Micipsa, pleased with the high character that was sent him of his nephew,

changed his behaviour towards him, and resolved, if possible, to win his

affection by kindness. Accordingly he adopted him; and by his will, made

him joint-heir with his two sons. When he found his end approaching, he

sent for all three, and bid them draw near his bed, where, in presence of

the whole court he put Jugurtha in mind of all his kindness to him;

conjuring him, in the name of the gods, to defend and protect, on all

occasions, his children; who, being before related to him by the ties of

blood, were now become his brethren, by his (Micipsa’s) bounty. He told

him,(941) that neither arms nor treasure constitute the strength of a

kingdom, but friends, who are not won by arms nor gold, but by real

services and inviolable fidelity. Now where (says he) can we find better

friends than our brothers? And how can that man, who becomes an enemy to

his relations, repose any confidence in, or depend on, strangers? He

exhorted his sons to pay the highest reverence to Jugurtha; and to dispute

no otherwise with him, than by their endeavour to equal, and, if possible,

to surpass his exalted merit. He concluded with entreating them to observe

for ever an inviolable attachment towards the Romans; and to consider them

as their benefactor, their patron, and master. A few days after this,

Micipsa expired.

(M148) Jugurtha soon threw off the mask, and began by ridding himself of

Hiempsal, who had expressed himself to him with great freedom, and

therefore he caused him to be murdered. This bloody action proved but too

evidently to Adherbal what he himself might naturally fear.(M149) Numidia

is now divided, and sides severally with the two brothers. Mighty armies

are raised by each party. Adherbal, after losing the greatest part of his

fortresses, is vanquished in battle, and forced to make Rome his asylum.

However, this gave Jugurtha no very great uneasiness, as he knew that

money was all-powerful in that city. He therefore sent deputies thither,

with orders for them to bribe the chief senators. In the first audience to

which they were introduced, Adherbal represented the unhappy condition to

which he was reduced, the injustice and barbarity of Jugurtha, the murder

of his brother, the loss of almost all his fortresses; but the

circumstance on which he laid the greatest stress was, the commands of his

dying father, _viz._ to put his whole confidence in the Romans; declaring,

that the friendship of this people would be a stronger support both to

himself and his kingdom, than all the troops and treasures in the

universe. His speech was of a great length, and extremely pathetic.

Jugurtha’s deputies made only the following answer: that Hiempsal had been

killed by the Numidians, because of his great cruelty; that Adherbal was

the aggressor, and yet, after having been vanquished, was come to make

complaints, because he had not committed all the excesses he desired; that

their sovereign entreated the senate to form a judgment of his behaviour

and conduct in Africa, from that he had shown at Numantia; and to lay a

greater stress on his actions, than on the accusations of his enemies. But

these ambassadors had secretly employed an eloquence much more prevalent

than that of words, which had not proved ineffectual. The whole assembly

was for Jugurtha, a few senators excepted, who were not so void of honour

as to be corrupted by money. The senate came to this resolution, that

commissioners should be sent from Rome, to divide the provinces equally

upon the spot between the two brothers. The reader will naturally suppose,

that Jugurtha was not sparing of his treasure on this occasion; the

division was made to his advantage; and yet a specious appearance of

equity was preserved.

This first success of Jugurtha augmented his courage, and increased his

boldness. Accordingly, he attacked his brother by open force; and whilst

the latter loses his time in sending deputations to the Romans, he storms

several fortresses, carries on his conquests; and, after defeating

Adherbal, besieges him in Cirtha, the capital of his kingdom. During this

interval ambassadors arrived from Rome, with orders, in the name of the

senate and people, to the two kings, to lay down their arms, and cease all

hostilities. Jugurtha, after protesting that he would obey, with the most

profound reverence and submission, the commands of the Roman people,

added, that he did not believe it was their intention to hinder him from

defending his own life against the treacherous snares which his brother

had laid for it. He concluded with saying, that he would send ambassadors

forthwith to Rome, to inform the senate of his conduct. By this vague

answer he eluded their orders, and would not even permit the deputies to

wait upon Adherbal.

Though the latter was so closely blocked up in his capital, he yet(942)

found means to send to Rome, to implore the assistance of the Romans

against his brother, who had besieged him five months, and intended to

take away his life. Some senators were of opinion, that war ought to be

proclaimed immediately against Jugurtha; but still his influence

prevailed, and the Romans only ordered an embassy to be sent, composed of

senators of the highest distinction, among whom was Æmilius Scaurus, a

factious man, who had a great ascendant over the nobility, and concealed

the blackest vices under the specious appearance of virtue. Jugurtha was

terrified at first; but he again found an opportunity to elude their

demands, and accordingly sent them back without coming to any conclusion.

Upon this, Adherbal, who had lost all hopes, surrendered upon condition of

having his life spared; nevertheless, he was immediately murdered with a

great number of Numidians.

But though the greatest part of the people at Rome were struck with horror

at this news, Jugurtha’s money again obtained him defenders in the senate.

However, C. Memmius, the tribune of the people, an active man, and one who

hated the nobility, prevailed with the people not to suffer so horrid

(M150) a crime to go unpunished; and, accordingly, war being proclaimed

against Jugurtha, Calpurnius Bestia, the consul, was appointed to carry it

on.(943) He was endued with excellent qualities, but they were all

depraved and rendered useless by his avarice. Scaurus set out with him.

They at first took several towns; but Jugurtha’s bribes checked the

progress of these conquests; and Scaurus(944) himself, who till now had

expressed the strongest animosity against this prince, could not resist so

powerful an attack. A treaty was therefore concluded; Jugurtha feigned to

submit to the Romans, and thirty elephants, some horses, with a very

inconsiderable sum of money, were delivered to the quæstor.

But now the indignation of the people in general at Rome displayed itself

in the strongest manner. Memmius the tribune inflamed them by his

speeches. He caused Cassius, who was prætor, to be appointed to attend

Jugurtha; and to engage him to come to Rome, under the guarantee of the

Romans, in order that an inquiry might be made in his presence, who those

persons were that had taken bribes. Accordingly, Jugurtha was forced to

come to Rome. The sight of him raised the anger of the people still

higher; but a tribune having been bribed, he prolonged the session, and at

last dissolved it. A Numidian prince, grandson of Masinissa, called

Massiva, being at that time in the city, was advised to solicit for

Jugurtha’s kingdom; which coming to the ears of the latter, he caused him

to be assassinated in the midst of Rome. The murderer was seized, and

delivered up to the civil magistrate, and Jugurtha was commanded to depart

Italy. Upon leaving the city, he cast back his eyes several times towards

it, and said, “Rome would sell itself could it meet with a purchaser; and

were one to be found, it were inevitably ruined.”(945)

And now the war broke out anew. At first the indolence, or perhaps

connivance, of Albinus the consul, made it go on very slowly; but

afterwards, when he returned to Rome to hold the public assemblies,(946)

the Roman army, by the unskilfulness of his brother Aulus, having marched

into a defile from whence there was no getting out, surrendered

ignominiously to the enemy, who forced the Romans to submit to the

ceremony of passing under the yoke, and made them engage to leave Numidia

in ten days.

The reader will naturally imagine in what light so shameful a peace,

concluded without the authority of the people, was considered at Rome.

They could not flatter themselves with the hope of being successful in

this war, till the conduct of it was given to L. Metellus the consul.(947)

To all the rest of the virtues which constitute the great captain, he

added a perfect disregard of wealth; a quality most essentially requisite

against such an enemy as Jugurtha, who hitherto had always been

victorious, rather by money than his sword. But the African monarch found

Metellus as invincible in this, as in all other respects. He therefore was

forced to venture his life, and exert his utmost bravery, through the

defect of an expedient which now began to fail him. Accordingly, he

signalized himself in a surprising manner; and showed in this campaign,

all that could be expected from the courage, abilities, and attention of

an illustrious general, to whom despair adds new vigour, and suggests new

lights: he was, however, unsuccessful, because opposed by a consul, who

did not suffer the most inconsiderable error to escape him, nor ever let

slip an opportunity of taking advantage of the enemy.

Jugurtha’s greatest concern was, how to secure himself from traitors. From

the time he had been told that Bomilcar, in whom he reposed the utmost

confidence, had a design upon his life, he enjoyed no peace. He did not

believe himself safe any where; but all things, by day as well as by

night, the citizen as well as the foreigner, were suspected by him; and

the blackest terrors sat for ever brooding over his mind. He never got a

wink of sleep, except by stealth; and often changed his bed in a manner

unbecoming his rank. Starting sometimes from his slumbers, he would snatch

his sword, and utter loud cries; so strongly was he haunted by fear, which

almost drove him to frenzy.

Marius was Metellus’s lieutenant. His boundless ambition induced him to

endeavour to lessen his general’s character secretly in the minds of his

soldiers; and becoming soon his professed enemy and slanderer, he at last,

by the most grovelling and perfidious arts, prevailed so far as to

supplant Metellus, and get himself nominated in his room, to carry on the

war against Jugurtha.(948) With what strength of mind soever Metellus

might be endued on other occasions, he was totally dejected by this

unforeseen blow, which even forced tears from his eyes, and compelled him

to utter such expressions as were altogether unworthy so great a man.

There was something very dark and vile in Marius’s conduct, that displays

ambition in its native and genuine colours, and shows that it

extinguishes, in those who abandon themselves to it, all sense of honour

and integrity.(M151) Metellus, having anxiously endeavoured to avoid a man

whose sight he could not bear, arrived in Rome, and was received there

with universal acclamations. A triumph was decreed him, and the surname of

Numidicus conferred upon him.

I thought it would be proper to reserve for the Roman history, a

particular account of the events that happened in Africa, under Metellus

and Marius, all which are very circumstantially described by Sallust, in

his admirable history of Jugurtha. I therefore hasten to the conclusion of

this war.

Jugurtha being greatly distressed in his affairs, had recourse to Bocchus

king of Mauritania, whose daughter he had married. This country extends

from Numidia, as far as beyond the shores of the Mediterranean opposite to

Spain.(949) The Roman name was scarce known in it, and the people were

absolutely unknown to the Romans. Jugurtha insinuated to his

father-in-law, that should he suffer Numidia to be conquered, his kingdom

would doubtless be involved in its ruin; especially as the Romans, who

were sworn enemies to monarchy, seemed to have vowed the destruction of

all the thrones in the universe. He, therefore, prevailed with Bocchus to

enter into a league with him; and accordingly received, on different

occasions, very considerable succours from that king.

This confederacy, which was cemented on either side by no other tie than

that of interest, had never been strong; and a last defeat which Jugurtha

met with, broke at once all the bands of it. Bocchus now meditated the

dark design of delivering up his son-in-law to the Romans. For this

purpose he had desired Marius to send him a trusty person. Sylla, who was

an officer of uncommon merit, and served under him as quæstor, was thought

every way qualified for this negotiation. He was not afraid to put himself

into the hands of the barbarian king; and accordingly set out for his

court. Being arrived, Bocchus, who, like the rest of his countrymen, did

not pride himself on sincerity, and was for ever projecting new designs,

debated within himself, whether it would not be his interest to deliver up

Sylla to Jugurtha. He was a long time fluctuating in this uncertainty, and

conflicting with a contrariety of sentiments: and the sudden changes which

displayed themselves in his countenance, in his air, and in his whole

person, showed evidently how strongly his mind was affected. At length,

returning to his first design, he made his terms with Sylla, and delivered

up Jugurtha into his hands, who was sent immediately to Marius.

Sylla, says Plutarch,(950)(951) acted, on this occasion, like a young man

fired with a strong thirst of glory, the sweets of which he had just begun

to taste. Instead of ascribing to the general under whom he fought all the

honour of this event, as his duty required, and which ought to be an

inviolable maxim, he reserved the greatest part of it to himself, and had

a ring made, which he always wore, wherein he was represented receiving

Jugurtha from the hands of Bocchus; and this ring he used ever after as

his signet. But Marius was so highly exasperated at this kind of insult,

that he could never forgive him; and this circumstance gave rise to the

implacable hatred between these two Romans, which afterwards broke out

with so much fury, and cost the republic so much blood.

(M152) Marius entered Rome in triumph,(952) exhibiting such a spectacle to

the Romans, as they could scarce believe they saw, when it passed before

their eyes; I mean, Jugurtha in chains; that so formidable an enemy,

during whose life they had not dared to flatter themselves with the hopes

of being able to put an end to this war; so well was his courage sustained

by stratagem and artifice, and his genius so fruitful in finding new

expedients, even when his affairs were most desperate. We are told, that

Jugurtha ran distracted, as he was walking in the triumph; that after the

ceremony was ended, he was thrown into prison; and that the lictors were

so eager to seize his robe, that they rent it in several pieces, and tore

away the tips of his ears, to get the rich jewels with which they were

adorned. In this condition he was cast, quite naked, and in the utmost

terrors, into a deep dungeon, where he spent six days in struggling with

hunger and the fear of death, retaining a strong desire of life to his

last gasp; an end, continues Plutarch, worthy of his wicked deeds,

Jugurtha having been always of opinion, that the greatest crimes might be

committed to satiate his ambition; ingratitude, perfidy, black treachery,

and inhuman barbarity.

Juba, king of Mauritania, reflected so much honour on polite literature

and the sciences, that I could not, without impropriety, omit him in the

history of the family of Masinissa, to whom his father, who also was named

Juba, was great grandson, and grandson of Gulussa. The elder Juba

signalized himself in the war between Cæsar and Pompey, by his inviolable

attachment to the party of the latter.(M153) He slew himself after the

battle of Thapsus, in which his forces and those of Scipio were entirely

defeated. Juba, his son, then a child, was delivered up to the conqueror,

and was one of the most conspicuous ornaments of his triumph. It appears

from history, that a noble education was bestowed upon Juba in Rome, where

he imbibed such a variety of knowledge, as afterwards equalled him to the

most learned among(M154) the Grecians. He did not leave that city till he

went to take possession of his father’s dominions. Augustus restored them

to him, when, by the death of Mark Antony, the provinces of the empire

were absolutely at his disposal. Juba, by the lenity of his government,

gained the hearts of all his subjects; who, out of a grateful sense of the

felicity they had enjoyed during his reign, ranked him in the number of

their gods. Pausanias speaks of a statue which the Athenians erected in

his honour. It was, indeed just, that a city, which had been consecrated

in all ages to the Muses, should give public testimonies of its esteem for

a king who made so bright a figure among the learned. Suidas ascribes(953)

several works to this prince, of which only the fragments are now extant.

He had written the history of Arabia; the antiquities of Assyria, and

those of the Romans; the history of theatres, of painting and painters; of

the nature and properties of different animals, of grammar, and similar

subjects; a catalogue of all which is given in Abbé Sevin’s short

dissertation on the life and works of the younger Juba,(954) whence I have

extracted these few particulars.

BOOK THE THIRD. THE HISTORY OF THE ASSYRIANS.

Chapter I. The First Empire of the Assyrians.

SECT. I. DURATION OF THAT EMPIRE.—The Assyrian empire was undoubtedly one

of the most powerful in the world. With respect to its duration, two

opinions have chiefly prevailed. Some authors, as Ctesias, whose opinion

is followed by Justin, give it a duration of thirteen hundred years:

others reduce it to five hundred and twenty, of which number is Herodotus.

The diminution, or probably the interruption of power, which happened in

this vast empire, might possibly give occasion to this difference of

opinions, and may perhaps serve in some measure to reconcile them.

The history of those early times is so obscure, the monuments which convey

it down to us so contrary to each other, and the systems of the

moderns(955) upon that matter so different, that it is difficult to lay

down any opinion about it, as certain and incontestable. But where

certainty is not to be had, I suppose a reasonable person will be

satisfied with probability; and, in my opinion, a man can hardly be

deceived, if he makes the Assyrian empire equal in antiquity with the city

of Babylon, its capital. Now we learn from the holy Scripture, that this

was built by Nimrod, who certainly was a great conqueror, and in all

probability the first and most ancient of all those who have ever aspired

after that denomination.

The Babylonians, as Callisthenes, a philosopher in Alexander’s retinue,

wrote to Aristotle,(956) reckoned themselves to be at least of 1903 years’

standing, when that prince entered triumphant into Babylon; which makes

their origin reach back to the year of the world 1771, that is to say, 115

years after the deluge. This computation comes within a few years of the

time in which we suppose Nimrod to have founded that city. Indeed, this

testimony of Callisthenes, as it does not agree with any other accounts of

that empire, is not esteemed authentic by the learned; but the conformity

we find between it and the holy Scriptures should make us regard it.

Upon these grounds, I think we may allow Nimrod to have been the founder

of the first Assyrian empire, which subsisted with more or less extent and

glory upwards of 1450 years,(957) from the time of Nimrod to that of

Sardanapalus, the last king, that is to say, from the year of the world

1800 to the year 3257.

(M155) NIMROD. He is the same with Belus,(958) who was afterwards

worshipped as a god under that appellation.

He was the son of Chus, grandson of Ham, and great grandson of Noah. He

was, says the Scripture, “a mighty hunter before the Lord.”(959) In

applying himself to this laborious and dangerous exercise, he had two

things in view; the first was, to gain the people’s affection by

delivering them from the fury and dread of wild beasts; the next was, to

train up numbers of young people by this exercise of hunting to endure

labour and hardship, to form them to the use of arms, to inure them to a

kind of discipline and obedience, that at a proper time, after they had

been accustomed to his orders and seasoned in arms, he might make use of

them for other purposes more serious than hunting.

In ancient history we find some footsteps remaining of this artifice of

Nimrod, whom the writers have confounded with Ninus, his son: for Diodorus

has these words:(960) “Ninus, the most ancient of the Assyrian kings

mentioned in history, performed great actions. Being naturally of a

warlike disposition, and ambitious of the glory that results from valour,

he armed a considerable number of young men, that were brave and vigorous

like himself; trained them up a long time in laborious exercises and

hardships, and by that means accustomed them to bear the fatigues of war

patiently, and to face dangers with courage and intrepidity.”

What the same author adds,(961) that Ninus entered into an alliance with

the king of the Arabs, and joined forces with him, is a piece of ancient

tradition, which informs us, that the sons of Chus, and by consequence,

the brothers of Nimrod, all settled themselves in Arabia, along the

Persian gulf, from Havilah to the Ocean; and lived near enough to their

brother to lend him succours, or to receive them from him. And what the

same historian further says of Ninus, that he was the first king of the

Assyrians, agrees exactly with what the Scripture says of Nimrod, “that he

began to be mighty upon the earth;” that is, he procured himself

settlements, built cities, subdued his neighbours, united different people

under one and the same authority, by the band of the same polity and the

same laws, and formed them into one state; which, for those early times,

was of a considerable extent, though bounded by the rivers Euphrates and

Tigris; and which, in succeeding ages, made new acquisitions by degrees,

and at length extended its conquests very far.

“The capital city of his kingdom,” says the Scripture,(962) “was Babylon.”

Most of the profane historians ascribe the founding of Babylon to

Semiramis,(963) others to Belus. It is evident, that both the one and the

other are mistaken, if they speak of the first founder of that city; for

it owes its beginning neither to Semiramis nor to Nimrod, but to the

foolish vanity of those persons mentioned in Scripture,(964) who desired

to build a tower and a city, that should render their memory immortal.

Josephus relates,(965) upon the testimony of a Sibyl, (who must have been

very ancient, and whose fictions cannot be imputed to the indiscreet zeal

of any Christians,) that the gods threw down the tower by an impetuous

wind, or a violent hurricane. Had this been the case, Nimrod’s temerity

must have been still greater, to rebuild a city and a tower which God

himself had overthrown with such marks of his displeasure. But the

Scripture says no such thing; and it is very probable, the building

remained in the condition it was, when God put an end to the work by the

confusion of languages; and that the tower consecrated to Belus, which is

described by Herodotus,(966) was this very tower, which the sons of men

pretended to raise to the clouds.

It is further probable, that this ridiculous design having been defeated

by such an astonishing prodigy, as none could be the author of but God

himself, every body abandoned the place, which had given Him offence; and

that Nimrod was the first who encompassed it afterwards with walls,

settled therein his friends and confederates, and subdued those that lived

round about it, beginning his empire in that place, but not confining it

to so narrow a compass: _Fuit principium regni ejus Babylon_. The other

cities, which the Scripture speaks of in the same place, were in the land

of Shinar, which was certainly the province of which Babylon became the

metropolis.

From this country he went into that which has the name of Assyria, and

there built Nineveh: _De terrâ illâ egressus est Assur, et ædificavit

Nineven_.(967) This is the sense in which many learned men understand the

word Assur, looking upon it as the name of a province, and not of the

first man who possessed it, as if it were, _egressus est in Assur, in

Assyriam_. And this seems to be the most natural construction, for many

reasons not necessary to be recited in this place. The country of Assyria

is described, in one of the prophets,(968) by the particular character of

being the land of Nimrod: _Et pascent terram Assur in gladio, et terram,

Nimrod in lanceis ejus; et liberabit ab Assur, cùm venerit in terram

nostram_. It derived its name from Assur the son of Shem, who, without

doubt, had settled himself and family there, and was probably driven out,

or brought under subjection, by the usurper Nimrod.

This conqueror having possessed himself of the provinces of Assur,(969)

did not ravage them like a tyrant, but filled them with cities, and made

himself as much beloved by his new subjects as he was by his old ones; so

that the historians,(970) who have not examined into the bottom of this

affair, have thought that he made use of the Assyrians to conquer the

Babylonians. Among other cities, he built one more large and magnificent

than the rest, which he called Nineveh, from the name of his son Ninus, in

order to immortalize his memory. The son, in his turn, out of veneration

for his father, was willing that they who had served him as their king

should adore him as their god, and induce other nations to render him the

same worship. For it appears evident, that Nimrod is the famous Belus of

the Babylonians, the first king whom the people deified for his great

actions, and who showed others the way to that sort of immortality which

human acquirements are supposed capable of bestowing.

I intend to speak of the mighty strength and greatness of the cities of

Babylon and Nineveh, under the kings to whom their building is ascribed by

profane authors, because the Scripture says little or nothing on that

subject. This silence of Scripture, so little satisfactory to our

curiosity, may become an instructive lesson to our piety. The holy penman

has placed Nimrod and Abraham, as it were, in one view before us; and

seems to have put them so near together on purpose, that we should see an

example in the former of what is admired and coveted by men, and in the

latter of what is acceptable and well-pleasing to God. These two

persons,(971) so unlike one another, are the first two and chief citizens

of two different cities, built on different motives, and with different

principles; the one, self-love, and a desire of temporal advantages,

carried even to the contemning of the Deity; the other, the love of God,

even to the contemning of one’s self.

(M156) NINUS. I have already observed, that most of the profane authors

look upon him as the first founder of the Assyrian empire, and for that

reason ascribe to him a great part of his father Nimrod’s or Belus’s

actions.

Having a design to enlarge his conquests, the first thing he did was to

prepare troops and officers capable of promoting his designs.(972) And

having received powerful succours from the Arabians his neighbours, he

took the field, and in the space of seventeen years conquered a vast

extent of country, from Egypt as far as India and Bactriana, which he did

not then venture to attack.

At his return, before he entered upon any new conquests, he conceived the

design of immortalizing his name by the building of a city answerable to

the greatness of his power; he called it Nineveh, and built it on the

eastern banks of the Tigris.(973) Possibly he did no more than finish the

work his father had begun. His design, says Diodorus, was to make Nineveh

the largest and noblest city in the world, and to put it out of the power

of those that came after him ever to build or hope to build such another.

Nor was he deceived in his view; for never did any city come up to the

greatness and magnificence of this: it was one hundred and fifty stadia

(or eighteen miles three quarters) in length, and ninety stadia (or eleven

miles and one quarter) in breadth; and consequently was an oblong square.

Its circumference was four hundred and eighty stadia, or sixty miles. For

this reason we find it said in the prophet Jonah, “That Nineveh was an

exceeding great city, of three days’ journey;”(974) which is to be

understood of the whole circuit, or compass of the city.(975) The walls of

it were a hundred feet high, and of so considerable a thickness, that

three chariots might go abreast upon them with ease. They were fortified,

and adorned with fifteen hundred towers two hundred feet high.

After he had finished this prodigious work, he resumed his expedition

against the Bactrians. His army, according to the relation of Ctesias,

consisted of seventeen hundred thousand foot, two hundred thousand horse,

and about sixteen thousand chariots armed with scythes. Diodorus adds,

that this ought not to appear incredible, since, not to mention the

innumerable armies of Darius and Xerxes, the city of Syracuse alone, in

the time of Dionysius the Tyrant, furnished one hundred and twenty

thousand foot and twelve thousand horse, besides four hundred vessels well

equipped and provided. And a little before Hannibal’s time, Italy,

including the citizens and allies, was able to send into the field near a

million of men. Ninus made himself master of a great number of cities, and

at last laid siege to Bactria, the capital of the country. Here he would

probably have seen all his attempts miscarry, had it not been for the

diligence and assistance of Semiramis, wife to one of his chief officers,

a woman of an uncommon courage, and peculiarly exempt from the weakness of

her sex. She was born at Ascalon, a city of Syria. I think it needless to

recite the account Diodorus gives of her birth, and of the miraculous

manner of her being nursed and brought up by pigeons, since that historian

himself looks upon it only as a fabulous story. It was Semiramis that

directed Ninus how to attack the citadel, and by her means he took it, and

thus became master of the city, in which he found an immense treasure. The

husband of Semiramis having killed himself, to prevent the effects of the

king’s threats and indignation, who had conceived a violent passion for

his wife, Ninus married her.

After his return to Nineveh, he had a son by her, whom he called Ninyas.

Not long after this he died, and left the queen the government of the

kingdom. She, in honour of his memory, erected a magnificent monument,

which remained a long time after the ruin of Nineveh.

I find no appearance of truth in what some authors relate concerning the

manner of Semiramis’s coming to the throne.(976) According to them, having

secured the chief men of the state, and attached them to her interest by

her benefactions and promises, she solicited the king with great

importunity to put the sovereign power into her hands for the space of

five days. He yielded to her entreaties, and all the provinces of the

empire were commanded to obey Semiramis. These orders were executed but

too exactly for the unfortunate Ninus, who was put to death, either

immediately or after some years’ imprisonment.

(M157) SEMIRAMIS. This princess applied all her thoughts to immortalize

her name, and to cover the meanness of her extraction by the greatness of

her enterprises.(977) She proposed to herself to surpass all her

predecessors in magnificence, and to that end she undertook the building

of the mighty Babylon,(978) in which work she employed two millions of

men, which were collected out of all the provinces of her vast empire.

Some of her successors endeavoured to adorn that city with new works and

embellishments. I shall here speak of them all together, in order to give

the reader a more clear and distinct idea of that stupendous city.

The principal works which rendered Babylon so famous, are the walls of the

city; the quays and the bridge; the lake, banks, and canals, made for the

draining of the river; the palaces, hanging gardens, and the temple of

Belus; works of such a surprising magnificence, as is scarce to be

comprehended. Dr. Prideaux having treated this subject with great extent

and learning, I have only to copy, or rather abridge him.

I. _The Walls._—Babylon stood on a large plain, in a very fat and rich

soil.(979) The Avails were every way prodigious. They were in thickness

eighty-seven feet, in height three hundred and fifty, and in compass four

hundred and eighty furlongs, which make sixty of our miles. These walls

were drawn round the city in the form of an exact square, each side of

which was one hundred and twenty furlongs,(980) or fifteen miles, in

length, and all built of large bricks cemented together with bitumen, a

glutinous slime arising out of the earth in that country, which binds much

stronger and firmer than mortar, and soon grows much harder than the

bricks or stones themselves which it cements together.

These walls were surrounded on the outside with a vast ditch, full of

water, and lined with bricks on both sides. The earth that was dug out of

it made the bricks wherewith the walls were built; and therefore, from the

vast height and breadth of the walls may be inferred the greatness of the

ditch.

In every side of this great square were twenty-five gates, that is, a

hundred in all, which were all made of solid brass; and hence it is, that

when God promises to Cyrus the conquest of Babylon, he tells him,(981)

that he would break in pieces before him the gates of brass. Between every

two of these gates were three towers, and four more at the four corners of

this great square, and three between each of these corners and the next

gate on either side; every one of these towers was ten feet higher than

the walls. But this is to be understood only of those parts of the wall

where there was need of towers.

From the twenty-five gates in each side of this great square went

twenty-five streets, in straight lines to the gates, which were directly

over-against them, in the opposite side; so that the whole number of the

streets was fifty, each fifteen miles long, whereof twenty-five went one

way, and twenty-five the other, directly crossing each other at right

angles. And besides these, there were also four half streets, which had

houses only on one side, and the wall on the other; these went round the

four sides of the city next the walls, and were each of them two hundred

feet broad; the rest were about a hundred and fifty. By these streets thus

crossing each other, the whole city was cut out into six hundred and

seventy-six squares, each of which was four furlongs and a half on every

side, that is, two miles and a quarter in circumference. Round these

squares, on every side towards the street, stood the houses (which were

not contiguous, but had void spaces between them,) all built three or four

stories high, and beautified with all manner of ornaments towards the

streets.(982) The space within in the middle of each square, was likewise

all void ground, employed for yards, gardens, and other such uses; so that

Babylon was greater in appearance than reality, near one half of the city

being taken up in gardens and other cultivated lands, as we are told by Q.

Curtius.

II. _The Quays and Bridge._—A branch of the river Euphrates ran quite

cross the city, from the north to the south side;(983) on each side of the

river was a quay, and a high wall built of brick and bitumen, of the same

thickness as the walls that went round the city. In these walls,

over-against every street that led to the river, were gates of brass, and

from them descents by steps to the river, for the conveniency of the

inhabitants, who used to pass over from one side to the other in boats,

having no other way of crossing the river before the building of the

bridge. The brazen gates were always open in the daytime, and shut in the

night.

The bridge was not inferior to any of the other buildings, either in

beauty or magnificence; it was a furlong in length,(984) and thirty feet

in breadth, built with wonderful art, to supply the defect of a foundation

in the bottom of the river, which was all sandy. The arches were made of

huge stones, fastened together with chains of iron and melted lead. Before

they began to build the bridge, they turned the course of the river, and

laid its channel dry, having another view in so doing, besides that of

laying the foundations more commodiously, as I shall explain hereafter.

And as every thing was prepared beforehand, both the bridge and the quays,

which I have already described, were built in that interval.

III. _The Lake, Ditches, and Canals, made for the draining __ of the

River._—These works, objects of admiration for the skilful in all ages,

were still more useful than magnificent.(985) In the beginning of the

summer, on the sun’s melting the snow on the mountains of Armenia, there

arises a vast increase of waters, which, running into the Euphrates in the

months of June, July, and August, makes it overflow its banks, and

occasion such another inundation as the Nile does in Egypt. To prevent the

damage which both the city and country received from these inundations, at

a very considerable distance above the town two artificial canals were

cut, which turned the course of these waters into the Tigris, before they

reached Babylon.(986) And to secure the country yet more from the danger

of inundations, and to keep the river within its channel, they raised

prodigious banks on both sides the river, built with brick cemented with

bitumen, which began at the head of the artificial canals, and extended

below the city.(987)

To facilitate the making of these works, it was necessary to turn the

course of the river, for which purpose, to the west of Babylon, was dug a

prodigious artificial lake, forty miles square,(988) one hundred and sixty

in compass, and thirty-five feet deep, according to Herodotus, and

seventy-five, according to Megasthenes. Into this lake was the whole river

turned, by an artificial canal cut from the west side of it, till the

whole work was finished, when it was made to flow in its former channel.

But that the Euphrates, in the time of its increase, might not overflow

the city, through the gates on its sides, this lake, with the canal from

the river, was still preserved. The water received into the lake at the

time of these overflowings was kept there all the year, as in a common

reservoir, for the benefit of the country, to be let out by sluices, at

convenient times for the watering of the lands below it. The lake,

therefore, was equally useful in defending the country from inundations,

and making it fertile. I relate the wonders of Babylon as they are

delivered down to us by the ancients; but there are some of them which are

scarce to be comprehended or believed, of which number is the vast extent

of the lake which I have just described.

Berosus, Megasthenes, and Abydenus, quoted by Josephus and Eusebius, make

Nebuchadnezzar the author of most of these works; but Herodotus ascribes

the bridge, the two quays of the river, and the lake, to Nitocris, the

daughter-in-law of that monarch. Perhaps Nitocris might finish what her

father left imperfect at his death, on which account that historian might

give her the honour of the whole undertaking.

IV. _The Palaces, and Hanging Gardens._(_989_)—At the two ends of the

bridge were two palaces, which had a communication with each other by a

vault, built under the channel of the river, at the time of its being dry.

The old palace, which stood on the east side of the river, was thirty

furlongs (or three miles and three quarters) in compass; near which stood

the temple of Belus, of which we shall soon speak. The new palace, which

stood on the west side of the river, opposite to the other, was sixty

furlongs (or seven miles and a half) in compass. It was surrounded with

three walls, one within another, with considerable spaces between them.

These walls, as also those of the other palace, were embellished with an

infinite variety of sculptures, representing all kinds of animals, to the

life. Amongst the rest was a curious hunting-piece, in which Semiramis on

horseback was throwing her javelin at a leopard, and her husband Ninus

piercing a lion.

In this last palace, were the hanging gardens, so celebrated among the

Greeks.(990) They contained a square of four hundred feet on every side,

and were carried up in the manner of several large terraces, one above

another, till the height equalled that of the walls of the city. The

ascent was from terrace to terrace, by stairs ten feet wide. The whole

pile was sustained by vast arches, raised upon other arches, one above

another, and strengthened by a wall, surrounding it on every side, of

twenty-two feet in thickness. On the top of the arches were first laid

large flat stones, sixteen feet long, and four broad; over these was a

layer of reeds, mixed with a great quantity of bitumen, upon which were

two rows of bricks, closely cemented together with plaster. The whole was

covered with thick sheets of lead, upon which lay the mould of the garden.

And all this floorage was contrived to keep the moisture of the mould from

running away through the arches. The earth laid hereon was so deep, that

the greatest trees might take root in it; and with such the terraces were

covered, as well as with all other plants and flowers, that were proper to

adorn a pleasure-garden. In the upper terrace there was an engine, or kind

of pump, by which water was drawn up out of the river, and from thence the

whole garden was watered. In the spaces between the several arches, upon

which this whole structure rested, were large and magnificent apartments,

that were very light, and had the advantage of a beautiful prospect.

Amytis, the wife of Nebuchadnezzar, having been bred in Media, (for she

was the daughter of Astyages, the king of that country,) had been much

delighted with the mountains and woody parts of that country.(991) And as

she desired to have something like it in Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar, to

gratify her, caused this prodigious edifice to be erected: Diodoras gives

much the same account of the matter, but without naming the persons.

V. _The Temple of Belus._(_992_)—Another of the great works at Babylon was

the temple of Belus, which stood, as I have mentioned already, near the

old palace. It was most remarkable for a prodigious tower, that stood in

the middle of it. At the foundation, according to Herodotus, it was a

square of a furlong on each side, that is, half a mile in the whole

compass, and (according to Strabo) it was also a furlong in height. It

consisted of eight towers, built one above the other, decreasing regularly

to the top, for which reason Strabo calls the whole a pyramid. It is not

only asserted, but proved, that this tower much exceeded the greatest of

the pyramids of Egypt in height. Therefore we have good reason to believe,

as Bochart asserts,(993) that this is the very same tower which was built

there at the confusion of languages; and the rather, because it is

attested by several profane authors, that this tower was all built of

bricks and bitumen, as the Scriptures tell us the tower of Babel was. The

ascent to the top was by stairs on the outside round it; that is, perhaps,

there was an easy sloping ascent in the side of the outer wall, which,

turning by very slow degrees in a spiral line eight times round the tower

from the bottom to the top, had the same appearance as if there had been

eight towers placed upon one another. In these different stories were many

large rooms, with arched roofs supported by pillars. Over the whole, on

the top of the tower, was an observatory, by the benefit of which the

Babylonians became more expert in astronomy than all other nations, and

made, in a short time, the great progress in it ascribed to them in

history.

But the chief use to which this tower was designed, was the worship of the

god Belus or Baal, as also that of several other deities; for which reason

there was a multitude of chapels in different parts of the tower. The

riches of this temple in statues, tables, censers, cups, and other sacred

vessels, all of massy gold, were immense. Among other images, there was

one forty feet high, which weighed a thousand Babylonish talents. The

Babylonish talent, according to Pollux in his _Onomasticon_, contained

seven thousand Attic drachmas, and consequently was a sixth part more than

the Attic talent, which contains but six thousand drachmas.

According to the calculation which Diodorus makes of the riches contained

in this temple, the sum total amounts to six thousand three hundred

Babylonish talents of gold.

The sixth part of six thousand three hundred is one thousand and fifty;

consequently six thousand three hundred Babylonish talents of gold are

equivalent to seven thousand three hundred and fifty Attic talents of

gold.

Now seven thousand three hundred and fifty Attic talents of silver are

worth upwards of two millions and one hundred thousand pounds sterling.

The proportion between gold and silver among the ancients we reckon as ten

to one; therefore seven thousand three hundred and fifty Attic talents of

gold amount to above one and twenty millions sterling.

This temple stood till the time of Xerxes;(994) but he, on his return from

his Grecian expedition, demolished it entirely, after having first

plundered it of all its immense riches. Alexander, on his return to

Babylon from his Indian expedition, purposed to have rebuilt it; and in

order thereto, set ten thousand men to work, to rid the place of its

rubbish; but, after they had laboured herein two months, Alexander died,

and that put an end to the undertaking.

Such were the chief works which rendered Babylon so famous; the greater

part of them are ascribed by profane authors to Semiramis, to whose

history it is now time to return.

When she had finished all these great undertakings, she thought fit to

make a progress through the several parts of her empire;(995) and,

wherever she came, left monuments of her magnificence by many noble

structures which she erected, either for the conveniency or ornament of

her cities; she was particularly careful to have water brought by

aqueducts to such places as wanted it, and to make the highways easy, by

cutting through mountains, and filling up valleys. In the time of

Diodorus, there were still monuments to be seen in many places, with her

name inscribed upon them.

The authority this queen had over her people seems very extraordinary,

since we find her presence alone capable of appeasing a sedition.(996) One

day, as she was dressing herself, word was brought her of a tumult in the

city. Whereupon she went out immediately, with her head half dressed, and

did not return till the disturbance was entirely appeased. A statue was

erected in remembrance of this action, representing her in that very

attitude and undress, which had not hindered her from flying to her duty.

Not satisfied with the vast extent of dominions left her by her husband,

she enlarged them by the conquest of a great part of Æthiopia. Whilst she

was in that country, she had the curiosity to visit the temple of Jupiter

Ammon, to inquire of the oracle how long she had to live. According to

Diodorus, the answer she received was, that she should not die till her

son Ninyas conspired against her, and that after her death one part of

Asia would pay her divine honours.

Her greatest and last expedition was against India; on this occasion she

raised an innumerable army out of all the provinces of her empire, and

appointed Bactra for the rendezvous. As the strength of the Indians

consisted chiefly in their great number of elephants, she caused a

multitude of camels to be accoutred in the form of elephants, in hopes of

deceiving the enemy. It is said that Perseus long after used the same

stratagem against the Romans; but neither of them succeeded in this

artifice. The Indian king having notice of her approach, sent ambassadors

to ask her who she was, and with what right, having never received any

injury from him, she came out of wantonness to attack his dominions;

adding, that her boldness should soon meet with the punishment it

deserved. Tell your master (replied the queen) that in a little time I

myself will let him know who I am. She advanced immediately towards the

river(997) from which the country takes its name; and having prepared a

sufficient number of boats, she attempted to pass it with her army. Their

passage was a long time disputed, but after a bloody battle she put her

enemies to flight. Above a thousand of their boats were sunk, and above a

hundred thousand of their men taken prisoners. Encouraged by this success,

she advanced directly into the country, leaving sixty thousand men behind

to guard the bridge of boats, which she had built over the river. This was

just what the king desired, who fled on purpose to bring her to an

engagement in the heart of his country. As soon as he thought her far

enough advanced, he faced about, and a second engagement ensued, more

bloody than the first. The counterfeit elephants could not long sustain

the shock of the real ones: these routed her army, crushing whatever came

in their way. Semiramis did all that lay in her power to rally and

encourage her troops, but in vain. The king, perceiving her engaged in the

fight, advanced towards her, and wounded her in two places, but not

mortally. The swiftness of her horse soon carried her beyond the reach of

her enemies. As her men crowded to the bridge, to repass the river, great

numbers of them perished, through the disorder and confusion unavoidable

on such occasions. When those that could save themselves were safely over,

she destroyed the bridge, and by that means stopt the enemy; and the king

likewise, in obedience to an oracle, had given orders to his troops not to

pass the river, nor pursue Semiramis any farther. The queen, having made

an exchange of prisoners at Bactra, returned to her own dominions with

scarce one-third of her army, which (according to Ctesias) consisted of

three million foot, and five hundred thousand horse, besides the camels

and chariots armed for war, of which she had a very considerable number. I

have no doubt that this account is highly exaggerated, or that there is

some mistake in the numeral characters. She, and Alexander after her, were

the only persons that ever ventured to carry the war beyond the river

Indus.

I must own, I am somewhat puzzled with a difficulty which may be raised

against the extraordinary things related of Ninus and Semiramis, as they

do not seem to agree with the times so near the deluge: I mean, such vast

armies, such a numerous cavalry, so many chariots armed with scythes, and

such immense treasures of gold and silver; all which seem to be of a later

date. The same thing may likewise be said of the magnificence of the

buildings, ascribed to them. It is probable, the Greek historians, who

came so many ages afterwards, deceived by the similarity of names, by

their ignorance in chronology, and the resemblance of one event with

another, may have ascribed such things to more ancient princes, as

belonged to those of a later date; or may have attributed a number of

exploits and enterprises to one, which ought to be divided amongst a

series of them, succeeding one another.

Semiramis, some time after her return, discovered that her son was

plotting against her, and one of her principal officers had offered him

his assistance. She then called to mind the oracle of Jupiter Ammon; and

believing that her end approached, without inflicting any punishment on

the officer, who was taken into custody, she voluntarily abdicated the

throne, put the government into the hands of her son, and withdrew from

the sight of men, hoping speedily to have divine honours paid to her

according to the promise of the oracle. And indeed we are told, she was

worshipped by the Assyrians, under the form of a dove. She lived sixty-two

years, of which she reigned forty-two.

There are in the _Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Lettres_(998) two

learned dissertations upon the Assyrian empire, and particularly on the

reign and actions of Semiramis.

What Justin(999) says of Semiramis, namely, that after her husband’s

decease, not daring either to commit the government to her son, who was

then too young, or openly to take it upon herself, she governed under the

name and habit of Ninyas, and that, after having reigned in that manner

above forty years, falling passionately in love with her own son, she

endeavoured to induce him to comply with her criminal desires, and was

slain by him: all this, I say, is so void of all appearance of truth, that

to go about to confute it would be but losing time. It must however be

owned, that almost all the authors who have spoken of Semiramis, give us

but a disadvantageous idea of her chastity.

I do not know but that the glorious reign of this queen might partly

induce Plato to maintain, in his Commonwealth,(1000) that women as well as

men ought to be admitted into the management of public affairs, the

conducting of armies, and the government of states; and, by necessary

consequence, ought to be trained up in the same exercises as men, as well

for the forming of the body as the mind. Nor does he so much as except

those exercises, wherein it was customary to fight stark naked,

alleging(1001) that the virtue of the sex would be a sufficient covering

for them.

It is just matter of surprise to find a philosopher so judicious in other

respects, openly combating the most common and most natural maxims of

modesty and decency, virtues which are the principal ornament of the

female sex, and insisting so strongly upon a principle, sufficiently

confuted by the constant practice of all ages, and of almost all nations

in the world.

Aristotle, wiser in this than his master Plato, without doing the least

injustice to the real merit and essential qualities of the sex, has with

great judgment marked(1002) out the different ends to which man and woman

are ordained, from the different qualities of body and mind, wherewith

they are endowed by the Author of nature, who has given the one strength

of body and intrepidity of mind to enable him to undergo the greatest

hardships, and face the most imminent dangers; whilst the other, on the

contrary, is of a weak and delicate constitution, accompanied with a

natural softness and modest timidity, which render her more fit for a

sedentary life, and dispose her to keep within the precincts of the house,

and to employ herself in the concerns of prudent and industrious economy.

Xenophon is of the same opinion with Aristotle;(1003) and in order to set

off the occupation of the wife, who confines herself within her house,

agreeably compares her to the mother-bee, commonly called the queen-bee,

who alone governs and has the superintendence of the whole hive, who

distributes all their employments, encourages their industry, presides

over the building of their little cells, takes care of the nourishment and

subsistence of her numerous family; regulates the quantity of honey

appointed for that purpose, and at fixed and proper seasons sends abroad

the new swarms in colonies, to ease and disburthen the hive of its

superfluous inhabitants. He remarks, with Aristotle, the difference of

constitution and inclinations, designedly made by the Author of nature

between man and woman, to point out to each of them their proper and

peculiar offices and functions.

This allotment, far from degrading or lessening the woman, is really for

her advantage and honour, in confiding to her a kind of domestic empire

and government, administered only by gentleness, reason, equity, and good

nature; and in giving her frequent occasions of concealing the most

valuable and excellent qualities under the inestimable veil of modesty and

submission. For it must ingenuously be owned, that at all times, and in

all conditions, there have been women, who by a real and solid merit have

distinguished themselves above their sex; as there have been innumerable

instances of men, who by their defects have dishonoured theirs. But these

are only particular cases, which form no rule, and which ought not to

prevail against an establishment founded in nature, and prescribed by the

Creator himself.

(M158) NINYAS.(1004) This prince was in no respect like those from whom he

received his birth, and to whose throne he succeeded. Wholly intent upon

his pleasures, he kept himself shut up in his palace, and seldom showed

himself to his people. To keep them in their duty, he had always at

Nineveh a certain number of regular troops, furnished every year from the

several provinces of his empire, at the expiration of which term they were

succeeded by the like number of other troops on the same conditions; the

king putting a commander at the head of them, on whose fidelity he could

depend. He made use of this method, that the officers might not have time

to gain the affections of the soldiers, and so form any conspiracies

against him.

His successors for thirty generations followed his example and even

surpassed him in indolence. Their history is absolutely unknown, there

remaining no footsteps of it.

(M159) In Abraham’s time the Scripture speaks of Amraphael, king of

Shinar, the country where Babylon was situated, who with two other princes

followed Chedorlaomer, king of the Elamites, whose tributary he probably

was, in the war carried on by the latter against five kings of the land of

Canaan.

(M160) It was under the government of these inactive princes, that

Sesostris, king of Egypt, extended his conquests so far in the East. But

as his power was of a short duration, and not supported by his successors,

the Assyrian empire soon returned to its former state.

(M161) Plato, a curious observer of antiquities, makes the kingdom of

Troy, in the time of Priam, dependent on the Assyrian empire.(1005) And

Ctesias says, that Teutamus, the twentieth king after Ninyas, sent a

considerable body of troops to the assistance of the Trojans, under the

conduct of Memnon, the son of Tithonus, at a time when the Assyrian empire

had subsisted above a thousand years; which agrees exactly with the time,

wherein I have placed the foundation of that empire. But the silence of

Homer concerning so mighty a people, and one which must needs have been

well known, renders this fact exceeding doubtful. And it must be owned,

that whatever relates to the times of the ancient history of the

Assyrians, is attended with great difficulties, into which my plan does

not permit me to enter.

(M162) PUL. The Scripture informs us, that Pul, king of Assyria, being

come into the land of Israel, had a thousand talents of silver given him

by Menahem, king of the ten tribes, to engage him to lend him assistance,

and secure him on his throne.(1006)

This Pul is supposed to be the king of Nineveh, who repented, with all his

people, at the preaching of Jonah.

He is also thought to be the father of Sardanapalus, the last king of the

Assyrians, called, according to the custom of the eastern nations,

Sardanpul, that is to say, Sardan, the son of Pul.

(M163) SARDANAPALUS. This prince surpassed all his predecessors in

effeminacy, luxury, and cowardice.(1007) He never went out of his palace,

but spent all his time amongst a company of women, dressed and painted

like them, and employed like them at the distaff. He placed all his

happiness and glory in the possession of immense treasures, in feasting

and rioting, and indulging himself in all the most infamous and criminal

pleasures. He ordered two verses to be put upon his tomb, which imported,

that he carried away with him all that he had eaten, and all the pleasures

he had enjoyed, but left all the rest behind him.

Hæc habeo quæ edi, quæque exaturata libido

Hausit: at illa jacent multa et præclara relicta.(1008)

An epitaph, says Aristotle, fit for a hog.

Arbaces, governor of Media, having found means to get into the palace, and

having with his own eyes seen Sardanapalus in the midst of his infamous

seraglio; enraged at such a spectacle, and not able to endure that so many

brave men should be subject to a prince more soft and effeminate than the

women themselves, immediately formed a conspiracy against him. Belesis,

governor of Babylon, and several others, entered into it. On the first

rumour of this revolt, the king hid himself in the inmost part of his

palace. Being obliged afterwards to take the field with some forces which

he had assembled, he at first gained three successive victories over the

enemy, but was afterwards overcome, and pursued to the gates of Nineveh;

wherein he shut himself, in hopes the rebels would never be able to take a

city so well fortified, and stored with provisions for a considerable

time: the siege proved indeed of very great length. It had been declared

by an ancient oracle, that Nineveh could never be taken, unless the river

became an enemy to the city. These words buoyed up Sardanapalus, because

he looked upon the thing as impossible. But when he saw that the Tigris,

by a violent inundation, had thrown down twenty stadia(1009) of the city

wall, and by that means opened a passage to the enemy, he understood the

meaning of the oracle, and thought himself lost.(M164) He resolved,

however, to die in such a manner, as, according to his opinion, should

cover the infamy of his scandalous and effeminate life. He ordered a pile

of wood to be made in his palace, and setting fire to it, burnt himself,

his eunuchs, his women, and his treasures. Athenæus makes these treasures

amount to a thousand myriads of talents of gold,(1010) and ten times as

many talents of silver, which, without reckoning any thing else, is a sum

that exceeds all credibility. A myriad contains ten thousand; and one

single myriad of talents of silver is worth thirty millions of French

money, or about one million four hundred thousand pounds sterling. A man

is lost, if he attempts to sum up the whole value; which induces me to

believe, that Athenæus must have very much exaggerated in his computation;

however, we may be assured, from his account, that the treasures were

immensely great.

Plutarch, in his second treatise,(1011) dedicated to the praise of

Alexander the Great, wherein he examines in what the true greatness of

princes consists, after having shown that it can arise from nothing but

their own personal merit, confirms it by two very different examples,

taken from the history of the Assyrians, in which we are now engaged.

Semiramis and Sardanapalus (says he) both governed the same kingdom; both

had the same people, the same extent of country, the same revenues, the

same forces and number of troops; but they had not the same dispositions,

nor the same views. Semiramis, raising herself above her sex, built

magnificent cities, equipped fleets, armed legions, subdued neighbouring

nations, penetrated into Arabia and Ethiopia, and carried her victorious

arms to the extremities of Asia, spreading consternation and terror

everywhere. Whereas Sardanapalus, as if he had entirely renounced his sex,

spent all his time in the heart of his palace, perpetually surrounded with

a company of women, whose dress and even manners he had adopted, applying

himself with them to the spindle and the distaff, neither understanding

nor doing any other thing than spinning, eating and drinking, and

wallowing in all manner of infamous pleasure. Accordingly, a statue was

erected to him, after his death, which represented him in the posture of a

dancer, with an inscription upon it, in which he addressed himself to the

spectator in these words: _Eat, drink, and be merry; every thing else is

nothing_: an inscription very suitable to the epitaph he himself had

ordered to be put upon his monument.(1012)

Plutarch in this place judges of Semiramis, as almost all the profane

historians do of the glory of conquerors. But, if we would make a true

judgment of things, was the unbounded ambition of that queen much less

blamable, than the dissolute effeminacy of Sardanapalus? Which of the two

vices did most mischief to mankind?

We are not to wonder that the Assyrian empire should fall under such a

prince; but undoubtedly it was not till after having passed through

various augmentations, diminutions, and revolutions, common to all states,

even to the greatest, during the course of several ages. This empire had

subsisted above 1450 years.

Of the ruins of this vast empire were formed three considerable kingdoms;

that of the Medes, which Arbaces, the principal head of the conspiracy,

restored to its liberty; that of the Assyrians of Babylon, which was given

to Belesis, governor of that city; and that of the Assyrians of Nineveh,

the first king whereof took the name of Ninus the younger.

In order to understand the history of the second Assyrian empire, which is

very obscure, and of which little is said by historians, it is proper, and

even absolutely necessary, to compare what is said of it by profane

authors with what we are informed concerning it by holy Scripture; that by

the help of that double light we may have the clearer idea of the two

empires of Nineveh and Babylon, which for some time were separate and

distinct, and afterwards united and confounded together. I shall first

treat of this second Assyrian empire, and then return to the kingdom of

the Medes.

Chapter II. The Second Assyrian Empire, both of Nineveh and Babylon.

This second Assyrian empire continued two hundred and ten years, reckoning

to the year in which Cyrus, who was become absolute master of the East by

the death of his father Cambyses and his father-in-law Cyaxares, published

the famous edict, whereby the Jews were permitted to return into their own

country, after a seventy years’ captivity at Babylon.

(M165) _Kings of Babylon._(_1013_)—BELESIS. He is the same as Nabonassar,

from whose reign began the famous astronomical epocha at Babylon, called

from his name the _Æra of Nabonassar_. In the holy Scriptures he is called

Baladan. He reigned but twelve years, and was succeeded by his son:

(M166) MERODACH-BALADAN. This is the prince who sent ambassadors to king

Hezekiah, to congratulate him on the recovery of his health, of which we

shall speak hereafter.(1014) After him there reigned several other kings

of Babylon,(1015) with whose story we are entirely unacquainted. I shall

therefore proceed to the kings of Nineveh.

(M167) _Kings of Nineveh_.—TIGLATH-PILESER. This is the name given by the

holy Scripture to the king, who is supposed to be the first that reigned

at Nineveh, after the destruction of the ancient Assyrian empire. He is

called Thilgamus, by Ælian.(1016) He is said to have taken the name of

Ninus the younger, in order to honour and distinguish his reign by the

name of so ancient and illustrious a prince.

Ahaz, king of Judah,(1017) whose incorrigible impiety could not be

reclaimed, either by the divine favours or chastisements, finding himself

attacked at the same time by the kings of Syria and Israel, robbed the

temple of part of its gold and silver, and sent it to Tiglath-Pileser, to

purchase his assistance; promising him besides to become his vassal, and

to pay him tribute. The king of Assyria finding so favourable an

opportunity of adding Syria and Palestine to his empire, readily accepted

the proposal. Advancing that way with a numerous army, he beat Rezin, took

Damascus, and put an end to the kingdom erected there by the Syrians, as

God had foretold by his prophets Isaiah and Amos(1018). From thence he

marched against Pekah, and took all that belonged to the kingdom of Israel

beyond Jordan, as well as all Galilee. But he made Ahaz pay very dear for

his protection, still exacting of him such exorbitant sums of money, that

for the payment of them he was obliged not only to exhaust his own

treasures, but to take all the gold and silver of the temple. Thus this

alliance served only to drain the kingdom of Judah, and to bring into its

neighbourhood the powerful kings of Nineveh; who afterwards became so many

instruments in the hand of God for the chastisement of his people.

(M168) SHALMANEZER. Sabacus, the Ethiopian, whom the Scripture calls So,

having made himself master of Egypt, Hoshea, king of Samaria, entered into

an alliance with him, hoping by that means to shake off the Assyrian

yoke.(1019) To this end he withdrew from his dependence upon Shalmanezer,

refusing to pay him any further tribute, or make him the usual presents.

Shalmanezer, to punish him for his presumption, marched against him with a

powerful army; and after having subdued all the plain country, shut him up

in Samaria, where he kept him closely besieged for three years; at the end

of which he took the city, loaded Hoshea with chains, and threw him into

prison for the rest of his days; carried away the people captive, and

planted them in Halah and Habor, cities of the Medes. And thus was the

kingdom of Israel, or of the ten tribes, destroyed, as God had often

threatened by his prophets. This kingdom, from the time of its separation

from that of Judah, lasted about two hundred and fifty years.

It was at this time that Tobit, with Anna his wife, and his son Tobias,

was carried captive into Assyria, where he became one of the principal

officers of king Shalmanezer.(1020)

Shalmanezer died, after having reigned fourteen years, and was succeeded

by his son:

(M169) SENNACHERIB. He is also called Sargon in Scripture.(1021)

As soon as this prince was settled on the throne, he renewed the demand of

the tribute exacted by his father from Hezekiah. Upon his refusal he

declared war against him, and entered into Judea with a mighty army.

Hezekiah, grieved to see his kingdom pillaged, sent ambassadors to him, to

desire peace upon any terms he would prescribe. Sennacherib, seemingly

mollified, entered into treaty with him, and demanded a very great sum of

gold and silver. The holy king exhausted both the treasures of the temple,

and his own coffers, to pay it. The Assyrian, regarding neither the

sanction of oaths nor treaties, still continued the war, and pushed on his

conquests more vigorously than ever. Nothing was able to withstand his

power, and of all the strong places of Judah, none remained untaken but

Jerusalem, which was likewise reduced to the utmost extremity. At this

very juncture,(1022) Sennacherib was informed, that Tirhakah, king of

Ethiopia, who had joined his forces with those of the king of Egypt, was

coming up to succour the besieged city. Now it was contrary to the express

command of God, as well as the remonstrances of Isaiah and Hezekiah, that

the chief men at Jerusalem had required any foreign assistance. The

Assyrian prince marched immediately to meet the approaching enemy, after

having written a letter to Hezekiah, full of blasphemy against the God of

Israel, whom he insolently boasted he would speedily vanquish, as he had

done all the gods of the other nations round about him. In short, he

discomfited the Ægyptians, and pursued them even into their own country,

which he ravaged, and returned laden with spoil.

It was probably during Sennacherib’s absence, which was pretty long, or at

least some little time before, that Hezekiah fell sick, and was cured in a

miraculous manner;(1023) and that (as a sign of God’s fulfilling the

promise he had made him of curing him so perfectly, that within three days

he should be able to go to the temple,) the shadow of the sun went ten

degrees backwards upon the dial of the palace. Merodach-Baladan, king of

Babylon, being informed of the miraculous cure of king Hezekiah, sent

ambassadors to him with letters and presents, to congratulate him upon

that occasion, and to acquaint themselves with the miracle that had

happened in the land at this juncture, with respect to the sun’s

retrogradation ten degrees. Hezekiah was extremely sensible of the honour

done him by that prince, and very forward to show his ambassadors the

riches and treasures he possessed, and to let them see the whole

magnificence of his palace. Humanly speaking, there was nothing in this

proceeding but what was allowable and commendable; but in the eyes of the

supreme Judge, which are infinitely more piercing and delicate than ours,

this action discovered a lurking pride, and secret vanity, with which his

righteousness was offended. Accordingly, he instantly informed the king by

his prophet Isaiah, that the riches and treasures which he had been

showing to those ambassadors with so much ostentation, should one day be

transported to Babylon; and that his children should be carried thither,

to become servants in the palace of that monarch. This was then utterly

improbable; for Babylon, at the time we are speaking of, was in friendship

and alliance with Jerusalem, as appears by her having sent ambassadors

thither: nor did Jerusalem then seem to have any thing to fear, but from

Nineveh; whose power was at that time formidable, and who had entirely

declared against her. But the fortune of those two cities was to change,

and the word of God was literally accomplished.

But to return to Sennacherib.(1024) After he had ravaged Egypt, and taken

a vast number of prisoners, he came back with his victorious army,

encamped before Jerusalem, and besieged it anew. The city seemed to be

inevitably lost: it was without resource, and without hope from the hands

of men; but had a powerful protector in Heaven, whose jealous ears had

heard the impious blasphemies uttered by the king of Nineveh against His

sacred name. In one single night a hundred and eighty-five thousand men of

his army perished by the sword of the destroying angel. After so terrible

a blow this pretended king of kings, (for so he called himself,) this

triumpher over nations, and conqueror even of gods, was obliged to return

to his own country with the miserable remnant of his army, covered with

shame and confusion: nor did he survive his defeat more than a few months,

only to make a kind of open confession of his crime to God, whose supreme

majesty he had presumed to insult, and who now, to use the Scripture

terms, having “put a ring into his nose, and a bridle into his mouth,” as

a wild beast, made him return in that humbled, afflicted condition,

through those very countries, which a little before had beheld him so

haughty and imperious.

Upon his return to Nineveh, being enraged at his disgrace, he treated his

subjects in the most cruel and tyrannical manner. The effects of his fury

fell more heavily upon the Jews and Israelites, of whom he caused great

numbers to be massacred every day, ordering their bodies to be left

exposed in the streets, and suffering no man to give them burial.(1025)

Tobit, to avoid his cruelty, was obliged to conceal himself for some time,

and suffer all his effects to be confiscated. In short, the king’s savage

temper rendered him so insupportable to his own family, that his two

eldest sons conspired against him, and killed him in the temple,(1026) in

the presence of his god Nisroch, as he lay prostrate before him. But these

two princes, being obliged after this parricide to fly into Armenia, left

the kingdom to Esarhaddon, their youngest brother.

(M170) ESARHADDON. We have already observed, that after Merodach-Baladan

there was a succession of kings at Babylon, of whom history has

transmitted nothing but the names.(1027) The royal family becoming

extinct, there was an eight years’ interregnum, full of troubles and

commotions. Esarhaddon, taking advantage of this juncture, made himself

master of Babylon, and annexing it to his former dominions, reigned over

the two united empires thirteen years.

After having reunited to the Assyrian empire Syria and Palestine, which

had been rent from it in the preceding reign, he entered the land of

Israel, where he took captive as many as were left there, and carried them

into Assyria, except an inconsiderable number that escaped his pursuit.

But that the country might not become a desert, he sent colonies of

idolatrous people, taken out of the countries beyond the Euphrates, to

dwell in the cities of Samaria. The prediction of Isaiah was then

fulfilled;(1028) _within threescore and five years shall Ephraim be

broken, that it be no more a people_. This was exactly the space of time

which elapsed between the prediction and the event: and the people of

Israel did then truly cease to be a visible nation, what was left of them

being altogether mixed and confounded with other nations.

This prince, having possessed himself of the land of Israel, sent some of

his generals with part of his army into Judea, to reduce that country

likewise under his subjection.(1029) These generals defeated Manasseh, and

having taken him prisoner, brought him to Esarhaddon, who put him in

chains, and carried him with him to Babylon. But Manasseh, having

afterwards appeased the wrath of God by a sincere and lively repentance,

obtained his liberty, and returned to Jerusalem.

Meantime the colonies, that had been sent into Samaria, in the room of its

ancient inhabitants, were grievously infested with lions.(1030) The king

of Babylon being told that the cause of this calamity was their not

worshipping the God of the country, ordered an Israelitish priest to be

sent to them, from among the captives brought from that country, to teach

them the worship of the God of Israel. But these idolaters did no more

than admit the true God amongst their ancient divinities, and worshipped

him jointly with their false deities. This corrupt worship continued

afterwards, and was the primary source of the aversion entertained by the

Jews against the Samaritans.

Esarhaddon, after a prosperous reign of thirty-nine years over the

Assyrians, and thirteen over the Babylonians, was succeeded by his son:

(M171) SAOSDUCHINUS. This prince is called in Scripture Nabuchodonosor,

which name was common to the kings of Babylon. To distinguish this from

the others, he is called Nabuchodonosor the First.

Tobit was still alive at this time, and dwelt among other captives at

Nineveh.(1031) Perceiving his end approaching, he foretold to his children

the sudden destruction of that city; of which at that time there was not

the least appearance. He advised them to quit the city, before its ruin

came on, and to depart as soon as they had buried him and his wife.

“The ruin of Nineveh is at hand,” says the good old man, “abide no longer

here, for I perceive the wickedness of the city will occasion its

destruction.” These last words are very remarkable, “the wickedness of the

city will occasion its destruction.” Men will be apt to impute the ruin of

Nineveh to any other reason, but we are taught by the Holy Ghost, that her

unrighteousness was the true cause of it, as it will be with other states

that imitate her crimes.

Nabuchodonosor defeated the king of the Medes in a pitched battle,(1032)

fought the twelfth year of his reign, upon the plain of Ragau, took

Ecbatana, the capital of his kingdom, and returned triumphant to Nineveh.

When we come to treat of the history of the Medes, we shall give a more

particular account of this victory.

It was immediately after this expedition, that Bethulia was besieged by

Holofernes, one of Nabuchodonosor’s generals; and that the famous

enterprise of Judith was accomplished.

(M172) SARACUS, otherwise called CHYNALADANUS. This prince succeeded

Saosduchinus;(1033) and having rendered himself contemptible to his

subjects, by his effeminacy, and the little care he took of his dominions,

Nabopolassar, a Babylonian by birth, and general of his army, usurped that

part of the Assyrian empire, and reigned over it one and twenty years.

(M173) NABOPOLASSAR. This prince, the better to maintain his usurped

sovereignty, made an alliance with Cyaxares, king of the Medes. With their

joint forces they besieged and took Nineveh, killed Saracus, and utterly

destroyed that great city. We shall speak more largely of this great

event, when we come to the history of the Medes. From this time forwards

the city of Babylon became the only capital of the Assyrian empire.

The Babylonians and the Medes, having destroyed Nineveh, became so

formidable, that they drew upon themselves the jealousy of all their

neighbours. Necho, king of Egypt, was so alarmed at their power, that to

stop their progress he marched towards the Euphrates at the head of a

powerful army, and made several considerable conquests. See the history of

the Egyptians(1034) for what relates to this expedition, and the

consequences that attended it.

Nabopolassar finding,(1035) that after the taking of Carchemish by Necho,

all Syria and Palestine had revolted from him, and neither his age nor

infirmities permitting him to go in person to recover them, he made his

son Nabuchodonosor partner with him in the empire, and sent him with an

army to reduce those countries to their former subjection.

(M174) From this time the Jews begin to reckon the years of

Nabuchodonosor, _viz._ from the end of the third year of Jehoiakim, king

of Judah, or rather from the beginning of the fourth. But the Babylonians

compute the reign of this prince only from the death of his father, which

happened two years later.

(M175) NABUCHODONOSOR II. This prince defeated Necho’s army, near the

Euphrates, and retook Carchemish.(1036) From thence he marched towards

Syria and Palestine, and reunited those provinces to his dominions.

He likewise entered Judea, besieged Jerusalem, and took it:(1037) he

caused Jehoiakim to be put in chains, with a design to have him carried to

Babylon; but being moved with his repentance and affliction, he restored

him to the throne. Great numbers of the Jews, and, among the rest, some

children of the royal family, were carried captive to Babylon, whither all

the treasures of the king’s palace, and a part of the sacred vessels of

the temple, were likewise transported. Thus was the judgment which God had

denounced by the prophet Isaiah to king Hezekiah accomplished. From this

famous epocha, which was the fourth year of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, we

are to date the captivity of the Jews at Babylon, so often foretold by

Jeremiah. Daniel, then but twelve years old,(1038) was carried captive

among the rest; and Ezekiel some time afterwards.

Towards the end of the fifth year of Jehoiakim died Nabopolassar, king of

Babylon, after having reigned one and twenty years.(1039) As soon as his

son Nabuchodonosor had news of his death, he set out with all expedition

for Babylon, taking the nearest way through the desert, attended only with

a small retinue, leaving the bulk of his army with his generals, to be

conducted to Babylon with the captives and spoils. On his arrival, he

received the government from the hands of those that had carefully

preserved it for him, and so succeeded to all the dominions of his father,

which comprehended Chaldea, Assyria, Arabia, Syria, and Palestine, over

which, according to Ptolemy, he reigned forty-three years.

(M176) In the fourth year of his reign he had a dream,(1040) at which he

was greatly terrified, though he could not call it again to mind. He

thereupon consulted the wise men and soothsayers of his kingdom, requiring

of them to make known to him the substance of his dream. They all

answered, that it was beyond the reach of their art to discover it; and

that the utmost they could do, was to give the interpretation of his

dream, when he had made it known to them. As absolute princes are not

accustomed to meet with opposition, but will be obeyed in all things,

Nabuchodonosor, imagining they dealt insincerely with him, fell into a

violent rage, and condemned them all to die. Now Daniel and his three

companions were included in the sentence, as being ranked among the wise

men. But Daniel, having first invoked his God, desired to be introduced to

the king, to whom he revealed the whole substance of his dream. “The thing

thou sawest,” says he to him, “was an image of an enormous size, and a

terrible countenance. The head thereof was of gold, the breast and arms of

silver, the belly and thighs of brass, and the feet part of iron and part

of clay. And as the king was attentively looking upon that vision, behold

a stone was cut out of a mountain without hands, and the stone smote the

image upon his feet, and brake them to pieces; the whole image was ground

as small as dust, and the stone became a great mountain, and filled the

whole earth.” When Daniel had related the dream, he gave the king likewise

the interpretation thereof, showing him how it signified the three great

empires, which were to succeed that of the Assyrians, namely, the Persian,

the Grecian, and the Roman, or (according to some,) that of the successors

of Alexander the Great. “After these kingdoms (continued Daniel) shall the

God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed; and this

kingdom shall not be left to other people, but shall break in pieces and

consume all these kingdoms, and shall stand for ever.” By which Daniel

plainly foretold the kingdom of Jesus Christ. The king, ravished with

admiration and astonishment, after having acknowledged and loudly

declared, that the God of the Israelites was truly the God of gods,

advanced Daniel to the highest offices in the kingdom, made him chief of

the governors over all the wise men, ruler of the whole province of

Babylon, and one of the principal lords of the council, that always

attended the court. His three friends were also promoted to honours and

dignities.

At this time Jehoiakim revolted from the king of Babylon, whose generals,

that were still in Judea, marched against him, and committed all kinds of

hostilities upon this country.(1041) “He slept with his fathers,” is all

the Scripture says of his death. Jeremiah had prophesied, that he should

neither be regretted nor lamented; but should “be buried with the burial

of an ass, drawn and cast forth beyond the gates of Jerusalem:” this was

no doubt fulfilled, though it is not known in what manner.

Jechonias(1042) succeeded both to the throne and iniquity of his father.

Nabuchodonosor’s lieutenants continuing the blockade of Jerusalem, in

three months’ time he himself came at the head of his army, and made

himself master of the city. He plundered both the temple and the king’s

palace of all their treasures, and sent them away to Babylon, together

with all the golden vessels remaining, which Solomon had made for the use

of the temple: he carried away likewise a vast number of captives, amongst

whom was king Jechonias, his mother, his wives, with all the chief

officers and great men of his kingdom. In the room of Jechonias, he set

upon the throne his uncle Mattaniah, who was otherwise called Zedekiah.

This prince had as little religion and prosperity as his

forefathers.(1043) Having made an alliance with Pharaoh, king of Egypt, he

broke the oath of fidelity he had taken to the king of Babylon. The latter

soon chastised him for it, and immediately laid siege to Jerusalem. The

king of Egypt’s arrival at the head of an army gave the besieged a gleam

of hope; but their joy was very short-lived; the Egyptians were defeated,

and the conqueror returned against Jerusalem, and renewed the siege, which

lasted near a twelvemonth.(M177) At last the city was taken by storm, and

a terrible slaughter ensued. Zedekiah’s two sons were, by Nabuchodonosor’s

orders, killed before their father’s face, with all the nobles and

principal men of Judah. Zedekiah himself had both his eyes put out, was

loaded with fetters, and carried to Babylon, where he was confined in

prison as long as he lived. The city and temple were pillaged and burnt,

and all their fortifications demolished.

Upon Nabuchodonosor’s return to Babylon, after his successful war against

Judea, he ordered a golden statue to be made,(1044) sixty(1045) cubits

high, assembled all the great men of the kingdom to celebrate the

dedication of it, and commanded all his subjects to worship it,

threatening to cast those that should refuse into the midst of a burning

fiery furnace. Upon this occasion it was that the three young Hebrews,

Ananias, Misael, and Azarias, who with an invincible courage refused to

comply with the king’s impious ordinance, were preserved after a

miraculous manner in the midst of the flames. The king, himself a witness

of this astonishing miracle, published an edict, whereby all persons

whatsoever were forbidden, upon pain of death, to speak any thing amiss

against the God of Ananias, Misael, and Azarias. He likewise promoted

these three young men to the highest honours and employments.

Nabuchodonosor, in the twenty-first year of his reign, and the fourth

after the destruction of Jerusalem, marched again into Syria, and besieged

Tyre, at the time when Ithobal was king thereof. Tyre was a strong and

opulent city, which had never been subject to any foreign power, and was

then in great repute for its commerce: by which many of its citizens were

become like so many princes in wealth and magnificence.(1046) It had been

built by the Sidonians two hundred and forty years before the temple of

Jerusalem. For Sidon being taken by the Philistines of Ascalon, many of

its inhabitants made their escape in ships, and founded the city of Tyre.

And for this reason we find it called in Isaiah “the daughter of

Sidon.”(1047) But the daughter soon surpassed the mother in grandeur,

riches, and power. Accordingly, at the time we are speaking of, she was in

a condition to resist, thirteen years together, a monarch, to whose yoke

all the rest of the East had submitted.

It was not till after so long an interval, that Nabuchodonosor made

himself master of Tyre.(1048) His troops suffered incredible hardships

before it; so that, according to the prophet’s expression, “every head was

made bald, and every shoulder was peeled.”(1049) Before the city was

reduced to the last extremity, its inhabitants retired, with the greatest

part of their effects, into a neighbouring isle, half a mile from the

shore, where they built a new city; the name and glory whereof

extinguished the remembrance of the old one, which from thenceforward

became a mere village, retaining the name of ancient Tyre.

Nabuchodonosor and his army having undergone the utmost fatigues during so

long and difficult a siege,(1050) and having found nothing in the place to

requite them for the service they had rendered Almighty God (it is the

expression of the prophet) in executing his vengeance upon that city, to

make them amends, God was pleased to promise by the mouth of Ezekiel, that

he would give them the spoils of Egypt. And indeed they soon after

conquered that country, as I have more fully related in the history of the

Egyptians.(1051)

When this prince had happily finished all his wars, and was in a state of

perfect peace and tranquillity, he employed himself in putting the last

hand to the building, or rather to the embellishing of Babylon. The reader

may see in Josephus(1052) an account of the magnificent structures

ascribed to this monarch by several writers. I have mentioned a great part

of them in the description already given of that stately city.

Whilst nothing seemed wanting to complete this prince’s happiness, a

frightful dream disturbed his repose, and filled him with great

anxiety.(1053) “He saw a tree in the midst of the earth, whose height was

great: the tree grew, and was strong, and the height of it reached unto

heaven, and the sight thereof to the end of the earth. The leaves were

fair, and the fruit much; and in it was meat for all: the beasts of the

field had shadow under it, and the fowls of the heaven dwelt in the boughs

thereof; and all flesh was fed of it. Then a watcher and a holy one came

down from heaven, and cried; Hew down the tree, and cut off his branches,

shake off his leaves, and scatter his fruit; let the beasts get away from

under it, and the fowls from his branches. Nevertheless leave the stump of

his roots in the earth, even with a band of iron and brass, in the tender

grass of the field; and let it be wet with the dew of heaven, and let his

portion be with the beasts in the grass of the earth. Let his heart be

changed from man’s; and let a beast’s heart be given unto him; and let

seven times pass over him. This matter is by the decree of the watchers,

and the demand by the word of the holy ones; to the intent that the living

may know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to

whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men.”

The king, justly terrified at this dreadful dream, consulted all his wise

men and magicians, but to no purpose. He was obliged to have recourse to

Daniel, who expounded the dream, and applied it to the king himself,

plainly declaring to him, “That he should be driven from the company of

men for seven years, should be reduced to the condition and fellowship of

the beasts of the field, and feed upon grass like an ox; that his kingdom

nevertheless should be preserved for him, and he should repossess his

throne, when he should have learnt to know and acknowledge, that all power

is from above, and cometh from Heaven. After this he exhorted him to break

off his sins by righteousness, and his iniquities by showing mercy to the

poor.”

All these things came to pass upon Nabuchodonosor, as the prophet had

foretold. At the end of twelve months, as he was walking in his palace,

and admiring the beauty and magnificence of his buildings, he said: “Is

not this great Babylon, which I have built for the house of the kingdom,

by the might of my power, and for the honour of my majesty?” Would a

secret impulse of complacency and vanity in a prince, at the sight of such

noble structures erected by himself, appear to us so very criminal? And

yet, hardly were the words out of his mouth, when a voice came down from

Heaven, and pronounced his sentence: “In the same hour his understanding

went from him; he was driven from men, and did eat grass like oxen, and

his body was wet with the dew of Heaven, till his hairs were grown like

eagles’ feathers, and his nails like birds’ claws.”

After the expiration of the appointed time, he recovered his senses, and

the use of his understanding: “He lifted up his eyes unto Heaven (says the

Scripture) and blessed the Most High; he praised and honoured him that

liveth for ever, whose dominion is an everlasting dominion, and his

kingdom is from generation to generation:” Confessing, “That all the

inhabitants of the earth are as nothing before him, and that he doeth

according to his will, in the army of heaven, and among the inhabitants of

the earth; and none can stay his hand, or say unto him, What doest thou?”

Now he recovered his former countenance and form. His courtiers went out

to seek him; he was restored to his throne, and became greater and more

powerful than ever. Penetrated with the heartiest gratitude, he caused, by

a solemn edict, to be published through the whole extent of his dominions,

what astonishing and miraculous things God had wrought in his person.

One year after this he died, having reigned forty-three years, reckoning

from the death of his father. He was one of the greatest monarchs that

ever reigned in the East. He was succeeded by his son:

(M178) EVIL-MERODACH. As soon as he was settled in the throne, he released

Jechonias, king of Judah, out of prison, where he had been confined near

seven and thirty years.(1054)

In the reign of this Evil-Merodach, which lasted but two years, the

learned place Daniel’s detection of the fraud practised by the priests of

Bel; the innocent artifice by which he contrived to destroy the dragon,

which was worshipped as a god; and the miraculous deliverance of the same

prophet out of the den of lions, where he had victuals brought him by the

prophet Habakkuk.

Evil-Merodach rendered himself so odious by his debauchery and other

extravagancies, that his own relations conspired against him, and put him

to death.(1055)

(M179) NERIGLISSOR, his sister’s husband, and one of the chief

conspirators, reigned in his stead.

Immediately on his accession to the crown, he made great preparations for

war against the Medes,(1056) which made Cyaxares send for Cyrus out of

Persia, to his assistance. This story will be more particularly related by

and by, where we shall find that this prince was slain in battle in the

fourth year of his reign.

(M180) LABOROSOARCHOD, his son, succeeded to the throne. This was a very

wicked prince. Being born with the most vicious inclinations, he indulged

them without restraint when he came to the crown; as if he had been

invested with sovereign power, only to have the privilege of committing

with impunity the most infamous and barbarous actions. He reigned but nine

months; his own subjects conspiring against him, put him to death. His

successor was:

(M181) LABYNITUS, OR NABONIDUS. This prince had likewise other names, and

in Scripture that of Belshazzar. It is on good grounds supposed that he

was the son of Evil-Merodach, by his wife Nitocris, and consequently

grandson to Nabuchodonosor, to whom, according to Jeremiah’s prophecy, the

nations of the East were to be subject, as also to his son, and his

grandson after him: “All nations shall serve him, and his son, and his

son’s son, until the very time of his land shall come.”(1057)

Nitocris is that queen who raised so many noble edifices in Babylon.(1058)

She caused her own monument to be placed over one of the most remarkable

gates of the city, with an inscription, dissuading her successors from

touching the treasures laid up in it, without the most urgent and

indispensable necessity. The tomb remained closed till the reign of

Darius, who, upon his breaking it open, instead of those immense treasures

he had flattered himself with discovering, found nothing but the following

inscription:

IF THOU HADST NOT AN INSATIABLE THIRST AFTER MONEY, AND A MOST

SORDID, AVARICIOUS SOUL, THOU WOULDST NEVER HAVE BROKEN OPEN THE

MONUMENTS OF THE DEAD.

In the first year of Belshazzar’s reign, Daniel had the vision of the four

beasts, which represented the four great monarchies, and the kingdom of

the Messiah, which was to succeed them.(1059) In the third year of the

same reign he had the vision of the ram and the he-goat, which prefigured

the destruction of the Persian empire by Alexander the Great, and the

persecution which Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria, should bring upon

the Jews.(1060) I shall hereafter make some reflections upon these

prophecies, and give a larger account of them.

Belshazzar, whilst his enemies were besieging Babylon, gave a great

entertainment to his whole court, upon a certain festival, which was

annually celebrated with great rejoicing.(1061) The joy of this feast was

greatly disturbed by a vision, and still more so by the explication which

Daniel gave of it to the king. The sentence written upon the wall

imported, that his kingdom was taken from him, and given to the Medes and

Persians. That very night the city was taken, and Belshazzar killed.

(M182) Thus ended the Babylonian empire, after having subsisted two

hundred and ten years from the destruction of the great Assyrian empire.

The particular circumstances of the siege, and the taking of Babylon,

shall be related in the history of Cyrus.

Chapter III. The History of the Kingdom of the Medes.

(M183) I took notice, in speaking of the destruction of the ancient

Assyrian empire, that Arbaces, general of the Median army, was one of the

chief authors of the conspiracy against Sardanapalus: and several writers

believe, that he then immediately became sovereign master of Media and

many other provinces, and assumed the title of king. Herodotus is not of

this opinion. I shall relate what that celebrated historian says upon the

subject.

The Assyrians, who had for many ages held the empire of Asia, began to

decline in their power by the revolt of several nations.(1062) The Medes

first threw off their yoke, and maintained for some time the liberty they

had acquired by their valour: but that liberty degenerating into

licentiousness, and their government not being well established, they fell

into a kind of anarchy, worse than their former subjection. Injustice,

violence, and rapine, prevailed everywhere, because there was nobody that

had either power enough to restrain them, or sufficient authority to

punish the offenders. But all these disorders at length induced the people

to settle a form of government, which rendered the state more flourishing

than ever it was before.

The nation of the Medes was then divided into six tribes. Almost all the

people dwelt in villages, when Dejoces, the son of Phraortes, a Mede by

birth, erected the state into a monarchy. This person, seeing the great

disorders that prevailed throughout all Media, resolved to take advantage

of those troubles, and make them serve to exalt him to the royal dignity.

He had a great reputation in his own country, and passed for a man, not

only regular in his own conduct, but possessed of all the prudence and

equity necessary to govern others.

As soon as he had formed the design of obtaining the throne, he laboured

to make the good qualities that had been observed in him more conspicuous

than ever: he succeeded so well, that the inhabitants of the village where

he lived made him their judge. In this office he acquitted himself with

great prudence; and his cares had all the success that had been expected

from them; for he brought the people of that village to a sober and

regular life. The inhabitants of other villages, whom perpetual disorders

suffered not to live in quiet, observing the good order Dejoces had

introduced in the place where he presided as judge, began to apply to him,

and make him arbitrator of their differences. The fame of his equity daily

increasing, all such as had any affair of consequence, brought it before

him, expecting to find that equity in Dejoces, which they could meet with

nowhere else.

When he found himself thus far advanced in his designs, he judged it a

proper time to set his last engines to work for the compassing his point.

He, therefore, retired from business, pretending to be over-fatigued with

the multitude of people that resorted to him from all quarters; and would

not exercise the office of judge any longer, notwithstanding all the

importunity of such as wished well to the public tranquillity. Whenever

any persons addressed themselves to him, he told them, that his own

domestic affairs would not allow him to attend to those of other people.

The licentiousness which had been for some time restrained by the

judicious management of Dejoces, began to prevail more than ever, as soon

as he had withdrawn himself from the administration of affairs; and the

evil increased to such a degree, that the Medes were obliged to assemble,

and deliberate upon the means of putting a stop to the public disorder.

There are different sorts of ambition: some violent and impetuous,

carrying every thing as it were by storm, hesitating at no kind of cruelty

or murder: another sort, more gentle, like that we are speaking of, puts

on an appearance of moderation and justice, working under ground, (if I

may use that expression,) and yet arrives at her point as surely as the

other.

Dejoces, who saw things succeeding according to his wish, sent his

emissaries to the assembly, after having instructed them in the part they

were to act. When expedients for stopping the course of the public evils

came to be proposed, these emissaries, speaking in their turn,

represented, that unless the face of the republic was entirely changed,

their country would become uninhabitable; that the only means to remedy

the present disorders was to elect a king, who should have authority to

restrain violence, and make laws for the government of the nation. Then

every man could prosecute his own affairs in peace and safety; whereas the

injustice that now reigned in all parts, would quickly force the people to

abandon the country. This opinion was generally approved; and the whole

company was convinced, that no expedient could be devised more effectual

for curing the present evil, than that of converting the state into a

monarchy. The only thing then to be done, was to choose a king; and about

this their deliberations were not long. They all agreed there was not a

man in Media so capable of governing as Dejoces; so that he was

immediately with common consent elected king.

If we reflect in the least on the first establishment of kingdoms, in any

age or country whatsoever, we shall find, that the maintenance of order,

and the care of the public good, was the original design of monarchy.

Indeed there would be no possibility of establishing order and peace, if

all men were resolved to be independent, and would not submit to an

authority which takes from them a part of their liberty, in order to

preserve the rest. Mankind must be perpetually at war, if they will always

be striving for dominion over others, or refuse to submit to the

strongest. For the sake of their own peace and safety, they must have a

master, and must consent to obey him. This is the human origin of

government. And the Scripture teacheth us, that the Divine Providence has

not only allowed of the project, and the execution of it, but consecrated

it likewise by an immediate communication of his own power.(1063)

There is nothing certainly nobler or greater than to see a private person,

eminent for his merit and virtue, and fitted by his excellent talents for

the highest employments, and yet through inclination and modesty

preferring a life of obscurity and retirement: than to see such a man

sincerely refuse the offer made to him, of reigning over a whole nation,

and at last consent to undergo the toil of government, from no other

motive than that of being serviceable to his fellow-citizens. His first

disposition, by which he declares that he is acquainted with the duties,

and consequently with the dangers annexed to a sovereign power, shows him

to have a soul more elevated and great than greatness itself; or, to speak

more justly, a soul superior to all ambition: nothing can show him so

perfectly worthy of that important charge, as the opinion he has of his

not being so, and his fears of being unequal to it. But when he generously

sacrifices his own quiet and satisfaction to the welfare and tranquillity

of the public, it is plain he understands what that sovereign power has in

it really good, or truly valuable; which is, that it puts a man in a

condition of becoming the defender of his country, of procuring it many

advantages, and of redressing various evils; of causing law and justice to

flourish, of bringing virtue and probity into reputation, and of

establishing peace and plenty: and he comforts himself for the cares and

troubles to which he is exposed, by the prospect of the many benefits

resulting from them to the public. Such a governor was Numa, at Rome; and

such have been some other emperors, whom the people found it necessary to

compel to accept the supreme power.

It must be owned (I cannot help repeating it) that there is nothing nobler

or greater than such a disposition. But to put on the mask of modesty and

virtue, in order to satisfy one’s ambition, as Dejoces did; to affect to

appear outwardly what a man is not inwardly; to refuse for a time, and

then accept with a seeming repugnancy, what a man earnestly desires, and

what he has been labouring by secret, underhand practices to obtain; this

double-dealing has so much meanness in it, that it necessarily lessens our

opinion of the person, and extremely sullies the lustre of those good

qualities, which in other respects, he possesses.

(M184) DEJOCES reigned fifty-three years.(1064) When he had ascended the

throne, he endeavoured to convince the people, that they were not mistaken

in the choice they had made of him, for restoring of order. At first he

resolved to have his dignity of king attended with all the marks that

could inspire an awe and respect for his person. He obliged his subjects

to build him a magnificent palace in the place he appointed. This palace

he strongly fortified, and chose out from among his people such persons as

he judged fittest to be his guards, from their attachment to his

interests, and his reliance on their fidelity.

After having thus provided for his own security, he applied himself to

polish and civilize his subjects, who, having been accustomed to live in

the country and in villages, almost without laws and without polity, had

contracted the disposition and manners of savages. To this end he

commanded them to build a city, marking out himself the place and

circumference of the walls. This city was compassed about with seven

distinct walls, all disposed in such a manner, that the outermost did not

hinder the parapet of the second from being seen, nor the second that of

the third, and so of all the rest. The situation of the place was

extremely favourable for such a design, for it was a regular hill, whose

ascent was equal on every side. Within the last and smallest enclosure

stood the king’s palace, with all his treasures: in the sixth, which was

next to that, there were several apartments for lodging the officers of

his household; and the intermediate spaces, between the other walls, were

appointed for the habitation of the people: the first and largest

enclosure was about the bigness of Athens. The name of this city was

Ecbatana.

The prospect of it was magnificent and beautiful; for, besides the

disposition of the walls, which formed a kind of amphitheatre, the

different colours wherewith the several parapets were painted formed a

delightful variety.

After the city was finished, and Dejoces had obliged part of the Medes to

settle in it, he turned all his thoughts to composing of laws for the good

of the state. But being persuaded, that the majesty of kings is most

respected afar off(1065) he began to keep himself at a distance from his

people; was almost inaccessible, and, as it were, invisible to his

subjects, not suffering them to speak, or communicate their affairs to

him, but only by petitions, and the interposition of his officers. And

even those that had the privilege of approaching him, might neither laugh

nor spit in his presence.

This able statesman acted in this manner, in order the better to secure to

himself the possession of the crown. For, having to deal with men yet

uncivilized, and no very good judges of true merit, he was afraid, that

too great a familiarity with him might induce contempt, and occasion plots

and conspiracies against a growing power, which is generally looked upon

with invidious and discontented eyes. But by keeping himself thus

concealed from the eyes of the people, and making himself known only by

the wise laws he made, and the strict justice he took care to administer

to every one, he acquired the respect and esteem of all his subjects.

It is said, that from the innermost part of his palace he saw every thing

that was done in his dominions, by means of his emissaries, who brought

him accounts, and informed him of all transactions. By this means no crime

escaped either the knowledge of the prince, or the rigour of the law; and

the punishment treading upon the heels of the offence, kept the wicked in

awe, and stopped the course of violence and injustice.

Things might possibly pass in this manner to a certain degree during his

administration: but there is nothing more obvious than the great

inconveniencies necessarily resulting from the custom introduced by

Dejoces, and wherein he has been imitated by the rest of the Eastern

potentates; the custom, I mean, of living concealed in his palace, of

governing by spies dispersed throughout his kingdom, of relying solely

upon their sincerity for the truth of facts; of not suffering truth, the

complaints of the oppressed, and the just reasons of innocent persons, to

be conveyed to him any other way, than through foreign channels, that is,

by men liable to be prejudiced or corrupted; men that stopped up all

avenues to remonstrances, or the reparation of injuries, and that were

capable of doing the greatest injustice themselves, with so much the more

ease and assurance, as their iniquity remained undiscovered, and

consequently unpunished. But besides all this, methinks, that very

affectation in princes of making themselves invisible, shows them to be

conscious of their slender merit, which shuns the light, and dares not

stand the test of a near examination.

Dejoces was so wholly taken up in humanizing and softening the manners,

and in making laws for the good government of his people, that he never

engaged in any enterprise against his neighbours, though his reign was

very long, for he did not die till after having reigned fifty-three years.

(M185) PHRAORTES reigned twenty-two years.(1066) After the death of

Dejoces, his son Phraortes, called otherwise Aphraartes,(1067) succeeded.

The affinity between these two names would alone make one believe that

this is the king called in Scripture Arphaxad: but that opinion has many

other substantial reasons to support it, as may be seen in father

Montfaucon’s learned dissertation, of which I have here made great use.

The passage in Judith, _That Arphaxad built a very strong city, and called

it Ecbatana,_(1068) has deceived most authors, and made them believe, that

Arphaxad must be Dejoces, who was certainly the founder of that city. But

the Greek text of Judith, which the Vulgate translation renders

_ædificavit_, says only, _That Arphaxad added new buildings to

Ecbatana_.(1069) And what can be more natural, than that, the father not

having entirely perfected so considerable a work, the son should put the

last hand to it, and make such additions as were wanting?

Phraortes, being of a very warlike temper, and not contented with the

kingdom of Media, left him by his father, attacked the Persians;(1070) and

defeating them in a decisive battle, brought them under subjection to his

empire. Then strengthened by the accession of their troops, he attacked

other neighbouring nations, one after another, till he made himself master

of almost all the Upper Asia, which comprehends all that lies north of

mount Taurus, from Media as far as the river Halys. Elate with this good

success, he ventured to turn his arms against the Assyrians, at that time

indeed weakened through the revolt of several nations, but yet very

powerful in themselves. Nabuchodonosor, their king, otherwise called

Saosduchinus, raised a great army in his own country, and sent ambassadors

to several other nations of the East,(1071) to require their assistance.

They all refused him with contempt, and ignominiously treated his

ambassadors, letting him see, that they no longer dreaded that empire,

which had formerly kept the greatest part of them in a slavish subjection.

The king, highly enraged at such insolent treatment, swore by his throne

and his reign, that he would be revenged of all those nations, and put

them every one to the sword. He then prepared for battle, with what forces

he had, in the plain of Ragau. A great battle ensued there, which proved

fatal to Phraortes. He was defeated, his cavalry fled, his chariots were

overturned and put into disorder, and Nabuchodonosor gained a complete

victory. Then taking advantage of the defeat and confusion of the Medes,

he entered their country, took their cities, pushed on his conquests even

to Ecbatana, forced the towers and the walls by storm, and gave the city

to be pillaged by his soldiers, who plundered it, and stripped it of all

its ornaments.

The unfortunate Phraortes, who had escaped into the mountains of Ragau,

fell at last into the hands of Nabuchodonosor, who cruelly caused him to

be shot to death with darts. After that, he returned to Nineveh with all

his army, which was still very numerous, and for four months together did

nothing but feast and divert himself with those that had accompanied him

in this expedition.

In Judith, we read that the king of Assyria sent Holophernes with a

powerful army, to revenge himself of those that had refused him succours;

the progress and cruelty of that commander, the general consternation of

all the people, the courageous resolution of the Israelites to withstand

him, in assurance that their God would defend them, the extremity to which

Bethulia and the whole nation was reduced, the miraculous deliverance of

that city by the courage and conduct of the brave Judith, and the complete

overthrow of the Assyrian army, are all related in the same book.

(M186) CYAXARES I. reigned forty years.(1072) This prince succeeded to the

throne immediately after his father’s death. He was a very brave,

enterprising prince, and knew how to make his advantage of the late

overthrow of the Assyrian army. He first settled himself well in his

kingdom of Media, and then conquered all Upper Asia. But what he had most

at heart was, to go and attack Nineveh, to revenge the death of his father

by the destruction of that great city.

The Assyrians came out to meet him, having only the remains of that great

army, which was destroyed before Bethulia. A battle ensued, wherein the

Assyrians were defeated, and driven back to Nineveh. Cyaxares, pursuing

his victory, laid siege to the city, which was upon the point of falling

inevitably into his hands, but the time was not yet come when God designed

to punish that city for her crimes, and for the calamities she had brought

upon his people, as well as other nations. It was delivered from its

present danger in the following manner.

A formidable army of Scythians, from the neighbourhood of the Palus

Mæotis, had driven the Cimmerians out of Europe, and was still marching

under the conduct of king Madyes in pursuit of them. The Cimmerians had

found means to escape from the Scythians, who had advanced as far as

Media. Cyaxares, hearing of this irruption, raised the siege from before

Nineveh, and marched with all his forces against that mighty army, which,

like an impetuous torrent, was going to overrun all Asia. The two armies

engaged, and the Medes were vanquished. The Barbarians, finding no other

obstacle in their way, overspread not only Media, but almost all Asia.

After that, they marched towards Egypt, from whence Psammiticus diverted

their course by presents. They then returned into Palestine, where some of

them plundered the temple of Venus at Ascalon, the most ancient of the

temples dedicated to that goddess. Some of the Scythians settled at

Bethshan, a city in the tribe of Manasseh, on this side Jordan, which from

them was afterwards called Scythopolis.

The Scythians for the space of twenty-eight years were masters of the

Upper Asia, namely, the two Armenias, Cappadocia, Pontus, Colchis, and

Iberia; during which time they spread desolation wherever they came. The

Medes had no way of getting rid of them, but by a dangerous stratagem.

Under pretence of cultivating and strengthening the alliance they had made

together, they invited the greatest part of them to a general feast, which

was made in every family. Each master of the feast made his guests drunk,

and in that condition were the Scythians massacred. The Medes then

repossessed themselves of the provinces they had lost, and once more

extended their empire to the banks of the Halys, which was their ancient

boundary westward.

The remaining Scythians, who were not at this feast, having heard of the

massacre of their countrymen, fled into Lydia to king Halyattes, who

received them with great humanity.(1073) This occasioned a war between the

two princes. Cyaxares immediately led his troops to the frontiers of

Lydia. Many battles were fought during the space of five years, with

almost equal advantage on both sides. But the battle fought in the sixth

year was very remarkable on account of an eclipse of the sun, which

happened during the engagement, when on a sudden the day was turned into a

dark night. Thales, the Milesian, had foretold this eclipse. The Medes and

Lydians, who were then in the heat of the battle, equally terrified with

this unforeseen event, which they looked upon as a sign of the anger of

the gods, immediately retreated on both sides, and made peace. Syennesis,

king of Cilicia, and Nabuchodonosor,(1074) king of Babylon, were the

mediators. To render it more firm and inviolable, the two princes were

willing to strengthen it by the tie of marriage, and agreed, that

Halyattes should give his daughter Aryenis to Astyages, eldest son of

Cyaxares.

The manner these people had of contracting an alliance with one another,

is very remarkable. Besides other ceremonies, which they had in common

with the Greeks, they had this in particular; the two contracting parties

made incisions in their own arms, and licked one another’s blood.

(M187) Cyaxares’s first care, as soon as he found himself again in peace,

was to resume the siege of Nineveh, which the irruption of the Scythians

had obliged him to raise.(1075) Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, with whom

he had lately contracted a particular alliance, joined with him in a

league against the Assyrians. Having therefore united their forces, they

besieged Nineveh, took it, killed Saracus the king, and utterly destroyed

that mighty city.

God had foretold by his prophets above a hundred years before, that he

would bring vengeance upon that impious city for the blood of his

servants, wherewith the kings thereof had gorged themselves, like ravenous

lions; that he himself would march at the head of the troops that should

come to besiege it; that he would cause consternation and terror to go

before them; that he would deliver the old men, the mothers, and their

children, into the merciless hands of the soldiers; that all the treasures

of the city should fall into the hands of rapacious and insatiable

plunderers; and that the city itself should be so totally and utterly

destroyed, that not so much as a vestige of it should be left; and that

the people should ask hereafter, Where did the proud city of Nineveh

stand?

But let us hear the language of the prophets themselves: Woe unto the

bloody city, (cries Nahum,) it is all full of lies and robbery:(1076) he

that dasheth in pieces is come up before thy face.(1077) The Lord cometh

to avenge the cruelties done to Jacob and to Israel. I hear already the

noise of the whip, and the noise of the rattling of the wheels, and of the

prancing horses, and of the bounding chariots.(1078) The horseman lifteth

up both the bright sword, and the glittering spear. The shield of his

mighty men is made red; the valiant men are in scarlet.(1079) They shall

seem like torches, they shall run like the lightning. God is jealous; the

Lord revengeth, and is furious.(1080) The mountains quake at him, and the

hills melt, and the earth is burnt at his presence: who can stand before

his indignation? and who can abide in the fierceness of his anger? Behold,

I am against thee, saith the Lord of hosts: I will strip thee of all thy

ornaments.(1081) Take ye the spoil of silver, take the spoil of gold; for

there is no end of the store and glory out of all the pleasant

furniture.(1082) She is empty, and void, and waste. Nineveh is destroyed;

she is overthrown; she is desolate. The gates of the rivers shall be

opened, and the palace(1083) shall be dissolved.(1084) And Huzzab shall be

led away captive; she shall be brought up, and her maids shall lead her as

with the voice of doves tabring upon their breasts. I see a multitude of

slain, and a great number of carcasses; and there is no end of their

corpses; they stumble upon their corpses.(1085) Where is the dwelling of

the lions, and the feeding places of the young lions, where the lion, even

the old lion, walked, and the lion’s whelp, and none made them afraid:

where the lion did tear in pieces enough for his whelps, and strangled for

his lionesses, and filled his holes with prey, and his dens with

rapine:(1086)(1087) The Lord shall destroy Assur.(1088) He shall

depopulate that city, which was so beautiful, and turn it into a land

where no man cometh, and into a desert. It shall be a dwelling place for

wild beasts, and the birds of night shall lurk therein. Behold, shall it

be said, see that proud city, which was so stately, and so exalted; which

said in her heart, I am the only city, and besides me there is no other.

All they that pass by her shall scoff at her, and shall insult her with

hissings and contemptuous gestures.

The two armies enriched themselves with the spoils of Nineveh; and

Cyaxares, prosecuting his victories, made himself master of all the cities

of the kingdom of Assyria, except Babylon and Chaldea, which belonged to

Nabopolassar.

After this expedition Cyaxares died, and left his dominions to his son

Astyages.

ASTYAGES reigned thirty-five years. This prince is called in (M188)

Scripture Ahasuerus. Though his reign was very long, no less than

thirty-five years, yet have we no particulars recorded of it in history.

He had two children, whose names are famous, namely, Cyaxares, by his wife

Aryenis, and Mandane, by a former marriage. In his father’s lifetime he

married Mandane to Cambyses, the son of Achemenes, king of Persia: from

this marriage sprung Cyrus, who was born but one year after the birth of

his uncle Cyaxares. The latter succeeded his father in the kingdom of the

Medes.

CYAXARES II. This is the prince whom the Scripture calls Darius the Mede.

Cyrus, having taken Babylon, in conjunction with his uncle Cyaxares, left

it under his government. After the death of his uncle, and his father

Cambyses, he united the kingdom of the Medes and the Persians into one: in

the sequel, therefore, they will be considered only as one empire. I shall

begin the history of that empire with the reign of Cyrus; which will

include also what is known of the reigns of his two predecessors, Cyaxares

and Astyages. But I shall previously give some account of the kingdom of

Lydia, because Crœsus, its king, has a considerable share in the events of

which I am to speak.

Chapter IV. The History of the Lydians.

The kings who first reigned over the Lydians, are by Herodotus called

Atyadæ, that is, descendants from Atys.(1089) These, he tells us, derived

their origin from Lydus, the son of Atys; and Lydus gave the name of

Lydians to that people, who before this time were called Mœonians.

These Atyadæ were succeeded by the Heraclidæ, or descendants of Hercules,

who possessed this kingdom for the space of five hundred and five years.

(M189) ARGO, great grandson of Alcæus, son of Hercules, was the first of

the Heraclidæ who reigned in Lydia.

(M190) The last was CANDAULES. This prince was married to a lady of

exquisite beauty; and, being infatuated by his passion for her, was

perpetually boasting of her charms to others. Nothing would serve him, but

that Gyges, one of his chief officers, should see, and judge of them by

his own eyes; as if the husband’s own knowledge of them was not sufficient

for his happiness, or the beauty of his wife would have been impaired by

his silence.(1090) The king to this end placed Gyges secretly in a

convenient place; but notwithstanding that precaution, the queen perceived

him when he retired, yet took no manner of notice of it. Judging, as the

historian represents it, that the most valuable treasure of a woman is her

modesty, she studied a signal revenge for the injury she had received;

and, to punish the fault of her husband, committed a still greater crime.

Possibly, a secret passion for Gyges had as great a share in that action,

as her resentment for the dishonour done her. Be that as it will, she sent

for Gyges, and obliged him to expiate his crime, either by his own death,

or the king’s, at his own option. After some remonstrances to no purpose,

he resolved upon the latter, and by the murder of Candaules became master

of his queen and his throne.(M191) By this means the kingdom passed from

the family of the Heraclidæ into that of the Mermnadæ.

Archilochus, the poet, lived at this time, and, as Herodotus informs us,

spoke of this adventure of Gyges in his poems.

I cannot forbear mentioning in this place what is related by Herodotus,

that amongst the Lydians, and almost all other Barbarians, it was reckoned

shameful and infamous even for a man to appear naked. These footsteps of

modesty, which are met with amongst pagans, ought to be reckoned

valuable.(1091) We are assured, that among the Romans, a son, who was come

to the age of maturity, never went into the baths with his father, nor

even a son-in-law with his father-in-law; and this modesty and decency

were looked upon by them as enjoined by the law of nature, the violation

whereof was criminal. It is astonishing, that amongst us our magistrates

take no care to prevent this disorder, which, in the midst of Paris, at

the season of bathing, is openly committed with impunity; a disorder so

visibly contrary to the rules of common decency, so dangerous to young

persons of both sexes, and so severely condemned by paganism itself.