(M131) He was then, as was observed before, in the extremity of Italy.

Here he received the orders from Carthage, which he could not listen to

without groans, and almost shedding tears; and was exasperated almost to

madness, to see himself thus forced to quit his prey. Never banished

man(801) showed so much regret at leaving his native country, as Hannibal

did in going out of that of an enemy. He often turned his eyes wishfully

to Italy, accusing gods and men of his misfortunes, and calling down a

thousand curses, says(802) Livy, upon himself, for not having marched his

soldiers directly to Rome, after the battle of Cannæ, whilst they were

still reeking with the blood of its citizens.

At Rome, the senate, greatly dissatisfied with the excuses made by the

Carthaginian deputies, in justification of their republic, and the

ridiculous offer which they made, in its name, of adhering to the treaty

of Lutatius; thought proper to refer the decision of the whole to Scipio,

who, being on the spot, could best judge what conditions the welfare of

the state required.

About the same time, Octavius the prætor sailing from Sicily into Africa

with two hundred vessels of burden, was attacked near Carthage by a

furious storm, which dispersed all his fleet. The citizens, not bearing to

see so rich a prey escape them, demanded importunately that the

Carthaginian fleet might sail out and seize it. The senate, after a faint

resistance, complied. Asdrubal, sailing out of the harbour, seized the

greatest part of the Roman ships, and brought them to Carthage, although

the truce was still subsisting.

Scipio sent deputies to the Carthaginian senate, to complain of this, but

they were little regarded. Hannibal’s approach had revived their courage,

and filled them with great hopes. The deputies were even in great danger

of being ill treated by the populace. They therefore demanded a convoy,

which was granted, and accordingly two ships of the republic attended

them. But the magistrates, who were absolutely against peace, and

determined to renew the war, gave private orders to Asdrubal, (who was

with the fleet near Utica,) to attack the Roman galley when it should

arrive in the river Bagrada near the Roman camp, where the convoy was

ordered to leave them. He obeyed the order, and sent out two galleys

against the ambassadors, who nevertheless made their escape, but with

difficulty and danger.

This was a fresh subject for a war between the two nations, who now were

more animated, or rather more exasperated, one against the other, than

ever: the Romans, from a desire of taking vengeance for so black a

perfidy; and the Carthaginians, from a persuasion that they were not now

to expect a peace.

At the same time, Lælius and Fulvius, who carried the full powers with

which the senate and people of Rome had invested Scipio, arrived in the

camp, accompanied by the deputies of Carthage. As the Carthaginians had

not only infringed the truce, but violated the law of nations, in the

person of the Roman ambassadors, it might naturally be expected that they

should order the Carthaginian deputies to be seized by way of reprisal.

However, Scipio,(803) more attentive to what was required by the Roman

generosity, than by the perfidy of the Carthaginians, in order not to

deviate from the principles and maxims of his own countrymen, nor his own

character, dismissed the deputies, without offering them the least injury.

So astonishing an instance of moderation, and at such a juncture,

terrified the Carthaginians, and even put them to the blush; and made

Hannibal himself entertain a still higher idea of a general, who, to the

dishonourable practices of his enemies, opposed only a rectitude and

greatness of soul, that was still more worthy of admiration than all his

military virtues.

In the mean time, Hannibal, being strongly importuned by his

fellow-citizens, advanced forward into the country; and arriving at Zama,

which is five days’ march from Carthage, he there pitched his camp. He

thence sent out spies to observe the position of the Romans. Scipio having

seized these, so far from punishing them, only commanded them to be led

about the Roman camp, in order that they might take an exact survey of it,

and then sent them back to Hannibal. The latter knew very well whence so

noble an assurance flowed. After the strange reverses he had met with, he

no longer expected that fortune would again be propitious. Whilst every

one was exciting him to give battle, himself only meditated a peace. He

flattered himself that the conditions of it would be more honourable, as

he was at the head of an army, and as the fate of arms might still appear

uncertain. He, therefore, sent to desire an interview with Scipio, which

accordingly was agreed to, and the time and place fixed.

(M132) _The Interview between Hannibal and Scipio in Africa, followed by a

Battle._(_804_)—These two generals, who were not only the most illustrious

of their own age, but worthy of being ranked with the most renowned

princes and warriors that had ever lived, having met at the place

appointed, continued for some time in a deep silence, as though they were

astonished, and struck with a mutual admiration at the sight of each

other. At last Hannibal spoke, and after having praised Scipio in the most

artful and delicate manner, he gave a very lively description of the

ravages of the war, and the calamities in which it had involved both the

victors and the vanquished. He conjured him not to suffer himself to be

dazzled by the splendour of his victories. He represented to him, that how

successful soever he might have hitherto been, he ought, however, to be

aware of the inconstancy of fortune: that without going far back for

examples, he himself, who was then speaking to him, was a glaring proof of

this: that Scipio was at that time what Hannibal had been at Thrasymenus

and Cannæ: that he ought to make a better use of opportunity than himself

had done, by consenting to a peace, now it was in his power to propose the

conditions of it. He concluded with declaring, that the Carthaginians

would willingly resign Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, and all the islands

between Africa and Italy, to the Romans: that they must be forced, since

such was the will of the gods, to confine themselves to Africa; whilst

they should see the Romans extending their conquests to the most remote

regions, and obliging all nations to pay obedience to their laws.

Scipio answered in few words, but not with less dignity. He reproached the

Carthaginians for their perfidy, in plundering the Roman galleys before

the truce was expired. He imputed to them alone, and to their injustice,

all the calamities with which the two wars had been attended. After

thanking Hannibal for the admonition he had given him, with regard to the

uncertainty of human events, he concluded with desiring him to prepare for

battle, unless he chose rather to accept of the conditions that had been

already proposed; to which (he observed) some others would be added, in

order to punish the Carthaginians for their having violated the truce.

Hannibal could not prevail with himself to accept these conditions, and

the generals left one another, with the resolution to decide the fate of

Carthage by a general battle. Each commander exhorted his troops to fight

valiantly. Hannibal enumerated the victories he had gained over the

Romans, the generals he had slain, the armies he had cut to pieces. Scipio

represented to his soldiers, the conquest of both the Spains, his

successes in Africa, and the confession the enemies themselves made of

their weakness, by thus coming to sue for peace. All this he spoke(805)

with the tone and air of a conqueror. Never were motives more powerful to

prompt troops to behave gallantly. This day was to complete the glory of

the one or the other of the generals; and to decide whether Rome or

Carthage was to prescribe laws to all other nations.

I shall not undertake to describe the order of the battle, nor the valour

of the forces on both sides. The reader will naturally suppose, that two

such experienced generals did not forget any circumstance which could

contribute to the victory. The Carthaginians, after a very obstinate

fight, were obliged to fly, leaving twenty thousand men on the field of

battle, and the like number of prisoners were taken by the Romans.

Hannibal escaped in the tumult, and entering Carthage, owned that he was

irrecoverably overthrown, and that the citizens had no other choice left

than to accept of peace on any conditions. Scipio bestowed great eulogiums

on Hannibal, chiefly with regard to his ability in taking advantages, his

manner of drawing up his army, and giving out his orders in the

engagement; and he affirmed, that Hannibal had this day surpassed himself,

although the success had not answered his valour and conduct.

With regard to himself, he well knew how to make a proper advantage of the

victory, and the consternation with which he had filled the enemy. He

commanded one of his lieutenants to march his land army to Carthage,

whilst himself prepared to conduct the fleet thither.

He was not far from the city, when he met a vessel covered with streamers

and olive-branches, bringing ten of the most considerable persons of the

state, as ambassadors to implore his clemency. However, he dismissed them

without making any answer, and bade them come to him at Tunis, where he

should halt. The deputies of Carthage, thirty in number, came to him at

the place appointed, and sued for peace in the most submissive terms. He

then called a council there, the majority of which were for rasing

Carthage, and treating the inhabitants with the utmost severity. But the

consideration of the time which must necessarily be employed before so

strongly fortified a city could be taken; and Scipio’s fear lest a

successor might be appointed him whilst he should be employed in the

siege, made him incline to clemency.

_A Peace concluded between the Carthaginians and the __ Romans. The End of

the Second Punic War._(_806_)—The conditions of the peace dictated by

Scipio to the Carthaginians were, “That the Carthaginians should continue

free, and preserve their laws, their territories, and the cities they

possessed in Africa before the war—That they should deliver up to the

Romans all deserters, slaves, and prisoners belonging to them; all their

ships, except ten triremes; all the elephants which they then had, and

that they should not train up any more for war—That they should not make

war out of Africa, nor even in that country, without first obtaining leave

for that purpose from the Roman people—Should restore to Masinissa every

thing of which they had dispossessed either him or his ancestors—Should

furnish money and corn to the Roman auxiliaries, till their ambassadors

should be returned from Rome—Should pay to the Romans ten thousand Euboic

talents(807) of silver in fifty annual payments; and give a hundred

hostages, who should be nominated by Scipio. And in order that they might

have time to send to Rome, he agreed to grant them a truce, upon condition

that they should restore the ships taken during the former, without which

they were not to expect either a truce or peace.”

When the deputies were returned to Carthage, they laid before the senate

the conditions dictated by Scipio. But they appeared so intolerable to

Gisgo, that rising up, he made a speech, in order to dissuade his citizens

from accepting a peace on such shameful terms. Hannibal, provoked at the

calmness with which such an orator was heard, took Gisgo by the arm, and

dragged him from his seat. A behaviour so outrageous, and so remote from

the manners of a free city like Carthage, raised an universal murmur.

Hannibal himself was vexed when he reflected on what he had done, and

immediately made an apology for it. “As I left,” says he, “your city at

nine years of age, and did not return to it till after thirty-six years’

absence, I had full leisure to learn the arts of war, and flatter myself

that I have made some improvement in them. As for your laws and customs,

it is no wonder I am ignorant of them, and I therefore desire you to

instruct me in them.” He then expatiated on the indispensable necessity

they were under of concluding a peace. He added, that they ought to thank

the gods for having prompted the Romans to grant them a peace even on

these conditions. He pointed out to them the great importance of their

uniting in opinion; and of not giving an opportunity, by their divisions,

for the people to take an affair of this nature under their cognizance.

The whole city came over to his opinion; and accordingly the peace was

accepted. The senate made Scipio satisfaction with regard to the ships

reclaimed by him; and, after obtaining a truce for three months, they sent

ambassadors to Rome.

These Carthaginians, who were all venerable for their years and dignity,

were admitted immediately to an audience. Asdrubal, surnamed Hœdus, who

was still an irreconcileable enemy to Hannibal and his faction, spoke

first; and after having excused, to the best of his power, the people of

Carthage, by imputing the rupture to the ambition of some particular

persons, he added, that had the Carthaginians listened to his counsels and

those of Hanno, they would have been able to grant the Romans the peace

for which they now were obliged to sue. “But,”(808) continued he, “wisdom

and prosperity are very rarely found together. The Romans are invincible,

because they never suffer themselves to be blinded by good fortune. And it

would be surprising should they act otherwise. Success dazzles those only

to whom it is new and unusual; whereas the Romans are so much accustomed

to conquer, that they are almost insensible to the charms of victory; and

it may be said to their glory, that they have extended their empire, in

some measure, more by the humanity they have shown to the conquered, than

by the conquest itself.” The other ambassadors spoke with a more plaintive

tone of voice, and represented the calamitous state to which Carthage was

going to be reduced, and the grandeur and power from which it was fallen.

The senate and people being equally inclined to peace, sent full power to

Scipio to conclude it; left the conditions to that general, and permitted

him to march back his army, after the treaty should be concluded.

The ambassadors desired leave to enter the city, to redeem some of their

prisoners, and they found about two hundred whom they desired to ransom.

But the senate sent them to Scipio, with orders that they should be

restored without any pecuniary consideration, in case a peace should be

concluded.

The Carthaginians, on the return of their ambassadors, concluded a peace

with Scipio, on the terms he himself had prescribed. They then delivered

up to him more than five hundred ships, all which he burnt in sight of

Carthage; a lamentable spectacle to the inhabitants of that ill-fated

city! He struck off the heads of the allies of the Latin name, and hanged

all the Roman citizens who were surrendered up to him, as deserters.

When the time for the payment of the first tribute imposed by the treaty

was expired, as the funds of the government were exhausted by this long

and expensive war; the difficulty of levying so great a sum, threw the

senate into deep affliction, and many could not refrain even from tears.

Hannibal on this occasion is said to have laughed; and when he was

reproached by Asdrubal Hœdus, for thus insulting his country in the

affliction which he had brought upon it, “Were it possible,” says

Hannibal, “for my heart to be seen, and that as clearly as my countenance;

you would then find that this laughter which offends so much, flows not

from an intemperate joy, but from a mind almost distracted with the public

calamities. But is this laughter more unseasonable than your unbecoming

tears? Then, then, ought you to have wept, when your arms were

ingloriously taken from you, your ships burnt, and you were forbidden to

engage in any foreign wars. This was the mortal blow which laid us

prostrate.—We are sensible of the public calamity, so far only as we have

a personal concern in it; and the loss of our money gives us the most

pungent sorrow. Hence it was, that when our city was made the spoil of the

victor; when it was left disarmed and defenceless amidst so many powerful

nations of Africa, who had at that time taken the field, not a groan, not

a sigh was heard. But now, when you are called on to contribute

individually to the tax imposed upon the state, you bewail and lament as

if all were lost. Alas! I only wish that the subject of this day’s grief

does not soon appear to you the least of your misfortunes.”

Scipio, after all things were concluded, embarked, in order to return to

Italy. He arrived at Rome, through crowds of people, whom curiosity had

drawn together to behold his march. The most magnificent triumph that Rome

had ever seen was decreed him, and the surname of Africanus was bestowed

upon this great man; an honour till then unknown, no person before him

having assumed the name of a vanquished nation. Such was the conclusion of

the second Punic war, after having lasted seventeen years.

(M133) _A short Reflection on the Government of Carthage in the time of

the Second Punic War._—I shall conclude the particulars which relate to

the second Punic war, with a reflection of Polybius,(809) which will show

the difference between the two commonwealths of Rome and Carthage. It may

be affirmed, in some measure, that at the beginning of the second Punic

war, and in Hannibal’s time, Carthage was in its decline. The flower of

its youth, and its sprightly vigour were already diminished. It had begun

to fall from its exalted pitch of power, and was inclining towards its

ruin; whereas Rome was then, as it were, in its bloom and prime of life,

and swiftly advancing to the conquest of the universe. The reason of the

declension of the one, and the rise of the other, is deduced, by Polybius,

from the different form of government established in these commonwealths,

at the time we are now speaking of. At Carthage, the common people had

seized upon the sovereign authority with regard to public affairs, and the

advice of their ancient men or magistrates was no longer listened to; all

affairs were transacted by intrigue and cabal. To take no notice of the

artifices which the faction adverse to Hannibal employed, during the whole

time of his command, to perplex him; the single instance of burning the

Roman vessels during a truce, a perfidious action to which the common

people compelled the senate to lend their name and assistance, is a proof

of Polybius’s assertion. On the contrary, at this very time, the Romans

paid the highest regard to their senate, that is, to a body composed of

the greatest sages; and their old men were listened to and revered as

oracles. It is well known that the Roman people were exceedingly jealous

of their authority, and especially in whatever related to the election of

magistrates. A century of young men, who by lot were to give the first

vote, which generally directed all the rest, had nominated two

consuls.(810) On the bare remonstrance of Fabius,(811) who represented to

the people, that in a tempest, like that with which Rome was then

struggling, the ablest pilots ought to be chosen to steer the vessel of

the state, the century returned to their suffrages, and nominated other

consuls. Polybius infers, that a people, thus guided by the prudence of

old men, could not fail of prevailing over a state which was governed

wholly by the giddy multitude. And indeed, the Romans, under the guidance

of the wise counsels of their senate, gained at last the superiority with

regard to the war considered in general, though they were defeated in

several particular engagements; and established their power and grandeur

on the ruin of their rivals.

_The interval between the Second and Third Punic War._—This interval,

though considerable enough with regard to its duration, since it took up

above fifty years, is very little remarkable as to the events which relate

to Carthage. They may be reduced to two heads; of which the one relates to

the person of Hannibal, and the other to some particular differences

between the Carthaginians and Masinissa king of the Numidians. We shall

treat both separately, but at no great length.

SECT. I. CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF HANNIBAL.—When the second Punic

war was ended, by the treaty of peace concluded with Scipio, Hannibal, as

he himself observed in the Carthaginian senate, was forty-five years of

age. What we have farther to say of this great man, includes the space of

twenty-five years.

_Hannibal undertakes and completes the Reformation of the Courts of

Justice, and the Treasury of Carthage._—After the conclusion of the peace,

Hannibal, at least at first, was greatly respected at Carthage, where he

filled the first employments of the state with honour and applause. He

headed the Carthaginian forces in some wars against the Africans:(812) but

the Romans, to whom the very name of Hannibal gave uneasiness, not being

able to see him in arms without displeasure, made complaints on that

account, and accordingly he was recalled to Carthage.

On his return he was appointed prætor, which seems to have been a very

considerable employment, and to have conferred great authority. Carthage

is therefore going to be, with regard to him, a new theatre, as it were,

on which he will display virtues and qualities of a quite different nature

from those we have hitherto admired in him, and which will finish the

picture of this illustrious man.

Eagerly desirous of restoring the affairs of his afflicted country to

their former happy condition, he was persuaded, that the two most powerful

methods to make a state flourish, were, an exact and equal distribution of

justice to all its subjects in general, and a scrupulous fidelity in the

management of the public finances. The former, by preserving an equality

among the citizens, and making them enjoy such a delightful, undisturbed

liberty under the protection of the laws, as fully secures their honour,

their lives, and properties; unites the individuals of the commonwealth

more closely together, and attaches them more firmly to the state, to

which they owe the preservation of all that is most dear and valuable to

them. The latter, by a faithful administration of the public revenues,

supplies punctually the several wants and necessities of the state; keeps

in reserve a never failing resource for sudden emergencies, and prevents

the people from being burthened with new taxes, which are rendered

necessary by extravagant profusion, and which chiefly contribute to make

men harbour an aversion for the government.

Hannibal saw, with great concern, the irregularities which had crept

equally into the administration of justice, and the management of the

finances. Upon his being nominated prætor, as his love for regularity and

order made him uneasy at every deviation from it, and prompted him to use

his utmost endeavours to restore it; he had the courage to attempt the

reformation of this double abuse, which drew after it a numberless

multitude of others, without dreading, either the animosity of the old

faction that opposed him, or the new enmity which his zeal for the

republic must necessarily draw upon him.

The judges exercised the most flagrant extortion with impunity.(813) They

were so many petty tyrants, who disposed, in an arbitrary manner, of the

lives and fortunes of the citizens; without there being the least

possibility of putting a stop to their injustice, because they held their

commissions for life, and mutually supported one another. Hannibal, as

prætor, summoned before his tribunal an officer belonging to the bench of

judges, who openly abused his power. Livy tells us that he was a questor.

This officer, who was of the opposite faction to Hannibal, and had already

assumed all the pride and haughtiness of the judges, among whom he was to

be admitted at the expiration of his present office, insolently refused to

obey the summons. Hannibal was not of a disposition to suffer an affront

of this nature tamely. Accordingly, he caused him to be seized by a

lictor, and brought him before an assembly of the people. There, not

satisfied with directing his resentment against this single officer, he

impeached the whole bench of judges; whose insupportable and tyrannical

pride was not restrained, either by the fear of the laws, or a reverence

for the magistrates. And, as Hannibal perceived that he was heard with

pleasure, and that the lowest and most inconsiderable of the people

discovered, on this occasion, that they were no longer able to bear the

insolent pride of these judges, who seemed to have a design upon their

liberties; he proposed a law, (which accordingly passed,) by which it was

enacted, that new judges should be chosen annually; with a clause, that

none should continue in office beyond that term. This law, at the same

time that it acquired him the friendship and esteem of the people, drew

upon him, proportionably, the hatred of the greatest part of the grandees

and nobility.

He attempted another reformation, which created him new enemies, but

gained him great honour.(814) The public revenues were either squandered

away by the negligence of those who had the management of them, or were

plundered by the chief men of the city and the magistrates; so that, money

being wanting to pay the annual tribute due to the Romans, the

Carthaginians were going to levy it upon the people in general. Hannibal,

entering into a large detail of the public revenues, ordered an exact

estimate of them to be laid before him; inquired in what manner they had

been applied; the employments and ordinary expenses of the state; and

having discovered, by this inquiry, that the public funds had been in a

great measure embezzled by the fraud of the officers who had the

management of them, he declared and promised, in a full assembly of the

people, that, without laying any new taxes upon private men, the republic

should hereafter be enabled to pay the tribute to the Romans; and he was

as good as his word. The farmers of the revenues, whose plunder and rapine

he had publicly detected, having accustomed themselves hitherto to fatten

upon the spoils of their country, exclaimed(815) vehemently against these

regulations, as if their own property had been forced out of their hands,

and not the sums they had plundered from the public.

_The Retreat and Death of Hannibal._(_816_)—This double reformation of

abuses raised great clamours against Hannibal. His enemies were writing

incessantly to the chief men, or their friends, at Rome, to inform them,

that he was carrying on a secret intelligence with Antiochus king of

Syria; that he frequently received couriers from him; and that this prince

had privately despatched agents to Hannibal, to concert with him the

measures for carrying on the war he was meditating: that as some animals

are so extremely fierce, that it is impossible ever to tame them; in like

manner this man was of so turbulent and implacable a spirit, that he could

not brook ease, and therefore would, sooner or later, break out again.

These informations were listened to at Rome; and as the transactions of

the preceding war had been begun and carried on almost solely by Hannibal,

they appeared more probable. However, Scipio strongly opposed the violent

measures which the senate were going to take on their receiving this

intelligence, by representing it as derogatory to the dignity of the Roman

people, to countenance the hatred and accusations of Hannibal’s enemies;

to support, with their authority, their unjust passions; and obstinately

to persecute him even in the very heart of his country; as though the

Romans had not humbled him sufficiently, in driving him out of the field,

and forcing him to lay down his arms.

But notwithstanding these prudent remonstrances, the senate appointed

three commissioners to go and make their complaints to Carthage, and to

demand that Hannibal should be delivered up to them. On their arrival in

that city, though other motives were speciously pretended, yet Hannibal

was perfectly sensible that himself only was aimed at. The evening being

come, he conveyed himself on board a ship, which he had secretly provided

for that purpose; on which occasion he bewailed his country’s fate more

than his own. _Sæpiùs patriæ quàm suorum_(_817_)_ eventus miseratus._ This

was the eighth year after the conclusion of the peace. The first place he

landed at was Tyre, where he was received as in his second country, and

had all the honours paid him which were due to his exalted merit. (M134)

After staying some days here, he set out for Antioch, which the king had

lately left, and from thence waited upon him at Ephesus. The arrival of so

renowned a general gave great pleasure to the king; and did not a little

contribute to determine him to engage in war against Rome; for hitherto he

had appeared wavering and uncertain on that head. In this city, a

philosopher, who was looked upon as the greatest orator of Asia, had the

imprudence to make a long harangue before Hannibal, on the duties of a

general, and the rules of the art-military.(818) The speech charmed the

whole audience. But Hannibal being asked his opinion of it, “I have seen,”

says he, “many old dotards in my life, but this exceeds them all.”(819)

The Carthaginians, justly fearing that Hannibal’s escape would certainly

draw upon them the arms of the Romans, sent them advice that Hannibal was

withdrawn to Antiochus.(820) The Romans were very much disturbed at this

news; and the king might have turned it extremely to his advantage, had he

known how to make a proper use of it.

The first advice that Hannibal gave him at this time, and which he

frequently repeated afterwards, was, to make Italy the seat of the

war.(821) He required an hundred ships, eleven or twelve thousand land

forces, and offered to take upon himself the command of the fleet; to

cross into Africa, in order to engage the Carthaginians in the war; and

afterwards to make a descent upon Italy, during which the king himself

should remain in Greece with his army, holding himself constantly in

readiness to cross over into Italy, whenever it should be thought

convenient. This was the only thing proper to be done, and the king very

much approved the proposal at first.

Hannibal thought it would be expedient to prepare his friends at Carthage,

in order to engage them the more strongly in his views.(822) The

transmitting of information by letters, is not only unsafe, but they can

give only an imperfect idea of things, and are never sufficiently

particular. He therefore despatched a trusty person with ample

instructions to Carthage. This man was scarce arrived in the city, but his

business was suspected. Accordingly, he was watched and followed: and, at

last, orders were issued for his being seized. However, he prevented the

vigilance of his enemies, and escaped in the night; after having fixed, in

several public places, papers, which fully declared the occasion of his

journey. The senate immediately sent advice of this to the Romans.

(M135) Villius, one of the deputies who had been sent into Asia, to

inquire into the state of affairs there, and, if possible, to discover the

real designs of Antiochus, found Hannibal in Ephesus.(823) He had many

conferences with him, paid him several visits, and speciously affected to

show a particular esteem for him on all occasions. But his chief aim, by

all this designing behaviour, was to make him be suspected, and to lessen

his credit with the king, in which he succeeded but too well.(824)

Some authors affirm, that Scipio was joined in this embassy;(825) and they

even relate the conversation which that general had with Hannibal. They

tell us, that the Roman having asked him, who, in his opinion, was the

greatest captain that had ever lived; he answered, Alexander the Great,

because, with a handful of Macedonians, he had defeated numberless armies,

and carried his conquests into countries so very remote, that it seemed

scarce possible for any man only to travel so far. Being afterwards asked,

to whom he gave the second rank; he answered, to Pyrrhus: Because this

king was the first who understood the art of pitching a camp to advantage;

no commander ever made a more judicious choice of his posts, was better

skilled in drawing up his forces, or was more dexterous in winning the

affection of foreign soldiers; insomuch that even the people of Italy were

more desirous to have him for their governor, though a foreigner, than the

Romans themselves, who had so long been settled in their country. Scipio

proceeding, asked him next, whom he looked upon as the third: on which

Hannibal made no scruple to assign that rank to himself. Here Scipio could

not forbear laughing: “But what would you have said,” continued Scipio,

“had you conquered me?” “I would,” replied Hannibal, “have ranked myself

above Alexander, Pyrrhus, and all the generals the world ever produced.”

Scipio was not insensible of so refined and delicate a flattery, which he

no ways expected; and which, by giving him no rival, seemed to insinuate,

that no captain was worthy of being put in comparison with him.

The answer, as told by Plutarch,(826) is less witty, and not so probable.

In this author, Hannibal gives Pyrrhus the first place, Scipio the second,

and himself the third.

Hannibal, sensible of the coldness with which Antiochus received him, ever

since his conferences with Villius or Scipio, took no notice of it for

some time, and seemed insensible of it.(827) But at last he thought it

advisable to come to an explanation with the king, and to open his mind

freely to him. “The hatred (says he) which I bear to the Romans, is known

to the whole world. I bound myself to it by an oath, from my most tender

infancy. It is this hatred that made me draw the sword against Rome during

thirty-six years. It is that, which, even in times of peace, has caused me

to be driven from my native country, and forced me to seek an asylum in

your dominions. For ever guided and fired by the same passion, should my

hopes be frustrated here, I will fly to every part of the globe, and rouse

up all nations against the Romans. I hate them, and will hate them

eternally; and know that they bear me no less animosity. So long as you

shall continue in the resolution to take up arms against them, you may

rank Hannibal in the number of your best friends. But if other counsels

incline you to peace, I declare to you, once for all, address yourself to

others for advice, and not to me.” Such a speech, which came from his

heart, and expressed the greatest sincerity, struck the king, and seemed

to remove all his suspicions; so that he now resolved to give Hannibal the

command of part of his fleet.

But what havoc is not flattery capable of making in courts and in the

minds of princes!(828) Antiochus was told, “that it was imprudent in him

to put so much confidence in Hannibal, an exile, a Carthaginian, whose

fortune or genius might suggest to him, in one day, a thousand different

projects: that besides, this very fame which Hannibal had acquired in war,

and which he considered as his peculiar inheritance, was too great for a

man who fought only under the ensigns of another: that none but the king

ought to be the general and conductor of the war, and that it was

incumbent on him to draw upon himself alone the eyes and attention of all

men; whereas, should Hannibal be employed, he (a foreigner) would have the

glory of all the successes ascribed to him.” “No minds,”(829) says Livy,

on this occasion, “are more susceptible of envy, than those whose merit is

below their birth and dignity; such persons always abhorring virtue and

worth in others, for this reason alone, because they are strange and

foreign to themselves.” This observation was fully verified on this

occasion. Antiochus had been taken on his weak side; a low and sordid

jealousy, which is the defect and characteristic of little minds,

extinguished every generous sentiment in that monarch. Hannibal was now

slighted and laid aside: however, he was greatly revenged on Antiochus, by

the ill success this prince met with; and showed how unfortunate that king

is whose soul is accessible to envy, and his ears open to the poisonous

insinuation of flatterers.

In a council held some time after, to which Hannibal, for form sake, was

admitted, he, when it came to his turn to speak, endeavoured chiefly to

prove, that Philip of Macedon ought, on any terms, to be engaged to form

an alliance with Antiochus, which was not so difficult as might be

imagined.(830) “With regard,” says Hannibal, “to the operations of the

war, I adhere immovably to my first opinion; and had my counsels been

listened to before, Tuscany and Liguria would now be all in a flame: and

Hannibal (a name that strikes terror into the Romans) in Italy. Though I

should not be very well skilled as to other matters, yet the good and ill

success I have met with must necessarily have taught me sufficiently how

to carry on a war against the Romans. I have nothing now in my power, but

to give you my counsel, and offer you my service. May the gods give

success to all your undertakings!” Hannibal’s speech was received with

applause, but not one of his counsels was put in execution.

Antiochus, imposed upon and lulled asleep by his flatterers, remained

quiet at Ephesus, after the Romans had driven him out of Greece;(831) not

once imagining that they would ever invade his dominions. Hannibal, who

was now restored to favour, was for ever assuring him, that the war would

soon be removed into Asia, and that he would soon see the enemy at his

gates: that he must resolve, either to abdicate his throne, or oppose

vigorously a people who grasped at the empire of the world. This discourse

awakened, in some little measure, the king out of his lethargy, and

prompted him to make some weak efforts. But, as his conduct was unsteady,

after sustaining a great many considerable losses, he was forced to

terminate the war by an ignominious peace; one of the articles of which

was, that he should deliver up Hannibal to the Romans. However, the latter

did not give him opportunity to put it in execution, but retired to the

island of Crete, to consider there what course it would be best for him to

take.

The riches he had brought along with him, of which the people of the

island got some notice, had like to have proved his ruin.(832) Hannibal

was never wanting in stratagems, and he had occasion to employ them now,

to save both himself and his treasure. He filled several vessels with

molten lead, the tops of which he just covered over with gold and silver.

These he deposited in the temple of Diana, in presence of several Cretans,

to whose honesty, he said, he confided all his treasure. A strong guard

was then posted round the temple, and Hannibal left at full liberty, from

a supposition that his riches were secured. (M136) But he had concealed

them in hollow statues of brass,(833) which he always carried along with

him. And then, embracing a favourable opportunity to make his escape, he

fled to the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia.(834)

It appears from history, that he made some stay in the court of this

prince, who soon engaged in war with Eumenes, king of Pergamus, a

professed friend to the Romans. By means of Hannibal, the troops of

Prusias gained several victories both by land and sea.

He employed a stratagem of an extraordinary kind, in a sea-fight.(835) As

the enemy’s fleet consisted of more ships than his, he had recourse to

artifice. He put into earthen vessels all kinds of serpents, and ordered

these vessels to be thrown into the enemy’s ships. His chief aim was to

destroy Eumenes; and for that purpose it was necessary for him to find out

which ship he was on board of. This Hannibal discovered by sending out a

boat, upon pretence of conveying a letter to him. Having gained his point

thus far, he ordered the commanders of the respective vessels to direct

their attack principally against Eumenes’s ship. They obeyed, and would

have taken it, had he not outsailed his pursuers. The rest of the ships of

Pergamus sustained the fight with great vigour, till the earthen vessels

had been thrown into them. At first they only laughed at this, and were

very much surprised to find such weapons employed against them. But when

they saw themselves surrounded with the serpents, which darted out of

these vessels when they flew to pieces, they were seized with dread,

retired in disorder, and yielded the victory to the enemy.

(M137) Services of so important a nature seemed to secure for ever to

Hannibal an undisturbed asylum at that prince’s court.(836) However, the

Romans would not suffer him to be easy there, but deputed Q. Flamininus to

Prusias, to complain of the protection he gave Hannibal. The latter easily

guessed the motive of this embassy, and therefore did not wait till his

enemies had an opportunity of delivering him up. At first he attempted to

secure himself by flight; but perceiving that the seven secret outlets,

which he had contrived in his palace, were all seized by the soldiers of

Prusias, who, by perfidiously betraying his guest, was desirous of making

his court to the Romans; he ordered the poison, which he had long kept for

this melancholy occasion, to be brought him; and taking it in his hand,

“Let us,” said he, “free the Romans from the disquiet with which they have

so long been tortured, since they have not patience to wait for an old

man’s death. The victory which Flamininus gains over a man disarmed and

betrayed will not do him much honour. This single day will be a lasting

testimony of the great degeneracy of the Romans. Their fathers sent notice

to Pyrrhus, to desire he would beware of a traitor who intended to poison

him, and that at a time when this prince was at war with them in the very

centre of Italy; but their sons have deputed a person of consular dignity

to spirit up Prusias, impiously to murder one who is not only his friend,

but his guest.” After calling down curses upon Prusias, and having invoked

the gods, the protectors and avengers of the sacred rights of hospitality,

he swallowed the poison,(837) and died at seventy years of age.

This year was remarkable for the death of three great men, Hannibal,

Philopœmen, and Scipio, who had this in common, that they all died out of

their native countries, by a death little correspondent to the glory of

their actions. The two first died by poison: Hannibal being betrayed by

his host; and Philopœmen being taken prisoner in a battle against the

Messenians, and thrown into a dungeon, was forced to swallow poison. As to

Scipio, he banished himself, to avoid an unjust prosecution which was

carrying on against him at Rome, and ended his days in a kind of

obscurity.

_The Character and Eulogium of Hannibal._—This would be the proper place

for representing the excellent qualities of Hannibal, who reflected so

much glory on Carthage. But as I have attempted to draw his character

elsewhere,(838) and to give a just idea of him, by making a comparison

between him and Scipio, I think myself dispensed from giving his eulogium

at large in this place.

Persons who devote themselves to the profession of arms, cannot spend too

much time in the study of this great man, who is looked upon, by the best

judges, as the most complete general, in almost every respect, that ever

the world produced.

During the whole seventeen years that the war lasted, two errors only are

objected to him: first, his not marching, immediately after the battle of

Cannæ, his victorious army to Rome, in order to besiege that city:

secondly, his suffering their courage to be softened and enervated during

their winter-quarters in Capua: errors, which only show that great men are

not so in all things;(839) _summi enim sunt, homine tamen_; and which,

perhaps, may be partly excused.

But then, for these two errors, what a multitude of shining qualities

appear in Hannibal! How extensive were his views and designs, even in his

most tender years! What greatness of soul! What intrepidity! What presence

of mind must he have possessed, to be able, even in the fire and heat of

action, to turn every thing to advantage! With what surprising address

must he have managed the minds of men, that, amidst so great a variety of

nations which composed his army, who often were in want both of money and

provisions, his camp was not once disturbed with any insurrection, either

against himself or any of his generals! With what equity, what moderation

must he have behaved towards his new allies, to have prevailed so far as

to attach them inviolably to his service, though he was reduced to the

necessity of making them sustain almost the whole burthen of the war, by

quartering his army upon them, and levying contributions in their several

countries! In short, how fruitful must he have been in expedients, to be

able to carry on, for so many years, a war in a remote country, in spite

of the violent opposition made by a powerful faction at home, which

refused him supplies of every kind, and thwarted him on all occasions; it

may be affirmed, that Hannibal, during the whole series of this war,

seemed the only prop of the state, and the soul of every part of the

empire of the Carthaginians, who could never believe themselves conquered,

till Hannibal confessed that he himself was so.

But our acquaintance with Hannibal will be very imperfect, if we consider

him only at the head of armies. The particulars we learn from history,

concerning the secret intelligence he held with Philip of Macedon; the

wise counsels he gave to Antiochus, king of Syria; the double reformation

he introduced in Carthage, with regard to the management of the public

revenues and the administration of justice, prove, that he was a great

statesman in every respect. So superior and universal was his genius, that

it took in all parts of government; and so great were his natural

abilities, that he was capable of acquitting himself in all the various

functions of it with glory. Hannibal shone as conspicuously in the cabinet

as in the field; equally able to fill the civil as the military

employments. In a word, he united in his own person the different talents

and merits of all professions, the sword, the gown, and the finances.

He had some learning, and though he was so much employed in military

labours, and engaged in so many wars, he, however, found some leisure to

devote to literature.(840) Several smart repartees of Hannibal, which have

been transmitted to us, show that he had a great fund of natural wit; and

this he improved by the most polite education that could be bestowed at

that time, and in such a republic as Carthage. He spoke Greek tolerably

well, and even wrote some books in that language. His preceptor was a

Lacedæmonian, named Sosilus, who, with Philenius, another Lacedæmonian,

accompanied him in all his expeditions. Both these undertook to write the

history of this renowned warrior.

With regard to his religion and moral conduct, he was not altogether so

profligate and wicked as he is represented by Livy:(841) “cruel even to

inhumanity, more perfidious than a Carthaginian; regardless of truth, of

probity, of the sacred ties of oaths; fearless of the gods, and utterly

void of religion.” _Inhumana crudelitas, perfida plusquam Punica; nihil

veri, nihil sancti, nullus deúm metus, nullum jusjurandum, nulla __

religio._ According to Polybius,(842) he rejected a barbarous proposal

that was made him before he entered Italy, which was, to eat human flesh,

at a time when his army was in absolute want of provisions. Some years

after, so far from treating with barbarity, as he was advised to do, the

dead body of Sempronius Gracchus, which Mago had sent him, he caused his

funeral obsequies to be solemnized in presence of the whole army.(843) We

have seen him, on many occasions, evince the highest reverence for the

gods; and Justin,(844) who copied Trogus Pompeius, an author worthy of

credit, observes, that he always showed uncommon moderation and

continence, with regard to the great number of women taken by him during

the course of so long a war; insomuch that no one would have imagined he

had been born in Africa, where incontinence is the predominant vice of the

country. _Pudicitiamque eum tantam inter tot captivas habuisse, ut in

Africa natum quivis negaret._

His disregard of wealth, at a time when he had so many opportunities to

enrich himself by the plunder of the cities he stormed, and the nations he

subdued, shows that he knew the true and genuine use which a general ought

to make of riches, _viz._ to gain the affection of his soldiers, and to

attach his allies to his interest, by diffusing his beneficence on proper

occasions, and not being sparing in his rewards: a quality very essential,

and at the same time as uncommon, in a commander. The only use Hannibal

made of money was to purchase success; firmly persuaded, that a man who is

at the head of affairs is sufficiently recompensed by the glory derived

from victory.

He always led a very regular, austere life;(845) and even in times of

peace, and in the midst of Carthage, when he was invested with the first

dignity of the city, we are told that he never used to recline himself on

a bed at meals, as was the custom in those ages, and that he drank but

very little wine. So regular and uniform a life may serve as an

illustrious example to our commanders, who often include, among the

privileges of war and the duty of officers, the keeping of splendid

tables, and living luxuriously.

I do not, however, pretend altogether to exculpate Hannibal from all the

errors with which he is charged. Though he possessed an assemblage of the

most exalted qualities, it cannot be denied but that he had some little

tincture of the vices of his country; and that it would be difficult to

excuse some actions and circumstances of his life. Polybius observes,(846)

that Hannibal was accused of avarice in Carthage, and of cruelty in Rome.

He adds, on the same occasion, that people were very much divided in

opinion concerning him; and it would be no wonder, as he had made himself

so many enemies in both cities, that they should have drawn him in

disadvantageous colours. But Polybius is of opinion, that though it should

be taken for granted, that all the defects with which he is charged are

true; yet that they were not so much owing to his nature and disposition,

as to the difficulties with which he was surrounded, in the course of so

long and laborious a war; and to the complacency he was obliged to show to

the general officers, whose assistance he absolutely wanted, for the

execution of his various enterprises; and whom he was not always able to

restrain, any more than he could the soldiers who fought under them.

SECT. II. DISSENSIONS BETWEEN THE CARTHAGINIANS AND MASINISSA, KING OF

NUMIDIA.—Among the conditions of the peace granted to the Carthaginians,

there was one which enacted, that they should restore to Masinissa all the

territories and cities he possessed before the war; and further, Scipio,

to reward the zeal and fidelity which that monarch had shown towards the

Romans, had added to his dominions those of Syphax. This present

afterwards gave rise to disputes and quarrels between the Carthaginians

and Numidians.

These two princes, Syphax and Masinissa, were both kings in Numidia, but

reigned over different nations. The subjects of Syphax were called

Masæsuli, and their capital was Cirtha. Those of Masinissa were the

Massyli: but they are better known by the name of Numidians, which was

common to them both. Their principal strength consisted in their cavalry.

They always rode without saddles, and some even without bridles, whence

Virgil(847) calls them _Numidæ infræni_.

In the beginning of the second Punic war,(848) Syphax siding with the

Romans, Gala, the father of Masinissa, to check the career of so powerful

a neighbour, thought it his interest to join the Carthaginians, and

accordingly sent out against Syphax a powerful army under the conduct of

his son, at that time but seventeen years of age. Syphax, being overcome

in a battle, in which it is said he lost thirty thousand men, escaped into

Mauritania. However, the face of things was afterwards greatly changed.

Masinissa, after his father’s death, was often reduced to the brink of

ruin;(849) being driven from his kingdom by an usurper; pursued warmly by

Syphax; in danger every instant of falling into the hands of his enemies;

destitute of forces, money, and of every resource. He was at that time in

alliance with the Romans, and the friend of Scipio, with whom he had had

an interview in Spain. His misfortunes would not permit him to bring great

succours to that general. When Lælius arrived in Africa, Masinissa joined

him with a few horse, and from that time continued inviolably attached to

the Roman interest. Syphax, on the contrary, having married the famous

Sophonisba, daughter of Asdrubal, went over to the Carthaginians.(850)

The fate of these two princes again changed, but the change was now

final.(851) Syphax lost a great battle, and was taken alive by the enemy.

Masinissa, the victor, besieged Cirtha, his capital, and took it. But he

met with a greater danger in that city than he had faced in the field, and

this was Sophonisba, whose charms and endearments he was unable to resist.

To secure this princess to himself, he married her, but a few days after,

he was obliged to send her a dose of poison, as her nuptial present; this

being the only way that he could devise to keep his promise with his

queen, and preserve her from the power of the Romans.

This was a considerable error in itself, and one that could not fail to

disoblige a nation that was so jealous of its authority: but this young

prince gloriously made amends for his fault, by the signal services he

afterwards rendered to Scipio. We observed, that after the defeat and

capture of Syphax, the dominions of this prince were bestowed upon

him;(852) and that the Carthaginians were forced to restore all he

possessed before. This gave rise to the divisions which we are now going

to relate.

A territory situated towards the sea-side, near the lesser Syrtis, was the

subject of the dispute.(853) The country was very rich, and the soil

extremely fruitful; a proof of which is, that the city of Leptis alone,

which belonged to that territory, paid daily a talent to the

Carthaginians, by way of tribute. Masinissa had seized part of this

territory. Each side despatched deputies to Rome, to plead the cause of

their respective superiors before the senate. This assembly thought proper

to send Scipio Africanus, with two other commissioners, to examine the

controversy upon the spot. However, they returned without coming to any

decision, and left the business in the same uncertain state in which they

had found it. Possibly they acted in this manner by order of the senate,

and had received private instructions to favour Masinissa, who was then

possessed of the district in question.

(M138) Ten years after, new commissioners having been appointed to examine

the same affair, they acted as the former had done, and left the whole

undetermined.(854)

(M139) After the like distance of time, the Carthaginians again brought

their complaint before the senate, but with greater importunity than

before.(855) They represented, that besides the lands at first contested,

Masinissa had, during the two preceding years, dispossessed them of

upwards of seventy towns and castles: their hands were bound up by that

article of the last treaty, which forbade their making war upon any of the

allies of the Romans: that they could no longer bear the insolence, the

avarice, and cruelty of that prince: that they were deputed to Rome with

three requests, (one of which they desired might be immediately complied

with,) _viz._ either that the affair might be examined and decided by the

senate; or, secondly, that they might be permitted to repel force by

force, and defend themselves by arms; or, lastly, that, if favour was to

prevail over justice, they then entreated the Romans to specify once for

all, which of the Carthaginian lands they were desirous should be given up

to Masinissa, that they, by this means, might hereafter know what they had

to depend on, and that the Roman people would show some moderation in

their behalf, at a time that this prince set no other bounds to his

pretensions, than his insatiable avarice. The deputies concluded with

beseeching the Romans, that if they had any cause of complaint against the

Carthaginians since the conclusion of the last peace, that they themselves

would punish them; and not to give them up to the wild caprice of a

prince, by whom their liberties were made precarious, and their lives

insupportable. After ending their speech, being pierced with grief,

shedding floods of tears, they fell prostrate upon the earth; a spectacle

that moved all who were present to compassion, and raised a violent hatred

against Masinissa. Gulussa, his son, who was then present, being asked

what he had to reply, he answered, that his father had not given him any

instructions, not knowing that any thing would be laid to his charge. He

only desired the senate to reflect, that the circumstance which drew all

this hatred upon him from the Carthaginians, was, the inviolable fidelity

with which he had always been attached to the side of the Romans. The

senate, after hearing both sides, answered, that they were inclined to do

justice to either party to whom it might be due: that Gulussa should set

out immediately with their orders to his father, who was thereby commanded

to send immediately deputies with those of Carthage; that they would do

all that lay in their power to serve him, but not to the prejudice of the

Carthaginians: that it was but just the ancient limits should be

preserved; and that it was far from being the intention of the Romans, to

have the Carthaginians dispossessed, during the peace, of those

territories and cities which had been left them by the treaty. The

deputies of both powers were then dismissed with the usual presents.

But all these assurances were but mere words.(856) It is plain that the

Romans did not once endeavour to satisfy the Carthaginians, or do them the

least justice; and that they protracted the business, on purpose to give

Masinissa time to establish himself in his usurpation, and weaken his

enemies.

(M140) A new deputation was sent to examine the affair upon the spot, and

Cato was one of the commissioners.(857) On their arrival, they asked the

parties if they were willing to abide by their determination. Masinissa

readily complied. The Carthaginians answered, that they had fixed a rule

to which they adhered, and that this was the treaty which had been

concluded by Scipio, and desired that their cause might be examined with

all possible rigour. They therefore could not come to any decision. The

deputies visited all the country, and found it in a very good condition,

especially the city of Carthage: and they were surprised to see it, after

having been involved in such a calamity, so soon again raised to so

exalted a pitch of power and grandeur. The deputies, on their return, did

not fail to acquaint the senate with this circumstance; and declared, Rome

could never be in safety, so long as Carthage should subsist. From this

time, whatever affair was debated in the senate, Cato always added the

following words to his opinion, “and I conclude that Carthage ought to be

destroyed.” This grave senator did not give himself the trouble to prove,

that bare jealousy of the growing power of a neighbouring state, is a

warrant sufficient for destroying a city, contrary to the faith of

treaties. Scipio Nasica on the other hand, was of opinion, that the ruin

of this city would draw after it that of their commonwealth; because that

the Romans, having then no rival to fear, would quit the ancient severity

of their manners, and abandon themselves to luxury and pleasures, the

never-failing subverters of the most flourishing empires.

In the mean time, divisions broke out in Carthage.(858) The popular

faction, being now become superior to that of the grandees and senators,

sent forty citizens into banishment; and bound the people by an oath,

never to suffer the least mention to be made of recalling those exiles.

They withdrew to the court of Masinissa, who despatched Gulussa and

Micipsa, his two sons, to Carthage, to solicit their recall. However, the

gates of the city were shut against them, and one of them was closely

pursued by Hamilcar, one of the generals of the republic. This gave

occasion to a new war, and accordingly armies were levied on both sides. A

battle was fought; and the younger Scipio, who afterwards ruined Carthage,

was spectator of it. He had been sent from Lucullus, who was then carrying

on war in Spain, and under whom Scipio then served, to Masinissa, to

desire some elephants from that monarch. During the whole engagement, he

stood upon a neighbouring hill; and was surprised to see Masinissa, then

upwards of eighty years of age, mounted (agreeably to the custom of his

country) on a horse without a saddle; flying from rank to rank like a

young officer, and sustaining the most arduous toils. The fight was very

obstinate, and continued from morning till night, but at last the

Carthaginians gave way. Scipio used to say afterwards, that he had been

present at many battles, but at none with so much pleasure as at this;

having never before beheld so formidable an army engage, without any

danger or trouble to himself. And being very conversant in the writings of

Homer, he added, that till his time, there were but two more who had had

the pleasure of being spectators of such an action, _viz._ Jupiter from

mount Ida, and Neptune from Samothrace, when the Greeks and Trojans fought

before Troy. I know not whether the sight of a hundred thousand men (for

so many there were) butchering one another, can administer a real

pleasure; or whether such a pleasure is consistent with the sentiments of

humanity, so natural to mankind.

The Carthaginians, after the battle was over, entreated Scipio to

terminate their contests with Masinissa.(859) Accordingly, he heard both

parties, and the Carthaginians consented to yield up the territory of

Emporium,(860) which had been the first cause of the dispute, to pay

Masinissa two hundred talents of silver down, and eight hundred more, at

such times as should be agreed. But Masinissa insisting on the return of

the exiles, and the Carthaginians being unwilling to agree to this

proposition, they did not come to any decision. Scipio, after having paid

his compliments, and returned thanks to Masinissa, set out with the

elephants for which he had been sent.

The king, immediately after the battle was over, had blocked up the

enemy’s camp, which was pitched upon a hill, whither neither troops nor

provisions could come to them.(861) During this interval, there arrived

deputies from Rome, with orders from the senate to decide the quarrel, in

case the king should be defeated; otherwise, to leave it undetermined, and

to give the king the strongest assurances of the continuation of their

friendship; and they complied with the latter injunction. In the mean

time, the famine daily increased in the enemy’s camp; and to add to their

calamity, it was followed by a plague, which made dreadful havoc. Being

now reduced to the last extremity, they surrendered to Masinissa,

promising to deliver up the deserters, to pay him five thousand talents of

silver in fifty years, and restore the exiles, notwithstanding their oaths

to the contrary. They all submitted to the ignominious ceremony of passing

under the yoke,(862) and were dismissed, with only one suit of clothes for

each. Gulussa, to satiate his vengeance for the ill treatment which, as we

before observed, he had met with, sent out against them a body of cavalry,

whom, from their great weakness, they could neither escape nor resist. So

that of fifty-eight thousand men, very few returned to Carthage.

(M141) _The Third Punic War._—The third Punic war, which was less

considerable than either of the two former, with regard to the number and

greatness of the battles, and its continuance, which was only four years,

was still more remarkable with respect to the success and event of it, as

it ended in the total ruin and destruction of Carthage.

The inhabitants of this city, from their last defeat, knew what they had

to fear from the Romans, who had uniformly displayed great ill-will

towards them, as often as they had addressed them upon their disputes with

Masinissa.(863) To prevent the consequences of it, the Carthaginians, by a

decree of the senate, impeached Asdrubal, general of the army, and

Carthalo, commander of the auxiliary(864) forces, as guilty of high

treason, for being the authors of the war against the king of Numidia.

They then sent a deputation to Rome, to inquire what opinion that republic

entertained of their late proceedings, and what was desired of them. The

deputies were coldly answered, that it was the business of the senate and

people of Carthage to know what satisfaction was due to the Romans. A

second deputation bringing them no clearer answer, they fell into the

greatest dejection; and being seized with the strongest terrors, from the

recollection of their past sufferings, they fancied the enemy was already

at their gates, and imagined to themselves all the dismal consequences of

a long siege, and of a city taken sword in hand.

In the mean time, the senate debated at Rome on the measures it would be

proper for them to take; and the disputes between Cato the elder and

Scipio Nasica, who entertained totally different opinions on this subject,

were renewed.(865) The former, on his return from Africa, had declared, in

the strongest terms, that he had found Carthage, not as the Romans

supposed it to be, exhausted of men or money, or in a weak and humble

state; but, on the contrary, that it was crowded with vigorous young men,

abounded with immense quantities of gold and silver, and prodigious

magazines of arms and all warlike stores; and was so haughty and confident

on account of this force, that their hopes and ambition had no bounds. It

is farther said, that after he had ended his speech, he threw, out of the

lappet of his robe, in the midst of the senate, some African figs; and, as

the senators admired their beauty and size, “Know,” says he, “that it is

but three days since these figs were gathered. Such is the distance

between the enemy and us.”(866)

Cato and Nasica had each of them their reasons for voting as they

did.(867) Nasica, observing that the people had risen to such a height of

insolence, as led them into excesses of every kind; that their prosperity

had swelled them with a pride which the senate itself was not able to

check; and that their power was become so enormous, that they were able to

draw the city, by force, into every mad design they might undertake;

Nasica, I say, observing this, was desirous that they should continue in

fear of Carthage, in order that this might serve as a curb to restrain and

check their audacious conduct. For it was his opinion, that the

Carthaginians were too weak to subdue the Romans; and at the same time too

strong to be considered by them in a contemptible light. With regard to

Cato, he thought that as his countrymen were become haughty and insolent

by success, and plunged headlong into profligacy of every kind; nothing

could be more dangerous, than for them to have for a rival and an enemy, a

city that till now had been powerful, but was become, even by its

misfortunes, more wise and provident than ever; and not to remove the

fears of the inhabitants entirely with regard to a foreign power; since

they had, within their own walls, all the opportunities of indulging

themselves in excesses of every kind.

To lay aside, for one instant, the laws of equity, I leave the reader to

determine which of these two great men reasoned most justly, according to

the maxims of sound policy, and the true interest of a state. One

undoubted circumstance is, that all historians have observed that there

was a sensible change in the conduct and government of the Romans,

immediately after the ruin of Carthage:(868) that vice no longer made its

way into Rome with a timorous pace, and as it were by stealth, but

appeared barefaced, and seized, with astonishing rapidity, upon all orders

of the republic: that the senators, plebeians, in a word, all conditions,

abandoned themselves to luxury and voluptuousness, without moderation or

sense of decency, which occasioned, as it must necessarily, the ruin of

the state. “The first Scipio,”(869) says Paterculus, speaking of the

Romans, “had laid the foundations of their future grandeur; and the last,

by his conquests, opened a door to all manner of luxury and dissoluteness.

For, after Carthage, which obliged Rome to stand for ever on its guard, by

disputing empire with that city, had been totally destroyed, the depravity

of manners was no longer slow in its progress, but swelled at once into

the utmost excess of corruption.”

Be this as it may, the senate resolved to declare war against the

Carthaginians; and the reasons or pretences urged for it were, their

having maintained ships contrary to the tenour of the treaty; their having

sent an army out of their territories, against a prince who was in

alliance with Rome, and whose son they had treated ill, at the time that

he was accompanied by a Roman ambassador.(870)

(M142) An event, that chance occasioned to happen very fortunately, at the

time that the senate of Rome was debating on the affair of Carthage,

doubtless contributed very much to make them take that resolution.(871)

This was the arrival of deputies from Utica, who came to surrender up

themselves, their effects, their lands, and their city, into the hands of

the Romans. Nothing could have happened more seasonably. Utica was the

second city of Africa, vastly rich, and had a port equally spacious and

commodious; it stood within sixty furlongs of Carthage, so that it might

serve as a place of arms in the attack of that city. The Romans now

hesitated no longer, but formally proclaimed war. M. Manilius, and L.

Marcius Censorinus, the two consuls, were desired to set out as soon as

possible. They had secret orders from the senate, not to end the war but

by the destruction of Carthage. The consuls immediately left Rome, and

stopped at Lilybæum in Sicily. They had a considerable fleet, on board of

which were fourscore thousand foot, and about four thousand horse.

The Carthaginians were not yet acquainted with the resolutions which had

been taken at Rome.(872) The answer brought back by their deputies, had

only increased their fears, _viz._ “It was the business of the

Carthaginians to consider what satisfaction was due to them.”(873) This

made them not know what course to take. At last they sent new deputies,

whom they invested with full powers to act as they should see fitting; and

even (what the former wars could never make them stoop to) to declare,

that the Carthaginians gave up themselves, and all they possessed, to the

will and pleasure of the Romans. This, according to the import of the

clause, _se suaque eorum arbitrio permittere_, was submitting themselves,

without reserve, to the power of the Romans, and acknowledging themselves

their vassals. Nevertheless, they did not expect any great success from

this condescension, though so very mortifying; because, as the Uticans had

been beforehand with them on that occasion, this circumstance had deprived

them of the merit of a ready and voluntary submission.

The deputies, on their arrival at Rome, were informed that war had been

proclaimed, and that the army was set out. The Romans had despatched a

courier to Carthage, with the decree of the senate; and to inform that

city, that the Roman fleet had sailed. The deputies had therefore no time

for deliberation, but delivered up themselves, and all they possessed, to

the Romans. In consequence of this behaviour, they were answered, that

since they had at last taken a right step, the senate granted them their

liberty, the enjoyment of their laws, and all their territories and other

possessions, whether public or private, provided that, within the space of

thirty days, they should send, as hostages, to Lilybæum, three hundred

young Carthaginians of the first distinction, and comply with the orders

of the consuls. This last condition filled them with inexpressible

anxiety: but the concern they were under would not allow them to make the

least reply, or to demand an explanation; nor, indeed, would it have been

to any purpose. They therefore set out for Carthage, and there gave an

account of their embassy.

All the articles of the treaty were extremely severe with regard to the

Carthaginians; but the silence of the Romans, with respect to the cities

of which no notice was taken in the concessions which that people was

willing to make, perplexed them exceedingly.(874) But all they had to do

was to obey. After the many former and recent losses which the

Carthaginians had sustained, they were by no means in a condition to

resist such an enemy, since they had not been able to oppose Masinissa.

Troops, provisions, ships, allies, in a word, every thing was wanting, and

hope and vigour more than all the rest.

They did not think it proper to wait till the thirty days, which had been

allowed them, were expired, but immediately sent their hostages, in hopes

of softening the enemy by the readiness of their obedience, though they

dared not flatter themselves with the expectation of meeting with favour

on this occasion. These hostages were the flower, and the only hopes, of

the noblest families of Carthage. Never was any spectacle more moving;

nothing was now heard but cries, nothing seen but tears, and all places

echoed with groans and lamentations. But above all, the disconsolate

mothers, bathed in tears, tore their dishevelled hair, beat their breasts,

and, as if grief and despair had distracted them, they yelled in such a

manner as might have moved the most savage breasts to compassion. But the

scene was much more mournful, when the fatal moment of their separation

was come; when, after having accompanied their dear children to the ship,

they bid them a long last farewell, persuaded that they should never see

them more; bathed them with their tears; embraced them with the utmost

fondness; clasped them eagerly in their arms; could not be prevailed upon

to part with them, till they were forced away, which was more grievous and

afflicting than if their hearts had been torn out of their breasts. The

hostages being arrived in Sicily, were carried from thence to Rome; and

the consuls told the deputies, that when they should arrive at Utica, they

would acquaint them with the orders of the republic.

In such a situation of affairs, nothing can be more grievous than a state

of uncertainty, which, without descending to particulars, gives occasion

to the mind to image to itself every misery.(875) As soon as it was known

that the fleet was arrived at Utica, the deputies repaired to the Roman

camp; signifying, that they were come in the name of their republic, in

order to receive their commands, which they were ready to obey. The

consul, after praising their good disposition and compliance, commanded

them to deliver up to him, without fraud or delay, all their arms. This

they consented to, but besought him to reflect on the sad condition to

which he was reducing them, at a time when Asdrubal, whose quarrel against

them was owing to no other cause than their perfect submission to the

orders of the Romans, was advanced almost to their gates, with an army of

twenty thousand men. The answer returned them was, that the Romans would

set that matter right.

This order was immediately put in execution.(876) There arrived in the

camp a long train of waggons, loaded with all the preparations of war,

taken out of Carthage: two hundred thousand complete sets of armour, a

numberless multitude of darts and javelins, with two thousand engines for

shooting darts and stones.(877) Then followed the deputies of Carthage,

accompanied by the most venerable senators and priests, who came purposely

to try to move the Romans to compassion in this critical moment, when

their sentence was going to be pronounced, and their fate would be

irreversible. Censorinus, the consul, for it was he who had all along

spoken, rose up for a moment at their coming, and expressed some kindness

and affection for them; but suddenly assuming a grave and severe

countenance: “I cannot,” says he, “but commend the readiness with which

you execute the orders of the senate. They have commanded me to tell you,

that it is their absolute will and pleasure that you depart out of

Carthage, which they have resolved to destroy; and that you remove into

any other part of your dominions which you shall think proper, provided it

be at the distance of eighty stadia(878) from the sea.”

The instant the consul had pronounced this fulminating decree, nothing was

heard among the Carthaginians but lamentable shrieks and howlings.(879)

Being now in a manner thunderstruck, they neither knew where they were,

nor what they did; but rolled themselves in the dust, tearing their

clothes, and unable to vent their grief any otherwise, than by broken

sighs and deep groans. Being afterwards a little recovered, they lifted up

their hands with the air of suppliants one moment towards the gods, and

the next towards the Romans, imploring their mercy and justice towards a

people, who would soon be reduced to the extremes of despair. But as both

the gods and men were deaf to their fervent prayers, they soon changed

them into reproaches and imprecations; bidding the Romans call to mind,

that there were such beings as avenging deities, whose severe eyes were

for ever open on guilt and treachery. The Romans themselves could not

refrain from tears at so moving a spectacle, but their resolution was

fixed. The deputies could not even prevail so far, as to get the execution

of this order suspended, till they should have an opportunity of

presenting themselves again before the senate, to attempt, if possible, to

get it revoked. They were forced to set out immediately, and carry the

answer to Carthage.

The people waited for their return with such an impatience and terror, as

words could never express.(880) It was scarce possible for them to break

through the crowd that flocked round them, to hear the answer, which was

but too strongly painted in their faces. When they were come into the

senate, and had declared the barbarous orders of the Romans, a general

shriek informed the people of their fate; and from that instant, nothing

was seen and heard in every part of the city, but howling and despair,

madness and fury.

The reader will here give me leave to interrupt the course of the history

for a moment, to reflect on the conduct of the Romans. It is great pity

that the fragment of Polybius, where an account is given of this

deputation, should end exactly in the most interesting part of this

narrative. I should set a much higher value on one short reflection of so

judicious an author, than on the long harangues which Appian ascribes to

the deputies and the consul. I can never believe, that so rational,

judicious, and just a man as Polybius, could have approved the proceedings

of the Romans on the present occasion. We do not here discover, in my

opinion, any of the characteristics which distinguished them anciently;

that greatness of soul, that rectitude, that utter abhorrence of all mean

artifices, frauds, and impostures, which, as is somewhere said, formed no

part of the Roman disposition; _Minimè Romanis artibus_. Why did not the

Romans attack the Carthaginians by open force? Why should they declare

expressly in a treaty (a most solemn and sacred thing) that they allowed

them the full enjoyment of their liberties and laws; and understand, at

the same time, certain private conditions, which proved the entire ruin of

both? Why should they conceal, under the scandalous omission of the word

_city_ in this treaty, the perfidious design of destroying Carthage? as

if, beneath the cover of such an equivocation, they might destroy it with

justice. In short, why did the Romans not make their last declaration,

till after they had extorted from the Carthaginians, at different times,

their hostages and arms, that is, till they had absolutely rendered them

incapable of disobeying their most arbitrary commands? Is it not manifest,

that Carthage, notwithstanding all its defeats and losses, though it was

weakened and almost exhausted, was still a terror to the Romans, and that

they were persuaded they were not able to conquer it by force of arms? It

is very dangerous to be possessed of so much power, as to be able to

commit injustice with impunity, and with a prospect of being a gainer by

it. The experience of all ages shows, that states seldom scruple to commit

injustice, when they think it will conduce to their advantage.

The noble character which Polybius gives of the Achæans, differs widely

from what was practised here.(881) That people, says he, far from using

artifice and deceit towards their allies, in order to enlarge their power,

did not think themselves allowed to employ them even against their

enemies, considering only those victories as solid and glorious, which

were obtained sword in hand, by dint of courage and bravery. He owns, in

the same place, that there then remained among the Romans but very faint

traces of the ancient generosity of their ancestors; and he thinks it

incumbent on him (as he declares) to make this remark, in opposition to a

maxim which was grown very common in his time among persons in the

administration of the government, who imagined, that sincerity is

inconsistent with good policy; and that it is impossible to succeed in the

administration of state affairs, either in war or peace, without using

fraud and deceit on some occasions.

I now return to my subject.(882) The consuls made no great haste to march

against Carthage, not suspecting they had any thing to fear from that

city, as it was now disarmed. The inhabitants took the opportunity of this

delay to put themselves in a posture of defence, being all unanimously

resolved not to quit the city. They appointed as general, without the

walls, Asdrubal, who was at the head of twenty thousand men; and to whom

deputies were sent accordingly, to entreat him to forget, for his

country’s sake, the injustice which had been done him, from the dread they

were under of the Romans. The command of the troops, within the walls, was

given to another Asdrubal, grandson of Masinissa. They then applied

themselves to the making arms with incredible expedition. The temples, the

palaces, the open markets and squares, were all changed into so many

arsenals, where men and women worked day and night. Every day were made a

hundred and and forty shields, three hundred swords, five hundred pikes or

javelins, a thousand arrows, and a great number of engines to discharge

them; and because they wanted materials to make ropes, the women cut off

their hair, and abundantly supplied their wants on this occasion.

Masinissa was very much disgusted at the Romans, because, after he had

extremely weakened the Carthaginians, they came and reaped the fruits of

his victory, without acquainting him in any manner with their design,

which circumstance caused some coldness between them.(883)

During this interval, the consuls were advancing towards the city, in

order to besiege it.(884) As they expected nothing less than a vigorous

resistance, the incredible resolution and courage of the besieged filled

them with the utmost astonishment.

The Carthaginians were for ever making the boldest sallies, in order to

repulse the besiegers, to burn their engines, and harass their foragers.

Censorinus attacked the city on one side, and Manilius on the other.

Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus, served then as tribune in the army;

and distinguished himself above the rest of the officers, no less by his

prudence than by his bravery. The consul, under whom he fought, committed

many oversights, by having refused to follow his advice. This young

officer extricated the troops from several dangers, into which the

imprudence of their leaders had plunged them. A renowned officer, Phamæas

by name, who was general of the enemy’s cavalry, and continually harassed

the foragers, did not dare ever to keep the field, when it was Scipio’s

turn to support them; so capable was he of keeping his troops in good

order, and posting himself to advantage. So great and universal a

reputation excited some envy against him at first; but as he behaved, in

all respects, with the utmost modesty and reserve, that envy was soon

changed into admiration; so that when the senate sent deputies to the

camp, to inquire into the state of the siege, the whole army gave him

unanimously the highest commendations; the soldiers, as well as officers,

nay, the very generals, with one voice extolled the merit of young Scipio:

so necessary is it for a man to deaden, if I may be allowed the

expression, the splendour of his rising glory, by a sweet and modest

carriage; and not to excite jealousy, by haughty and self-sufficient

behaviour, as this naturally awakens pride in others, and makes even

virtue itself odious!

(M143) About the same time, Masinissa, finding his end approach, sent to

desire a visit from Scipio, in order that he might invest him with full

powers to dispose, as he should see proper, of his kingdom and property,

in behalf of his children.(885) But, on Scipio’s arrival, he found that

monarch dead. Masinissa had commanded them, with his dying breath, to

follow implicitly the directions of Scipio, whom he appointed to be a kind

of father and guardian to them. I shall give no farther account here of

the family and posterity of Masinissa, because that would interrupt too

much the history of Carthage.

The high esteem which Phamæas had entertained for Scipio induced him to

forsake the Carthaginians, and go over to the Romans.(886) Accordingly, he

joined them with above two thousand horse, and was afterwards of great

service at the siege.

Calpurnius Piso, the consul, and L. Mancinus, his lieutenant, arrived in

Africa in the beginning of the spring.(887) Nothing remarkable was

transacted during this campaign. The Romans were even defeated on several

occasions, and carried on the siege of Carthage but slowly. The besieged,

on the contrary, had recovered their spirits. Their troops were

considerably increased; they daily got new allies; and even sent an

express as far as Macedonia, to the counterfeit Philip,(888) who pretended

to be the son of Perseus, and was then engaged in a war with the Romans;

to exhort him to carry it on with vigour, and promising to furnish him

with money and ships.

This news occasioned some uneasiness at Rome.(889) The people began to

doubt the success of a war, which grew daily more uncertain, and was more

important, than had at first been imagined. As much as they were

dissatisfied with the dilatoriness of the generals, and exclaimed against

their conduct, so much did they unanimously agree in applauding young

Scipio, and extolling his rare and uncommon virtues. He was come to Rome,

in order to stand candidate for the edileship. The instant he appeared in

the assembly, his name, his countenance, his reputation, a general

persuasion that he was designed by the gods to end the third Punic war, as

the first Scipio, his grandfather by adoption, had terminated the second;

these several circumstances made a very strong impression on the people,

and though it was contrary to law, and therefore opposed by the ancient

men, instead of the edileship which(M144) he sued for, the people,

disregarding for once the laws, conferred the consulship upon him, and

assigned him Africa for his province, without casting lots for the

provinces, as usual, and as Drusus his colleague demanded.

As soon as Scipio had completed his recruits, he set out for Sicily, and

arrived soon after in Utica.(890) He came very seasonably for Mancinus,

Piso’s lieutenant, who had rashly fixed himself in a post where he was

surrounded by the enemy; and would have been cut to pieces that very

morning, had not the new consul, who, on his arrival, heard of the danger

he was in, reembarked his troops in the night, and sailed with the utmost

speed to his assistance.

Scipio’s first care, after his arrival, was to revive discipline among the

troops, which he found had been entirely neglected.(891) There was not the

least regularity, subordination, or obedience. Nothing was attended to but

rapine, feasting, and diversions. He drove from the camp all useless

persons, settled the quality of the provisions he would have brought in by

the sutlers, and allowed of none but what were plain and fit for soldiers,

studiously banishing all dainties and luxuries.

After he had made these regulations, which cost him but little time and

pains, because he himself first set the example, he was persuaded that

those under him were soldiers, and thereupon he prepared to carry on the

siege with vigour. Having ordered his troops to provide themselves with

axes, levers, and scaling-ladders, he led them in the dead of the night,

and without the least noise, to a district of the city, called Megara;

when ordering them to give a sudden and general shout, he attacked it with

great vigour. The enemy, who did not expect to be attacked in the night,

were at first in the utmost terror; however, they defended themselves so

courageously, that Scipio could not scale the walls. But perceiving a

tower that was forsaken, and which stood without the city, very near the

walls, he detached thither a party of intrepid and resolute soldiers, who,

by the help of pontons,(892) got from the tower on the walls, and from

thence into Megara, the gates of which they broke down. Scipio entered it

immediately after, and drove the enemies out of that post; who, terrified

at this unexpected assault, and imagining that the whole city was taken,

fled into the citadel, whither they were followed even by those forces

that were encamped without the city, who abandoned their camp to the

Romans, and thought it necessary for them to fly to a place of security.

Before I proceed further, it will be proper to give some account of the

situation and dimensions of Carthage, which, in the beginning of the war

against the Romans, contained seven hundred thousand inhabitants.(893) It

stood at the bottom of a gulf, surrounded by the sea, and in the form of a

peninsula, whose neck, that is, the isthmus which joined it to the

continent, was twenty-five stadia, or a league and a quarter in breadth.

The peninsula was three hundred and sixty stadia, or eighteen leagues

round. On the west side there projected from it a long neck of land, half

a stadium, or twelve fathoms broad; which, advancing into the sea, divided

it from a morass, and was fenced on all sides with rocks and a single

wall. On the south side, towards the continent, where stood the citadel

called Byrsa, the city was surrounded with a triple wall, thirty cubits

high, exclusive of the parapets and towers, with which it was flanked all

round at equal distances, each interval being fourscore fathoms. Every

tower was four stories high, and the stalls but two; they were arched, and

in the lower part were walls to hold three hundred elephants with their

fodder, and over these were stables for four thousand horses, and lofts

for their food. There likewise was room enough to lodge twenty thousand

foot, and four thousand horse. All these were contained within the walls

alone. In one place only the walls were weak and low; and that was a

neglected angle, which began at the neck of land above-mentioned, and

extended as far as the harbours, which were on the west side. Of these

there were two, which communicated with each other, but had only one

entrance, seventy feet broad, shut up with chains. The first was

appropriated for the merchants, and had several distinct habitations for

the seamen. The second, or inner harbour, was for the ships of war, in the

midst of which stood an island called Cothon, lined, as the harbour was,

with large quays, in which were distinct receptacles(894) for sheltering

from the weather two hundred and twenty ships; over these were magazines

or storehouses, wherein was lodged whatever is necessary for arming and

equipping fleets. The entrance into each of these receptacles was adorned

with two marble pillars of the Ionic order. So that both the harbour and

the island represented on each side two magnificent galleries. In this

island was the admiral’s palace; and, as it stood opposite to the mouth of

the harbour, he could from thence discover whatever was doing at sea,

though no one, from thence, could see what was transacting in the inward

part of the harbour. The merchants, in like manner, had no prospect of the

men of war; the two ports being separated by a double wall, each having

its particular gate, that led to the city, without passing through the

other harbour. So that Carthage may be divided into three parts:(895) the

harbour, which was double, and called sometimes Cothon, from the little

island of that name: the citadel, named Byrsa: the city properly so

called, where the inhabitants dwelt, which lay round the citadel, and was

called Megara.

At daybreak,(896) Asdrubal(897) perceiving the ignominious defeat of his

troops, in order that he might be revenged on the Romans, and, at the same

time, deprive the inhabitants of all hopes of accommodation and pardon,

brought all the Roman prisoners he had taken, upon the walls, in sight of

the whole army. There he put them to the most exquisite torture; putting

out their eyes, cutting off their noses, ears, and fingers; tearing their

skin from their body with iron rakes or harrows, and then threw them

headlong from the top of the battlements. So inhuman a treatment filled

the Carthaginians with horror: however, he did not spare even them; but

murdered many senators who had ventured to oppose his tyranny.

Scipio,(898) finding himself absolute master of the isthmus, burnt the

camp, which the enemy had deserted, and built a new one for his troops. It

was of a square form, surrounded with large and deep intrenchments, and

fenced with strong palisades. On the side which faced the Carthaginians,

he built a wall twelve feet high, flanked at proper distances with towers

and redoubts; and on the middle tower, he erected a very high wooden fort,

from whence could be seen whatever was doing in the city. This wall was

equal to the whole breadth of the isthmus, that is, twenty-five

stadia.(899) The enemy, who were within bow-shot of it, employed their

utmost efforts to put a stop to this work; but, as the whole army were

employed upon it day and night, without intermission, it was finished in

twenty-four days. Scipio reaped a double advantage from this work: first,

his forces were lodged more safely and commodiously than before: secondly,

he cut off all provisions from the besieged, to whom none could now be

brought but by sea; which was attended with many difficulties, both

because the sea is frequently very tempestuous in that place, and because

the Roman fleet kept a strict guard. This proved one of the chief causes

of the famine which raged soon after in the city. Besides, Asdrubal

distributed the corn that was brought, only among the thirty thousand men

who served under him, caring very little what became of the rest of the

inhabitants.

To distress them still more by the want of provisions, Scipio attempted to

stop up the mouth of the haven by a mole, beginning at the above-mentioned

neck of land, which was near the harbour.(900) The besieged, at first,

looked upon this attempt as ridiculous, and accordingly they insulted the

workmen: but, at last, seeing them make an astonishing progress every day,

they began to be afraid; and to take such measures as might, if possible,

render the attempt unsuccessful. Every one, to the women and children,

fell to work, but so privately, that all that Scipio could learn from the

prisoners, was, that they had heard a great noise in the harbour, but did

not know the occasion of it. At last, all things being ready, the

Carthaginians opened, on a sudden, a new outlet on the other side of the

haven; and appeared at sea with a numerous fleet, which they had just then

built with the old materials found in their magazines. It is generally

allowed, that had they attacked the Roman fleet directly, they must

infallibly have taken it; because, as no such attempt was expected, and

every man was elsewhere employed, the Carthaginians would have found it

without rowers, soldiers, or officers. But the ruin of Carthage, says the

historian, was decreed. Having therefore only offered a kind of insult or

bravado to the Romans, they returned into the harbour.

Two days after, they brought forward their ships, with a resolution to

fight in good earnest, and found the enemy ready for them.(901) This

battle was to determine the fate of both parties. The conflict was long

and obstinate, each exerting themselves to the utmost; the one to save

their country, now reduced to the last extremity, and the other to

complete their victory. During the fight, the Carthaginian brigantines

running along under the large Roman ships, broke to pieces sometimes their

sterns, and at other times their rudders and oars; and, when briskly

attacked, retreated with surprising swiftness, and returned immediately to

the charge. At last, after the two armies had fought with equal success

till sunset, the Carthaginians thought proper to retire; not that they

believed themselves overcome, but in order to begin the fight again on the

morrow. Part of their ships, not being able to run swiftly enough into the

harbour, because the mouth of it was too narrow, took shelter under a very

spacious terrace, which had been thrown up against the walls to unload

goods, on the side of which a small rampart had been raised during this

war, to prevent the enemy from possessing themselves of it. Here the fight

was again renewed with more vigour than ever, and lasted till late at

night. The Carthaginians suffered very much, and the few ships which got

off, sailed for refuge to the city. Morning being come, Scipio attacked

the terrace, and carried it, though with great difficulty; after which he

made a lodgement there, and fortified himself on it, and built a

brick-wall close to those of the city, and of the same height. When it was

finished, he commanded four thousand men to get on the top of it, and to

discharge from it a perpetual shower of darts and arrows upon the enemy,

which did great execution; because, as the two walls were of equal height,

almost every dart took effect. Thus ended this campaign.

During the winter quarters, Scipio endeavoured to overpower the enemy’s

troops without the city,(902) who very much harassed the convoys that

brought his provisions, and protected such as were sent to the besieged.

For this purpose he attacked a neighbouring fort, called Nepheris, where

they used to shelter themselves. In the last action, above seventy

thousand of the enemy, as well soldiers as peasants, who had been

enlisted, were cut to pieces; and the fort was carried with great

difficulty, after sustaining a siege of two and twenty days. The seizure

of this fort was followed by the surrender of almost all the strong-holds

in Africa; and contributed very much to the taking of Carthage itself,

into which, from that time, it was almost impossible to bring any

provisions.

(M145) Early in the spring, Scipio attacked, at one and the same time, the

harbour called Cothon, and the citadel.(903) Having possessed himself of

the wall which surrounded this port, he threw himself into the great

square of the city that was near it, from whence was an ascent to the

citadel, up three streets, on each side of which were houses, from the

tops whereof a shower of darts was discharged upon the Romans, who were

obliged, before they could advance farther, to force the houses they came

first to, and post themselves in them, in order to dislodge from thence

the enemy who fought from the neighbouring houses. The combat, which was

carried on from the tops, and in every part of the houses, continued six

days, during which a dreadful slaughter was made. To clear the streets,

and make way for the troops, the Romans dragged aside, with hooks, the

bodies of such of the inhabitants as had been slain, or precipitated

headlong from the houses, and threw them into pits, the greatest part of

them being still alive and panting. In this toil, which lasted six days

and as many nights, the soldiers were relieved from time to time by fresh

ones, without which they would have been quite spent. Scipio was the only

person who did not take a wink of sleep all this time; giving orders in

all places, and scarce allowing himself leisure to take the least

refreshment.

There was every reason to believe, that the siege would last much longer,

and occasion a great effusion of blood.(904) But on the seventh day, there

appeared a company of men in the posture and habit of suppliants, who

desired no other conditions, than that the Romans would please to spare

the lives of all those who should be willing to leave the citadel: which

request was granted them, only the deserters were excepted. Accordingly,

there came out fifty thousand men and women, who were sent into the fields

under a strong guard. The deserters, who were about nine hundred, finding

they would not be allowed quarter, fortified themselves in the temple of

Æsculapius, with Asdrubal, his wife, and two children; where, though their

number was but small, they might have held out a long time, because the

temple stood on a very high hill, upon rocks, the ascent to which was by

sixty steps. But at last, exhausted by hunger and watching, oppressed with

fear, and seeing their destruction at hand, they lost all patience; and

abandoning the lower part of the temple, they retired to the uppermost

story, resolved not to quit it but with their lives.

In the mean time, Asdrubal, being desirous of saving his own life, came

down privately to Scipio, carrying an olive branch in his hand, and threw

himself at his feet. Scipio showed him immediately to the deserters, who,

transported with rage and fury at the sight, vented millions of

imprecations against him, and set fire to the temple. Whilst it was

kindling, we are told, that Asdrubal’s wife, dressing herself as

splendidly as possible, and placing herself with her two children in sight

of Scipio, addressed him with a loud voice: “I call not down,” says she,

“curses upon thy head, O Roman; for thou only takest the privilege allowed

by the laws of war: but may the gods of Carthage, and thou in concert with

them, punish, according to his deserts, the false wretch, who has betrayed

his country, his gods, his wife, his children!” Then directing herself to

Asdrubal, “Perfidious wretch,” says she, “thou basest of men! this fire

will presently consume both me and my children; but as to thee, unworthy

general of Carthage, go—adorn the gay triumph of thy conqueror—suffer, in

the sight of all Rome, the tortures thou so justly deservest!” She had no

sooner pronounced these words, than, seizing her children, she cut their

throats, threw them into the flames, and afterwards rushed into them

herself; in which she was imitated by all the deserters.

With regard to Scipio,(905) when he saw this famous city, which had been

so flourishing for seven hundred years, and might have been compared to

the greatest empires, on account of the extent of its dominions both by

sea and land; its mighty armies; its fleets, elephants, and riches; while

the Carthaginians were even superior to other nations, by their courage

and greatness of soul; as, notwithstanding their being deprived of arms

and ships, they had sustained, for three whole years, all the hardships

and calamities of a long siege; seeing, I say, this city entirely ruined,

historians relate, that he could not refuse his tears to the unhappy fate

of Carthage. He reflected, that cities, nations, and empires, are liable

to revolutions no less than private men; that the like sad fate had

befallen Troy anciently so powerful; and, in later times, the Assyrians,

Medes, and Persians, whose dominions were once of so great an extent; and

very recently, the Macedonians, whose empire had been so glorious

throughout the world. Full of these mournful ideas, he repeated the

following verses of Homer:

Ἔσσεται ἦμαρ, ὄταν ποτ᾽ ὀλώλη Ἴλιος ἱρὴ,

Καὶ Πρίαμος, καὶ λαὸς εὐμμελίω Πριάμοιο.

_Il._ δ. 164, 165.

The day shall come, that great avenging day.

Which Troy’s proud glories in the dust shall lay,

When Priam’s pow’rs and Priam’s self shall fall,

And one prodigious ruin swallow all.

POPE.

thereby denouncing the future destiny of Rome, as he himself confessed to

Polybius, who desired Scipio to explain himself on that occasion.

Had the truth enlightened his soul, he would have discovered what we are

taught in the Scriptures, that “because of unrighteous dealings, injuries,

and riches got by deceit, a kingdom is translated from one people to

another.”(906) Carthage is destroyed, because its avarice, perfidiousness,

and cruelty, have attained their utmost height. The like fate will attend

Rome, when its luxury, ambition, pride, and unjust usurpations, concealed

beneath a specious and delusive show of justice and virtue, shall have

compelled the sovereign Lord, the disposer of empires, to give the

universe an important lesson in its fall.

(M146) Carthage being taken in this manner, Scipio gave the plunder of it

(the gold, silver, statues, and other offerings which should be found in

the temples, excepted) to his soldiers for some days.(907) He afterwards

bestowed several military rewards on them, as well as on the officers, two

of whom had particularly distinguished themselves, _viz._ Tib. Gracchus,

and Caius Fannius, who first scaled the walls. After this, adorning a

small ship (an excellent sailer) with the enemy’s spoils, he sent it to

Rome with the news of the victory.

At the same time he invited the inhabitants of Sicily to come and take

possession of the pictures and statues which the Carthaginians had

plundered them of in the former wars.(908) When he restored to the

citizens of Agrigentum, Phalaris’s famous bull,(909) he told them that

this bull, which was, at one and the same time, a monument of the cruelty

of their ancient kings, and of the lenity of their present sovereigns,

ought to make them sensible which would be most advantageous for them, to

live under the yoke of Sicilians, or the government of the Romans.

Having exposed to sale part of the spoils of Carthage, he commanded, on

the most severe penalties, his family not to take or even buy any of them;

so careful was he to remove from himself, and all belonging to him, the

least suspicion of avarice.

When the news of the taking of Carthage was brought to Rome, the people

abandoned themselves to the most immoderate transports of joy, as if the

public tranquillity had not been secured till that instant.(910) They

revolved in their minds, all the calamities which the Carthaginians had

brought upon them, in Sicily, in Spain, and even in Italy, for sixteen

years together; during which, Hannibal had plundered four hundred towns,

destroyed, in different engagements, three hundred thousand men, and

reduced Rome itself to the utmost extremity. Amidst the remembrance of

these past evils, the people in Rome would ask one another, whether it

were really true that Carthage was in ashes. All ranks and degrees of men

emulously strove who should show the greatest gratitude towards the gods;

and the citizens were, for many days, employed wholly in solemn

sacrifices, in public prayers, games, and spectacles.

After these religious duties were ended, the senate sent ten commissioners

into Africa, to regulate, in conjunction with Scipio, the fate and

condition of that country for the time to come.(911) Their first care was,

to demolish whatever was still remaining of Carthage.(912) Rome,(913)

though mistress of almost the whole world, could not believe herself safe

as long as even the name of Carthage was in being. So true it is, that an

inveterate hatred, fomented by long and bloody wars, lasts even beyond the

time when all cause of fear is removed; and does not cease, till the

object that occasions it is no more. Orders were given, in the name of the

Romans, that it should never be inhabited again; and dreadful imprecations

were denounced against those, who, contrary to this prohibition, should

attempt to rebuild any parts of it, especially those called Byrsa and

Megara. In the mean time, every one who desired it, was admitted to see

Carthage: Scipio being well pleased, to have people view the sad ruins of

a city which had dared to contend with Rome for empire.(914) The

commissioners decreed farther, that those cities which, during this war,

had joined with the enemy, should all be rased, and their territories be

given to the Roman allies; they particularly made a grant to the citizens

of Utica, of the whole country lying between Carthage and Hippo. All the

rest they made tributary, and reduced it into a Roman province, whither a

prætor was sent annually.

All matters being thus settled, Scipio returned to Rome, where he made his

entry in triumph.(915) So magnificent a one had never been seen before;

the whole exhibiting nothing but statues, rare, invaluable pictures, and

other curiosities, which the Carthaginians had, for many years, been

collecting in other countries; not to mention the money carried into the

public treasury, which amounted to immense sums.

Notwithstanding the great precautions which were taken to hinder Carthage

from being ever rebuilt, in less than thirty years after, and even in

Scipio’s lifetime, one of the Gracchi, to ingratiate himself with the

people, undertook to found it anew, and conducted thither a colony

consisting of six thousand citizens for that purpose.(916) The senate,

hearing that the workmen had been terrified by many unlucky omens, at the

time they were tracing the limits, and laying the foundations of the new

city, would have suspended the attempt; but the tribune, not being over

scrupulous in religious matters, carried on the work, notwithstanding all

these bad presages, and finished it in a few days. This was the first

Roman colony that was ever sent out of Italy.

It is probable, that only a kind of huts were built there, since we are

told,(917) that when Marius retired hither, in his flight to Africa, he

lived in a mean and poor condition amid the ruins of Carthage, consoling

himself by the sight of so astonishing a spectacle; himself serving, in

some measure, as a consolation to that ill-fated city.

Appian relates,(918) that Julius Cæsar, after the death of Pompey, having

crossed into Africa, saw, in a dream, an army composed of a prodigious

number of soldiers, who, with tears in their eyes, called him; and that,

struck with the vision, he writ down in his pocket-book the design which

he formed on this occasion, of rebuilding Carthage and Corinth: but that

having been murdered soon after by the conspirators, Augustus Cæsar, his

adopted son, who found this memorandum among his papers, rebuilt Carthage

near the spot where it stood formerly, in order that the imprecations

which had been vented, at the time of its destruction, against those who

should presume to rebuild it, might not fall upon him.

I know not what foundation Appian has for this story; but we read in

Strabo,(919) that Carthage and Corinth were rebuilt at the same time by

Cæsar, to whom he gives the name of god, by which title, a little before,

he had plainly intended Julius Cæsar;(920) and Plutarch,(921) in the life

of that emperor, ascribes expressly to him the establishment of these two

colonies; and observes, that one remarkable circumstance in these two

cities is, that as both had been taken and destroyed at the same time,

they likewise were at the same time rebuilt and repeopled. However this

be, Strabo affirms, that in his time Carthage was as populous as any city

in Africa; and it rose to be the capital of Africa, under the succeeding

emperors. It existed for about seven hundred years after, in splendour,

but at last was so completely destroyed by the Saracens, in the beginning

of the seventh century, that neither its name, nor the least footsteps of

it, are known at this time in the country.

_A Digression on the Manners and Character of the second Scipio

Africanus._—Scipio, the destroyer of Carthage, was son to the famous

Paulus Æmilius, who conquered Perseus, the last king of Macedon; and

consequently grandson to that Paulus Æmilius who lost his life in the

battle of Cannæ. He was adopted by the son of the great Scipio Africanus,

and called Scipio Æmilianus; the names of the two families being so

united, pursuant to the law of adoptions. He supported, with equal lustre,

the dignity of both houses, by all the qualities that can confer honour on

the sword and gown.(922) The whole tenour of his life, says an historian,

whether with regard to his actions, his thoughts, or words, was deserving

of the highest praise. He distinguished himself particularly (an eulogium

that, at present, can seldom be applied to persons of the military

profession) by his exquisite taste for polite literature, and all the

sciences, as well as by the uncommon regard he showed to learned men. It

is universally known, that he was reported to be the author of Terence’s

comedies, the most polite and elegant writings which the Romans could

boast. We are told of Scipio,(923) that no man could blend more happily

repose and action, nor employ his leisure hours with greater delicacy and

taste: thus was he divided between arms and books, between the military

labours of the camp, and the peaceful employment of the cabinet; in which

he either exercised his body in toils of war, or his mind in the study of

the sciences. By this he showed, that nothing does greater honour to a

person of distinction, of what quality or profession soever he be, than

the adorning his mind with knowledge. Cicero, speaking of Scipio,

says,(924) that he always had Xenophon’s works in his hands, which are so

famous for the solid and excellent instructions they contain, both in

regard to war and policy.

He owed this exquisite taste for polite learning and the sciences, to the

excellent education which Paulus Æmilius bestowed on his children.(925) He

had put them under the ablest masters in every art; and did not spare any

expense on that occasion, though his circumstances were very narrow: P.

Æmilius himself was present at all their lessons, as often as the affairs

of the state would permit; becoming, by this means, their chief preceptor.

The intimate union between Polybius and Scipio put the finishing stroke to

the exalted qualities which, by the superiority of his genius and

disposition, and the excellency of his education, were already the subject

of admiration.(926) Polybius, with a great number of Achæans, whose

fidelity the Romans suspected during the war with Perseus, was detained in

Rome, where his merit soon caused his company to be coveted by all persons

of the highest quality in that city. Scipio, when scarce eighteen, devoted

himself entirely to Polybius: and considered as the greatest felicity of

his life, the opportunity he had of being instructed by so great a master,

whose society he preferred to all the vain and idle amusements which are

generally so alluring to young persons.

Polybius’s first care was to inspire Scipio with an aversion for those

equally dangerous and ignominious pleasures, to which the Roman youth were

so strongly addicted; the greatest part of them being already depraved and

corrupted by the luxury and licentiousness which riches and new conquests

had introduced in Rome. Scipio, during the first five years that he

continued in so excellent a school, made the greatest improvement in it;

and, despising the ridicule, as well as the pernicious examples, of

persons of the same age with himself, he was looked upon, even at that

time, as a model of discretion and wisdom.

From hence, the transition was easy and natural to generosity, to a noble

disregard of riches, and to a laudable use of them; all virtues so

requisite in persons of illustrious birth, and which Scipio carried to the

most exalted pitch, as appears from some instances of this kind related by

Polybius, which are highly worthy our admiration.

Æmilia,(927) wife of the first Scipio Africanus, and mother of him who had

adopted the Scipio mentioned here by Polybius, had bequeathed, at her

death, a great estate to the latter. This lady, besides the diamonds and

jewels which are worn by women of her high rank, possessed a great number

of gold and silver vessels used in sacrifices, together with several

splendid equipages, and a considerable number of slaves of both sexes; the

whole suited to the opulence of the august house into which she had

married. At her death, Scipio made over all those rich possessions to

Papiria his mother, who, having been divorced a considerable time before

by Paulus Æmilius, and not being in circumstances to support the dignity

of her birth, lived in great obscurity, and never appeared in the

assemblies or public ceremonies. But when she again frequented them with a

magnificent train, this noble generosity of Scipio did him great honour,

especially in the minds of the ladies, who expatiated on it in all their

conversations, and in a city whose inhabitants, says Polybius, were not

easily prevailed upon to part with their money.

Scipio was no less admired on another occasion. He was bound, in

consequence of the estate that had fallen to him by the death of his

grandmother, to pay, at three different times, to the two daughters of

Scipio, his grandfather by adoption, half their portions, which amounted

to 50,000 French crowns.(928) The time for the payment of the first sum

being expired, Scipio put the whole money into the hands of a banker.

Tiberius Gracchus, and Scipio Nasica, who had married the two sisters,

imagining that Scipio had made a mistake, went to him, and observed, that

the laws allowed him three years to pay this sum in, and at three

different times. Young Scipio answered, that he knew very well what the

laws directed on this occasion; that they might indeed be executed in

their greatest rigour towards strangers, but that friends and relations

ought to treat one another with a more generous simplicity; and therefore

desired them to receive the whole sum. They were struck with such

admiration at the generosity of their kinsman, that in their return home,

they reproached(929) themselves for their narrow way of thinking, at a

time when they made the greatest figure, and had the highest regard paid

to them, of any family in Rome. This generous action, says Polybius, was

the more admired, because no person in Rome, so far from consenting to pay

50,000 crowns before they were due, would pay even a thousand before the

time for payment was elapsed.

It was from the same noble spirit that, two years after, Paulus Æmilius

his father being dead, he made over to his brother Fabius, who was not so

wealthy as himself, the part of their father’s estate, which was his

(Scipio’s) due, (amounting to above threescore thousand crowns,(930)) in

order that there might not be so great a disparity between his fortune and

that of his brother.

This Fabius being desirous to exhibit a show of gladiators after his

father’s decease, in honour of his memory, (as was the custom in that

age,) and not being able to defray the expenses on this occasion, which

amounted to a very heavy sum, Scipio made him a present of fifteen

thousand(931) crowns, in order to defray at least half the charges of it.

The splendid presents which Scipio had made his mother Papiria, reverted

to him, by law as well as equity, after her demise; and his sisters,

according to the custom of those times had not the least claim to them.

Nevertheless, Scipio thought it would have been dishonourable in him, had

he taken them back again. He therefore made over to his sisters whatever

he had presented to their mother, which amounted to a very considerable

sum; and by this fresh proof of his glorious disregard of wealth, and the

tender friendship he had for his family, acquired the applause of the

whole city.

These different benefactions, which amounted all together to a prodigious

sum, seem to have received a brighter lustre from the age in which he

bestowed them, he being still very young; and yet more from the

circumstances of the time when they were presented, as well as the kind

and obliging carriage he assumed on those occasions.

The incidents I have here related are so repugnant to the maxims of this

age, that there might be reason to fear the reader would consider them

merely as the rhetorical flourishes of an historian who was prejudiced in

favour of his hero; if it was not well known, that the predominant

characteristic of Polybius, by whom they are related, is a sincere love

for truth, and an utter aversion to adulation of every kind. In the very

passage whence this relation is extracted, he has thought it necessary for

him to be a little guarded, where he expatiates on the virtuous actions

and rare qualities of Scipio; and he observes, that as his writings were

to be perused by the Romans, who were perfectly well acquainted with all

the particulars of this great man’s life, he could not fail of being

convicted by them, should he venture to advance any falsehood; an affront,

to which it is not probable that an author, who has ever so little regard

for his reputation, would expose himself, especially if no advantage was

to accrue to him from it.

We have already observed, that Scipio had never given into the fashionable

debaucheries and excesses to which the young people at Rome so generally

abandoned themselves. But he was sufficiently compensated for this

self-denial of all destructive pleasures, by the vigorous health he

enjoyed all the rest of his life, which enabled him to taste pleasure of a

much purer and more exalted kind, and to perform the great actions that

reflected so much glory upon him.

Hunting, which was his darling exercise, contributed also very much to

invigorate his constitution, and enabled him also to endure the hardest

toils. Macedonia, whither he followed his father, gave him an opportunity

of indulging to the utmost of his desire his passion in this respect; for

the chase, which was the usual diversion of the Macedonian monarchs,

having been laid aside for some years on account of the wars, Scipio found

there an incredible quantity of game of every kind. Paulus Æmilius,

studious of procuring his son virtuous pleasures of every kind, in order

to divert his mind from those which reason prohibits, gave him full

liberty to indulge himself in his favourite sport, during all the time

that the Roman forces continued in that country, after the victory he had

gained over Perseus. The illustrious youth employed his leisure hours in

an exercise which suited so well his age and inclination; and was as

successful in this innocent war against the beasts of Macedonia, as his

father had been in that which he had carried on against the inhabitants of

the country.

It was at Scipio’s return from Macedon, that he met with Polybius in Rome;

and contracted the strict friendship with him, which was afterwards so

beneficial to our young Roman, and did him almost as much honour in

after-ages as all his conquests. We find, from history, that Polybius

lived with the two brothers. One day, when himself and Scipio were alone,

the latter unbosomed himself freely to him, and complained, but in the

mildest and most gentle terms, that he, in their conversations at table,

always directed himself to his brother Fabius, and never to him. “I am

sensible,” says he, “that this indifference arises from your supposing,

with all our citizens, that I am a heedless young man, and wholly averse

to the taste which now prevails in Rome, because I do not devote myself to

the studies of the bar, nor cultivate the graces of elocution. But how

should I do this? I am told perpetually, that the Romans expect a general,

and not an orator, from the house of the Scipios. I will confess to you,

(pardon the sincerity with which I reveal my thoughts,) that your coldness

and indifference grieve me exceedingly.” Polybius, surprised at this

unexpected address, made Scipio the kindest answer; and assured the

illustrious youth, that though he generally directed himself to his

brother, yet this was not out of disrespect to him, but only because

Fabius was the elder; not to mention (continued Polybius) that, knowing

you possessed but one soul, I conceived that I addressed both when I spoke

to either of you. He then assured Scipio, that he was entirely at his

command: that with regard to the sciences, for which he discovered the

happiest genius, he would have opportunities sufficient to improve himself

in them, from the great number of learned Grecians who resorted daily to

Rome; but that, as to the art of war, which was properly his profession,

and his favourite study, he (Polybius) might be of some little service to

him. He had no sooner spoke these words, than Scipio, grasping his hand in

a kind of rapture: “Oh! when,” says he, “shall I see the happy day, when,

disengaged from all other avocations, and living with me, you will be so

much my friend, as to direct your endeavours to improve my understanding

and regulate my affections? It is then I shall think myself worthy of my

illustrious ancestors.” From that time Polybius, overjoyed to see so young

a man breathe such noble sentiments, devoted himself particularly to our

Scipio, who ever after paid him as much reverence as if he had been his

father.

However, Scipio did not esteem Polybius only as an excellent historian,

but valued him much more, and reaped much greater advantages from him, as

an able warrior and a profound politician. Accordingly, he consulted him

on every occasion, and always took his advice even when he was at the head

of his army; concerting in private with Polybius all the operations of the

campaign, all the movements of the forces, all enterprises against the

enemy, and the several measures proper for rendering them successful.

In a word, it was the common report,(932) that our illustrious Roman did

not perform any great or good action without being under some obligation

to Polybius; nor even commit an error, except when he acted without

consulting him.

I request the reader to excuse this long digression, which may be thought

foreign to my subject, as I am not writing the Roman history. However, it

appeared to me so well adapted to the general design I propose to myself,

in this work, _viz._ the cultivating and improving the minds of youth,

that I could not forbear introducing it here, though I was sensible this

is not directly its proper place. And indeed, these examples show, how

important it is that young people should receive a liberal and virtuous

education; and the great benefit they reap, by frequenting and

corresponding early with persons of merit; for these were the foundations

whereon were built the fame and glory which have rendered Scipio immortal.

But above all, how noble a model for our age (in which the most

inconsiderable and even trifling concerns often create feuds and

animosities between brothers and sisters, and disturb the peace of

families,) is the generous disinterestedness of Scipio; who, whenever he

had an opportunity of serving his relations, thought lightly of bestowing

the largest sums upon them! This excellent passage of Polybius had escaped

me, by its not being inserted in the folio edition of his works. It

belongs indeed naturally to that book, where, treating of the taste for

solid glory, I mentioned the contempt in which the ancients held riches,

and the excellent use they made of them. I therefore thought myself

indispensably obliged to restore, on this occasion, to young students,

what I could not but blame myself for omitting elsewhere.

_The History of the Family and Posterity of Masinissa._—I promised, after

finishing what related to the republic of Carthage, to return to the

family and posterity of Masinissa. This piece of history forms a

considerable part of that of Africa, and therefore is not quite foreign to

my subject.

(M147) From the time that Masinissa had declared for the Romans under the

first Scipio, he had always adhered to that honourable alliance, with an

almost unparalleled zeal and fidelity.(933) Finding his end approaching,

he wrote to the proconsul of Africa, under whose standards the younger

Scipio then fought, to desire that Roman might be sent to him; adding,

that he should die with satisfaction, if he could but expire in his arms,

after having made him executor to his will. But believing that he should

be dead, before it could be possible for him to receive this consolation,

he sent for his wife and children, and spoke to them as follows: “I know

no other nation but the Romans, and, among this nation, no other family

but that of the Scipios. I now, in my expiring moments, empower Scipio

Æmilianus to dispose, in an absolute manner, of all my possessions, and to

divide my kingdom among my children. I require, that whatever Scipio may

decree, shall be executed as punctually as if I myself had appointed it by

my will.” After saying these words, he breathed his last, being upwards of

ninety years of age.

This prince, during his youth, had met with strange reverses of fortune,

having been dispossessed of his kingdom, obliged to fly from province to

province, and a thousand times in danger of his life.(934) Being

supported, says the historian, by the divine protection, he was afterwards

favoured, till his death, with a perpetual series of prosperity, unruffled

by any sinister accident: for he not only recovered his own kingdom, but

added to it that of Syphax his enemy; and extending his dominions from

Mauritania, as far as Cyrene, he became the most powerful prince of all

Africa. He was blessed, till he left the world, with the greatest health

and vigour, which doubtless was owing to his extreme temperance, and the

care he had taken to inure himself to fatigue. Though ninety years of age,

he performed all the exercises used by young men,(935) and always rode

without a saddle; and Polybius observes, (a circumstance preserved by

Plutarch,(936)) that the day after a great victory over the Carthaginians,

Masinissa was seen, sitting at the door of his tent, eating a piece of

brown bread.

He left fifty-four sons, of whom three only were legitimate, _viz._

Micipsa, Gulussa, and Mastanabal.(937) Scipio divided the kingdom between

these three, and gave considerable possessions to the rest: but the two

last dying soon after, Micipsa became sole possessor of these extensive

dominions. He had two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and with them he

educated in his palace Jugurtha his nephew, Mastanabal’s son, and took as

much care of him as he did of his own children.(938) This last-mentioned

prince possessed several eminent qualities, which gained him universal

esteem. Jugurtha, who was finely shaped, and very handsome, of the most

delicate wit, and the most solid judgment, did not devote himself, as

young men commonly do, to a life of luxury and pleasure. He used to

exercise himself with persons of his own age, in running, riding, and

throwing the javelin; and though he surpassed all his companions, there

was not one of them but loved him. The chase was his only delight; but it

was that of lions and other savage beasts. To finish his character, he

excelled in all things, and spoke very little of himself: _Plurimum

facere, et mininum ipse de se loqui_.

Merit so conspicuous, and so generally acknowledged, began to excite some

anxiety in Micipsa. He saw himself in the decline of life, and his

children very young. He knew the prodigious lengths which ambition is

capable of going, when a crown is in view: and that a man, with talents

much inferior to those of Jugurtha, might be dazzled by so glittering a

temptation, especially when united with such favourable

circumstances.(939) In order therefore to remove a competitor so dangerous

with regard to his children, he gave Jugurtha the command of the forces

which he sent to the assistance of the Romans, who, at that time, were

besieging Numantia, under the conduct of Scipio. Knowing Jugurtha was

actuated by the most heroic bravery, he flattered himself, that he

probably would rush upon danger, and lose his life. However, he was

mistaken. This young prince joined to an undaunted courage, the utmost

presence of mind; and, a circumstance very rarely found in persons of his

age, he preserved a just medium between a timorous foresight and an

impetuous rashness.(940) In this campaign, he won the esteem and

friendship of the whole army. Scipio sent him back to his uncle with

letters of recommendation, and the most advantageous testimonials of his

conduct, after having given him very prudent advice with regard to the

course which he ought to pursue; for knowing mankind so well, he, in all

probability, had discovered certain sparks of ambition in that prince,

which he feared would one day break out into a flame.