply; “for, in that case, history would have been deprived of the
return from Elba, of the most generous and most heroic act that ever man
performed; of the grandest and most sublime event that the world ever
witnessed.”—“Well,” returned the Emperor, “there may be some truth in
that; but, what say you to Waterloo? Ought I not to have perished
there?”—“Sire,” said the person whom he addressed, “if I have obtained
pardon for Moscow, I do not see why I should not ask it for Waterloo
also. The future is beyond the will and the power of man; it is in the
hands of God alone.”
At another time, the Emperor spoke of the different members of his
family, the little assistance he had received from them, the many
embarrassments they had occasioned him, &c. He particularly alluded to
the mistaken notion they had conceived, that, being once placed at the
head of a people, they should become identified with them, so as to
prefer their interests to those of the common country. This idea, he
said, might have originated in honourable feeling; but it was most
erroneous and mischievous in its application. In their mistaken notions
of independence, the members of his family sometimes seemed to consider
their power as detached, forgetting that they were merely parts of a
great whole, whose views and interests they should have aided instead of
opposed. “But, after all,” continued he, “they were very young and
inexperienced, and were surrounded by snares, flatterers, and
intriguers, with secret and evil designs.” Then, passing suddenly from
their faults to their good qualities, he added, “And yet, if we judge
from analogy, what family, in similar circumstances, would have acted
better? Every one is not qualified to be a statesman: that requires a
combination of powers which does not often fall to the lot of one. In
this respect, all my brothers were singularly situated; they possessed
at once too much and too little talent. They felt themselves too strong
to resign themselves blindly to a guiding counsellor, and yet too weak
to be left entirely to themselves. But, take them all in all, I have
certainly good reason to be proud of my family.
“Joseph would have been an ornament to society in any country; and
Lucien would have been an honour to any political assembly. Jerome, as
he advanced in life, would have developed every qualification requisite
in a sovereign. Louis would have been distinguished in any rank or
condition of life. My sister Eliza was endowed with masculine powers of
mind: she must have proved herself a philosopher in her adverse fortune.
Caroline possesses great talents and capacity. Pauline, perhaps the most
beautiful woman of her age, has been, and will continue to the end of
her life, the most amiable creature in the world. As to my mother, she
deserves all kind of veneration. How seldom is so numerous a family
entitled to so much praise! Add to this, that, setting aside the jarring
of political opinions, we sincerely loved each other. For my part, I
never ceased to cherish fraternal affection for them all; and I am
convinced that in their hearts they felt the same sentiments towards me,
and that, in case of need, they would have given me every proof of it.”
After dinner, the Emperor received all his suite, and we remained with
him for upwards of an hour. He was in bed; but he conversed with
facility, and was evidently better. We took leave of him with the hope
of soon seeing him recovered. We remarked that he had not dined with us
for the space of twelve days; and that without him our lives, our hours,
our moments were deranged and devoid of interest.
GEOGRAPHY THE PASSION OF THE MOMENT.—STATE BED ARRIVED FROM LONDON.—THE
EMPEROR CALLS IT A RAT-TRAP.—ANECDOTES RELATED BY THE ENGLISH.—LETTERS
FROM ST. HELENA, &C.
5th.—The Emperor continued confined to his room. He sent for me, as he
had done for several days past, at the hour appointed for taking his
bath. He was somewhat relieved from the soreness in his mouth; but his
teeth were still very tender. He resumed the conversation of the
preceding day, on the structure of the globe, &c., for the Emperor now
evinced an absolute passion for geography. He took my map of the world,
and remarked on the irregular distribution of land and sea. He paused
for a time on the vast table-land of Asia; and from the immense Pacific
Ocean he passed to the more contracted space of the Atlantic. He started
many questions relative to the variable and the trade winds, the
monsoons of the Indian Ocean, the calm of the Pacific, the hurricanes of
the West Indies, &c.; and he found at the respective places, on the map,
the physical and speculative solutions which science furnishes on these
subjects. This pleased him exceedingly, and he continued his perusal of
the map, making remarks as he went over it: “Tables,” said he, “are of
the highest use in assisting the mind to draw comparisons: they awaken
and excite ideas. You have fallen on an excellent plan, in thus making
your tables of history and geography embrace all the remarkable
circumstances and phenomena connected with these sciences. I am every
day better and better pleased with your book.”[2]
Footnote 2:
I had but one copy of it at St. Helena, and this was constantly in his
bed-room. If I happened to fetch it for reference, or to make
corrections, it was asked for again almost immediately. At the moment
of my departure, Count Bertrand begged me to leave it him, for the
instruction of his children. He has since told me that he could never
use it. The Emperor took entire possession of it, and when in his last
moments, he pointed out the books which were to be selected from his
private library for his Son, the Atlas was among them. If I could not
refrain from mentioning such a signal mark of approbation, I hope I
shall be forgiven.
The Emperor wished to refer to some of the oldest books of travels; and
the works of the monk Rubruquis, and the Italian Marco Polo were brought
to him. He glanced over them, and remarked that they contained no
information, and possessed no other merit than their old age.
On leaving the bath, he went to his bed-chamber, to see the grand bed
that had been sent to him from London, and which had just been put up.
It was surmounted by a sort of canopy, supported on four large posts, so
high that it was found necessary to cut them at the foot, before it
could be put up in the Emperor’s little bed-chamber, which it almost
filled. Besides, it had, from some cause or other, a very disagreeable
smell, and was altogether so bulky and unsteady that it suggested the
idea of a tottering castle. The Emperor said it was an absolute
rat-trap; but, that he would take care not to be caught in it. He
ordered it to be removed immediately; remarking, that he did not wish to
be troubled with such lumber. It was accordingly taken down, and the old
camp-bed was substituted in its place. The confusion and inconvenience
occasioned by these changes put the Emperor very much out of humour.
In the course of the day, I had a long conversation with an English
seaman, an enthusiastic admirer of the Emperor, who related to me
several anecdotes, which pleased me the more as they were entirely new
to me. But though not generally known, they are not the less true; for
some of the facts the narrator had obtained from unquestionable
authority, and to others he had himself been a witness. When I
afterwards mentioned some of these particulars to the Emperor, he
immediately recollected them and acknowledged their correctness.
However, my informant assured me that, to his great astonishment, these
anecdotes had been but little circulated in England; and that there, as
well as in France, whatever reflected honour on Napoleon, or showed his
character in an advantageous light, was lost by that fatality to which I
have so often alluded: for calumny and falsehood constantly overwhelmed
all that was good beneath the mass of evil that was invented. The
following are some of the anecdotes, to which I have just now alluded.