4. About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into

disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of

Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked

attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the

Jewish affairs. There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one

who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular

conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very

rich; and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that

flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a

life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every

way answerable to her in an excellent character. Decius Mundus fell in

love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order;

and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had

already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he

was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to

give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night's lodging;

and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear

this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish

himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina's sad refusal;

and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went

on with his purpose accordingly. Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had

been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all

sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man's

resolution to kill himself, [for he did not conceal his intentions to

destroy himself from others,] and came to him, and encouraged him by her

discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he

might obtain a night's lodging with Paulina; and when he joyfully

hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty

thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had

encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she

did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she

perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as

she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess

Isis, she devised the following stratagem: She went to some of Isis's

priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she

persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-

five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had

taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded

them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn

in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have.

Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon

his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was

granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was

fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him. Upon this she

took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this

condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message

sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her

acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his

wife. Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped

there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of

the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out.

Then did Mundus leap out, [for he was hidden therein,] and did not fail

of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing

he was the god; and when he was gone away, which was before those

priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came

early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to

her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put

upon this favor, who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected

on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for

not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of

the person. But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus

met Paulina, and said, "Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred

thousand drachmae, which sum thou mightest have added to thy own family;

yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited

thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the

business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did,

while I took to myself the name of Anubis." When he had said this, he

went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of

what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the

horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect

to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor;

whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the

priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who

was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole

matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the

temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the

river Tiber; while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him,

because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the

passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the

temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return

to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as

I formerly told you I would.

5. There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own

country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws,

and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all

respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct

men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses. He procured also three other

men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners.

These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had

embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at

Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their

own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that

they at first required it of her. Whereupon Tiberius, who had been

informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired

inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out

of Rome; at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them,

and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of

them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the

laws of their forefathers. 11 Thus were these Jews banished out of the

city by the wickedness of four men.

CHAPTER 4. How The Samaritans Made A Tumult And Pilate Destroyed Many Of

Them; How Pilate Was Accused And What Things Were Done By Vitellius

Relating To The Jews And The Parthians.

1. But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The

man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little

consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might

be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is

by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them,

that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred

vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there

12 So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man

probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called

Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the

mountain in a great multitude together; but Pilate prevented their going

up, by seizing upon the roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-

men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village; and

when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them

they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which,

and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be

slain.

2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an

embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now

president of Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were

killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from

the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent

Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and

ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the

accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in

Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of

Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to

Rome Tiberius was dead.

3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at

the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was

there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem

from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave

them leave to have the care of the high priest's vestments, with all

their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in

the temple, which power they used to have formerly, although at this

time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called,

and that on the occasion following: There was one of the [high] priests,

named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of

them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done,

he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it

was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited

when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments; the

same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons

after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which

was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he

was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he

found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place,

as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the people would

make no innovations against him. The like to what Herod did was done by

his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans,

when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments

of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the

seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of

the guard lighting a lamp there every day; and seven days before a

festival 13 they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard,

when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid

them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before,

and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the

practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day; but

Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our

forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself

to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this

he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides

which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the

high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former

high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to

Antioch.

4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him to

make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for

while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia

away from him, lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no

otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially

his son Artabanus. Upon Tiberius's writing thus to Vitellius, by the

offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia

and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against

Artabanus; and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they

give the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the

Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So Armenia was

again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthia was filled

with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were

in disorder among them: the king's son also himself fell in these wars,

together with many ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had also sent

such great sums of money to Artabanus's father's kinsmen and friends,

that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes

which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid

against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal

men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take

effect,—when he had estimated the number of those that were truly

faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were

deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon

trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper

provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and

Sacre, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.

5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league

of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this

invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius

went to Euphrates, and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of

them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst

of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace Herod,

the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made

them a feast there. Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son

Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man

seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who,

for his tallness, was called a giant. After which Vitellius went to

Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod [the tetrarch] being

desirous to give Cæsar the first information that they had obtained

hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described

all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to

inform him of. But when Vitellius's letters were sent, and Cæsar had let

him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod

had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much

troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater

sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this

occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had

taken the government.

6. About this time it was that Philip, Herod's brother, departed this

life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, 14 after he had

been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the

Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of

moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government; he

constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to

make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which

he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met

him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal

set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon

it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were

convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused

unjustly. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument

which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with

great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, [for he left no sons behind

him,] and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the

tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his

tetrachy.

CHAPTER 5. Herod The Tetrarch Makes War With Aretas, The King Of Arabia,

And Is Beaten By Him As Also Concerning The Death Of John The Baptist.

How Vitellius Went Up To Jerusalem; Together With Some Account Of

Agrippa And Of The Posterity Of Herod The Great.

1. About this time Aretas [the king of Arabia Petres] and Herod had a

quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the

daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he

was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, 15 who was his brother indeed,

but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high

priest Sireoh's daughter. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this

last Herod's wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother,

and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her

about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an

agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as

soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also

was this, that he should divorce Aretas's daughter. So Antipas, when he

had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the

business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having

discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned

it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she

desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of

the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her

intentions. Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had

not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to

Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things necessary

for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas's army;

and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the

several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and

she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod's intentions. So

Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod,

who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of

Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war,

and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves; and when they

had joined battle, all Herod's army was destroyed by the treachery of

some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined

with Aretas's army.. So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who

being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to

make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in

bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that

Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.

2. Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's army

came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did

against John, that was called the Baptist: for Herod slew him, who was a

good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to

righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come

to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to

him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the

remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body;

supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by

righteousness. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they

were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who

feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it

into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, [for they seemed

ready to do any thing he should advise,] thought it best, by putting him

to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself

into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when

it would be too late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's

suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was

there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of

this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God's

displeasure to him.

3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two

legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature,

and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those

kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came

to Ptolemais. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army

through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not

thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would

not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of

which there were a great many in their ensigns; so he was persuaded by

what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before

taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the

great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends,

went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of

the Jews being then just approaching; and when he had been there, and

been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay

there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high

priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus. But when on the

fourth day letters came to him, which informed him of the death of

Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius;

he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take

their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the empire

upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he

had before. It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming

of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners,

that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius's could enter Petra;

for that one of the rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the

war, or he that was marching at the other's desire, in order to be

subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army is prepared.

So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of

Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in

order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be

permitted so to do. I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family,

how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to

speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration

of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no

advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts

upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God; for it

happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity

of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few,

utterly destroyed. 16 One may well apply this for the instruction of

mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: it will also show us

the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of

admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of

those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said

something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about

them.

4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter

of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her

first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod's brother, her

father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married

also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod's sister.

Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and

Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa,

the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra;

he was a man of note, but had by her no children. Agrippa had by Cypros

two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice,

Mariamne, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and

Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty; but

their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and

Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great

by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome,

who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain

by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already

related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the

brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was

the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who

was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but

Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter

of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose

name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male

line. But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son

of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the

high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took

upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from

her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her

husband's brother by the father's side, he was tetrarch of Galilee; but

her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and

tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son

of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons,

Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity of Phasaelus

and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom

Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros;

but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of

Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king,

who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by

the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of

Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; Alexander had a son of

the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession

of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married

Jotape, 17 the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian

made him king of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of

Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and

went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of

Herod the king, it happened that they died childless. And as these

descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same

time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an

account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes

which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to

the greatest height of dignity and power.

CHAPTER 6. Of The Navigation Of King Agrippa To Rome, To Tiberius Cæsar;

And Now Upon His Being Accused By His Own Freed-Man, He Was Bound; How

Also He, Was Set At Liberty By Caius, After Tiberius's Death And Was

Made King Of The Tetrarchy Of Philip.

1. A Little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome,

and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor

Tiberius's son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of

Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was

very desirous of advancing her son. Now as Agrippa was by nature

magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was

alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be

able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; but when Bernice was

dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal

extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the

immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Cæsar's freed-men,

in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little

time, reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer.

Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his

sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and

his grief would thereby be revived.

2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in

evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he

once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who

were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them.

Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present

condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had

thoughts of killing himself; but his wife Cypros perceived his

intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking

such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now

the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa's present

design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, and desired

her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her

husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her

husband's troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth

to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his

habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintenance,

and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him. Yet did

not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though

even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a

feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one

another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him

in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to

him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a

very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of

Syria.

3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus

had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa's brother,

but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another

hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were

honorably treated by him. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-

will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with

Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: The

Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and

when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood

that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he

would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of

money; so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was

able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money

to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a

thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he

rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. So he was reduced to

the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not

where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he

was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who

was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he

wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or

other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice,

Agrippa's mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to

Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa's own bond and security; but he

accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so

obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic

drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as 18 less than what

he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it.

Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took

shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the

procurator of Jamhis, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three

hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Cæsar's

treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He then

pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut

his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired

Alexander the alabarch 19 to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but

he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros,

as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other

instances of her virtue; so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly,

Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them

the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the

fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her

husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy,

while she and her children departed for Judea.

4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to

Tiberius Cæsar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come

so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that

he would give him leave to come over to Caprein: so Tiberius made no

difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and

withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come

to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly

as he had promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a

letter to Cæsar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had

borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time

appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive,

out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to

get the money of him. When Cæsar had read this letter, he was much

troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his

presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted

at Cæsar's anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and

of Claudius, who was afterward Cæsar himself, to lend him those three

hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius's

friendship; so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, [for

those two women were very familiar with one another,] and out of regard

to his and Claudius's education together, she lent him the money; and,

upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius's

friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Cæsar recommended to him his

grandson, 20 and ordered that he should always accompany him when he

went abroad. But upon Agrippa's kind reception by Antonia, he betook him

to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high

reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father. Now there

was one Thallus, a freed-man of Cæsar, of whom he borrowed a million of

drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending

the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great

authority with him.

5. Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great

height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once

were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to

God] [for they two sat by themselves] that Tiberius might soon go off

the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect

more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove

his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them;

but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, [which

was certainly true,] he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and

brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked

why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Cæsar, that

tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him

to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still

in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king

or tyrant that was so; for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no

successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the

provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it

was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners;

insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of

his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors,

lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be

appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon

himself in their public reception and dismission: that he permitted

those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay

there a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them;

for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they

can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time,

and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more

severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but that if their

government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the

spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp

in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor

subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear

the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them

wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more

unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before

they have had time [for their oppressions]. He gave them an example to

show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of

a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied

the man's misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies

away himself, was going to drive them away for him; but he prayed him to

let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such

a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery;

to which he answered, "If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt

me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd

about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss,

while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired

down already, will be my destruction. For this cause, therefore, it is

that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to

those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many

oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so,

besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional

incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that

pleasure which they take in it." And, as a further attestation to what I

say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice

itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but

two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his

successor in the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting

with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his

subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the

causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to

those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their

present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such

favor; "but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity,

they may undergo greater misery."

6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but

was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came

from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome.

Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for

Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now

Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the

dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus's wife,

and from her eminent chastity; 21 for though she was still a young

woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches,

although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet

did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach. She had

also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very

dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her

husband's friend, and who had the greatest authority, because he was

general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the

freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot

was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point,

had not Antonia's boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus's

malice; for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she

wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas,

the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius,

who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that

Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with

still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. So when

Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered,

"If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of

him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him

already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true,

let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man,

he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself." Now when Antonia told

Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might

be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa's lying hard at her

continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity: As

Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and

Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she

walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him

examined; to which he replied, "O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses

that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own

inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers." When he had

said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to

him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked

him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. Upon

which he said, "O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once

riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other

discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would

once come when this old fellow will die and name thee for the governor

of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be

no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be

happy, and I happy also." Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa's

words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had

commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son

of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his

commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; he said to Macro,

"Bind this man." But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was

whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such

thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what

it was that he said. But when Cæsar had gone round the hippodrome, he

found Agrippa standing: "For certain," said he, "Macro, this is the man

I meant to have bound;" and when he still asked, "Which of these is to

be bound?" he said "Agrippa." Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make

supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he

was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but

all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple

garments. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to

their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony,

and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of

Caius's slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a

vessel, he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him

some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, "O thou boy! this

service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get

clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius

who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the

same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity." Nor did he

deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had

now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took

particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and

made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him

to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in

the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and

therein died. But all this happened a good while later.

7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on

a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and

as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, [the Romans

call this bird bubo,] [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German

by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was; and

when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by

nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked

leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, 22 to let him come nearer to

him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about

some things relating to his country; which liberty, when he had

obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an

interpreter: "This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is

grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great

adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get

clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence

will provide for thee. Know therefore [and I appeal to my own country

gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds

to us] that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be

said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful

without cause; for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the

grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never

heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own

self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. It

cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt

soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity

and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard

fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine

happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember,

when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days

longer. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent

this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it

unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by

thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayst

not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall

actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but

endeavor to deliver me." So when the German had said this, he made

Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of

admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa's misfortune to heart: however,

to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult

thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet

did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a

gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet

with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have

leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends

might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might

be indulged him. So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his

freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was

fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him

garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they

laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given

them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa's condition for six

months' time, and in this case were his affairs.

8. But for Tiberius, upon his return to Caprein, he fell sick. At first

his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him,

he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was

that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children 23

to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died. Now he had at

present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was

dead; but Drusus's son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name

was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who

was the son 24 of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a

liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and

favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his

father Germanicus, who had attained the highest honor among the

multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and

agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the

dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if

they were his equals; by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed

by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that

were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came

to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were

affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been

with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men;

not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers,

while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every

body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to

them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, that it

turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others,

the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it

an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but

attain to the government.

9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to

him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show

him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the

government; being very desirous to leave it to his son's son, but still

depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon

his own opinion and inclination; so he made this to be the omen, that

the government should be left to him who should come to him first the

next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his

grandson's tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the

morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But

God proved opposite to his designation; for while Tiberius was thus

contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to

call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and

found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid

waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord

intended; so he said to Caius, "Thy father calls thee," and then brought

him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on

the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on

whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to

establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of

establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him, and that

his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his

fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now

depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think

it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so

his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared

and hated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his

being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually

contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and

to be at the head of affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given

to astrology, 25 and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his

life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those

whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in

to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man

that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire. So that this

Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other

of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth

in his own affairs. And indeed he was now in great distress upon this

accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the

destruction of his son's son, which he foresaw, and complained of

himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination

beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this

knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge

of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under

that torment. Now although he was disordered at this unexpected

revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he

spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own

inclination: "O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than

thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the

gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire; and I desire thee

never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to

thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius.

But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the

procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make

me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of

Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art

to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee,

both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that

will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be alone under the

weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer

those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which

directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished." This was the speech

which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly,

although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the

government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other

Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a

secret plot laid against him.

10. So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his

successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held

the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius

was the fourth emperor. But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was

dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it;

not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have

given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were

afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false,

their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and

be thereby undone. For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of

miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily

inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered

his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had

taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce

in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the

lightest offenses; insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about

his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that

pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if

their hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas, Agrippa's freed-man, as

soon as he heard of Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the

news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and

said, in the Hebrew tongue, "The lion 26 is dead;" who, understanding

his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, "Nay," said he, "but all

sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I

wish that what thou sayest may prove true." Now the centurion who was

set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what

joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words

implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what

was said. They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further

pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become

his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news

occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a

supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came

one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city

in a few days. At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled,

because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so

joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Cæsar; so he

thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, "Dost thou think

to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not

thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?" When

he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, [for he had loosed

him before,] and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in

that evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next day the rumor

increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was

certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about

it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also

came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the

death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; another to

Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also

gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to

that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was

now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in

custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs. Now, as soon as

Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius's dead body with him,

and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his

country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day;

but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but

out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe

that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one

whom he had bound immediately. However, there did not many days pass ere

he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change

his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed

him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the

tetrarchy of Lysanias, 27 and changed his iron chain for a golden one of

equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.

11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Cæsar, Agrippa desired

leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his

government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in

order, as it ought to be put. So, upon the emperor's permission, he came

into his own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as asking,

and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune,

when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence;

so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that

things were so much changed with him for the better.

CHAPTER 7. How Herod The Tetrarch Was Banished.

1. But Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod

who was tetrarch of Galilee and Peres, took this authority of her

brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a

greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran

away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was

come back, he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune. She

was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his

affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with

the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how

miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she

excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to

court honors equal to his; for she said that she could not bear to live

any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned

to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme

poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely

supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by

sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son of a king, and

while the near relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to

gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater

life. "But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be

in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had

been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath

attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired

thy riches should be in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his

poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our

abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be

inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity. But let us

go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or

gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the

obtaining of a kingdom."

2. But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love

of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome;

so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back,

the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone

unturned in order to be king; and at last she left not off till she

engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because

he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready,

after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and

went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa, when he

was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared

to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent

Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry presents to the

emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular

account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity. This man

followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so

little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself,

and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found

Caius at Bairn, which is itself a little city of Campania, at the

distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place

royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still

endeavoring to outdo his predecessor's magnificence; the place also

affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord,

which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make

use of them; and, besides, they minister to men's luxury also. Now Caius

saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the

letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to

accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy

with Sejanus against Tiberius's and that he was now confederate with

Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of

Caius; as a demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor

sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved

at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the

armor was true; and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he

could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took

that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to

revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of

addition to Agrippa's kingdom; he also gave Herod's money to Agrippa,

and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and

appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. But when

he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a

present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother

who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband.

But she made this reply: "Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a

magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but

the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of

the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a

partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes."

Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into

banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish

Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to

the vain discourses of a woman. Now Caius managed public affairs with

great magnanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and

behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the good-will of

the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But, in process of

time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature in his conceit of

himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself a

god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the

Deity itself.

CHAPTER 8. Concerning The Embassage Of The Jews To Caius; 28 And How

Caius Sent Petronius Into Syria To Make War Against The Jews, Unless

They Would Receive His Statue.

1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish

inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of

each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these

ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, 29 who uttered many

blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he

charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Cæsar; for that

while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples

to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received

the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to

erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name. Many of

these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke

Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the

principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts,

brother to Alexander the alabarch, 30 and one not unskillful in

philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against

those accusations; but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was

also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them

some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went out, and

said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good

courage, since Caius's words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality

had already set God against himself.

2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus

despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and

successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an

invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would

admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if

they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it.

Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to

obey Cæsar's epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries

as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army,

and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the

war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to

do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to

make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands. But there

came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer

their petitions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and

violate the law of their forefathers; "but if," said they, "thou art

entirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill

us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are alive we

cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the

authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers' determination that

such prohibitions are instances of virtue." But Petronius was angry at

them, and said, "If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to

follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your

words would be justly spoken to me; but now Cæsar hath sent to me, I am

under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a

disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction." Then

the Jews replied, "Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius!

that thou wilt not disobey Caius's epistles, neither will we transgress

the commands of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our

laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued hitherto

without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means

suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out of

the fear of death, which God hath determined are for our advantage; and

if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our

laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good

hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of

regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns

of fortune. But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly

reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to

transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also,

who, even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius."

3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard

to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be

subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there

must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants

that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what

posture the affairs of the Jews were; and many ten thousands of the Jews

met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they

must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but

judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater

consequence, and made supplication to him, that he would by no means

reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the

dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, "Will you then

make war with Cæsar, without considering his great preparations for war,

and your own weakness?" They replied, "We will not by any means make war

with him, but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed." So

they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their

throats, and said they were ready to be slain; and this they did for

forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their

ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it.

31 Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to

themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the

statue.

4. When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa's brother,

and Heleias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with

them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, that since he saw the

resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and

thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews

had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they

continued with him, and left off the tillage off their ground: that they

were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do

it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws

to be transgressed: and how, upon the land's continuing unsown,

robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying

their tributes; and that Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not

order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying

the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to

bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself. And thus did

Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius,

32 partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the

rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they

desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their

supplication,—partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made

by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a terrible thing for him

to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten

thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God,

and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius,

I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how

intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him

for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle, for that

perhaps he might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution

continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in case

he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous

persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men.

Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.

5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten

thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him

opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands

of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be

executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded,

and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so

great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing:—"yet,"

said he, "I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety

and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are

so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to

your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do

you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with

the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer

your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial

authority. I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your

resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you

may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have

proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority

is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you

the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived,

though without your consent, of his accustomed honors. But if Caius be

irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather

undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my

body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting

in so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your

way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your

ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in

all things, both by myself and by my friends."

6. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed the assembly of the

Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry,

and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope

of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful

again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to

him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design; for he

had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent

down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; 33 for that

day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of

any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and

made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw

the heavens overcast with clouds; insomuch that when such a great

quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any

other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means

fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily

surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews,

and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree,

that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no

power left to contradict it. This was also among those other particulars

which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all

means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go

distracted; whom, if he should slay, [for without war they would by no

means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,] he would lose

the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all

future ages. Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his

power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as

left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that

Petronius was now engaged in.

7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the

favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful

to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might

contribute most to his pleasure; nay, it was so far from the ability of

others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it [such

care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly to make

all agreeable to Cæsar]; hereupon Caius admired his understanding and

magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even

beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind

Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So

Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than

ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him: "I

knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great

kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which

thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted

any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability;

whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection.

I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I

have been formerly deficient; for all that I have bestowed on thee, that

may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to

thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far

as my ability will reach." 34 And this was what Caius said to Agrippa,

thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain

cities. But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet

had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius

immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he

formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius,

nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own

advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him; that the gifts he

had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a

craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who art the

donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the

receiver. And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa's inclinations, and

still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he

might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, "Since thou, O my lord!

declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts,

I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast

already bestowed on me has made me excel therein; but I desire somewhat

which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity

assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that

inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I

desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think

of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in

the Jewish temple by Petronius."

8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so

great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how

dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it,

it had tended to no less than the loss of his life. So Caius, who was

mightily taken with Agrippa's obliging behavior, and on other accounts

thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so

many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced

Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had

already repented of what he had said, and because he greatly admired

Agrippa's virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own

dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took

care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity

itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to

Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then

consulting him about these affairs. "If therefore," said' he, "thou hast

already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet

dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy

army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at

first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This

I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very

greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he

desired me to do for him." And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius,

which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews

were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed

resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. When

therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made

against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on

all occasions, and had no regard to what was virtuous and honorable, and

against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause

whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition,

but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus

to Petronius: "Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews

to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough

to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own

judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my

displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all

future ages, that they may not dare to contradict the commands of their

emperor."

9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to Petronius; but Petronius

did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it

sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by

which he understood that Caius was dead; for God would not forget the

dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own

honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what

he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship,

both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially

those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward,

because he had been unmercifully severe to them; for he died not long

after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with

death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot

against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration. Now

that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius's death came first, and a

little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his

own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of

Caius, and admired God's providence, who, without the least delay, and

immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and

the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were

in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he

could not foresee.

CHAPTER 9. What Befell The Jews That Were In Babylon On Occasion Of

Asineus And Anileus, Two Brethren.

1. A Very sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and

especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the

calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great

slaughter of them, and that greater than any upon record before;

concerning all which I shall speak accurately, and shall explain the

occasions whence these miseries came upon them. There was a city of

Babylonia called Neerda; not only a very populous one, but one that had

a good and a large territory about it, and, besides its other

advantages, full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be

assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all

round, and from the wails that were built about it. There was also the

city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason

the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited

in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country,

offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for

they made use of these cities as a treasury, whence, at a proper time,

they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook

the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the

Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject. Now there were two

men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to

one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them

to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed disgrace

among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that

art, and was set over them, complained that they came too late to their

work, and punished them with stripes; but they took this just punishment

as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that

house, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a

partition of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for the

feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were usually laid

up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men also resorted to

them, whom they armed with the weapons they had gotten, and became their

captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders into

mischief; for as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them

a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them

so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their

maintenance, proposing also that they would be their friends, if they

would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their

other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle of

those that refused to obey them. So they hearkened to their proposals,

[for they could do nothing else,] and sent them as many sheep as were

required of them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became

lords over all they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them

a mischief, insomuch that every body who had to do with them chose to

pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as came to assault

them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia

himself.

2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to

put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater

mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he

could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them,

thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one should carry

them the news that he had got an army together. He then encamped at a

lake, and lay still; but on the next day [it was the sabbath, which is

among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work] he supposed that

the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take

them and carry them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore

proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden. Now

Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them; upon

which he said, "Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are

feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise

of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us

to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make

report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may

what I have said prove a false alarm." And when he had said this, some

of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again

immediately, and said to him, that "neither hast thou been mistaken in

telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us

to be injurious to people any longer. We are caught by their intrigues

like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon

us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because

we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which

obliges us to rest [on this day]." But Asineus did not by any means

agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought

it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity

they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves,

although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please

their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up

his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as

courageously as himself. So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a

great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain

victory, and put the rest to flight.

3. But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was

surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see

them, and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his

guards to say thus to them: "That king Artabanus, although he had been

unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt against his

government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behavior, than to

the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand

35 and security; and he permits you to come to him safely, and without

any violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address yourselves

to him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit to you. He also

promises to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will

make an addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be of

advantage to you." Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither,

but sent his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure.

So he went, and was admitted to the king's presence; and when Artabanus

saw Anileus coming alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus

avoided to come along with him; and when he understood that he was

afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his

country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the

assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the

greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm

security to those who converse with them; for none of them will deceive

you when once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one

doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even though they were

before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this, he sent

away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him. Now this the king

did, because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the

courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with

them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, had

they been sent on an expedition against them. He was also afraid, lest

when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of

provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those in

Babylonia, should be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they

should hear of that revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that

case, they would not fail of doing further mischief to him.

4. When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus

prevailed on his brother [to come to the king], when he had related to

him the king's good-will, and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly,

they made haste to go to Artabanus, who received them when they were

come with pleasure, and admired Asineus's courage in the actions he had

done, and this because he was a little man to see to, and at first sight

appeared contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no

value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he

showed his soul to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as

they were drinking together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of

the generals of his army, and told him his name, and described the great

courage he was of in war, and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him,

and thereby to inflict on him a punishment for those injuries he had

done to the Parthian government, the king replied, "I will never give

thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not

after I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his belief

by oaths made by the gods. But if thou be a truly warlike man, thou

standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge the

Parthian government; attack this man, when he is returned back, and

conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my

privity." Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, "It is

time for thee, O thou young man! to return home, and not provoke the

indignation of my generals in this place any further, lest they attempt

to murder thee, and that without my approbation. I commit to thee the

country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved

free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith

inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that

concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to

me." When he had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent him

away immediately; who, when he was come home, built fortresses, and

became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and

success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did

before him. Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid

him great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians

seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in

no small dignity and power there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of

Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more and more flourished in this

happy condition of his for fifteen years.

5. But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang up

a calamity among them on the following occasion. When once they had

deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great

power, they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers,

and fell under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain

Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts, had a wife

following him, who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and

particularly was admired above all other women for her beauty. Anileus,

the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or

perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover and her

enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by

obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he

could not conquer his inclinations for her. As soon therefore as her

husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the

battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover.

However, this woman did not come into their house without producing

great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also; but

brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following. Since she

was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the

images of those gods which were their country gods, common to her

husband and to herself: now it was the custom 36 of that country for all

to have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry them

along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable to which

custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at first she

performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become

Anileus's married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner,

and with the same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former

husband's days; upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at

first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform

what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one

that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and

religious ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing

himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality,

on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, by

God's blessing, he had arrived at. But when they prevailed not at all

upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect,

because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of

regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus,

and upon Asineus also, and that all their companions might come to a

like end from their enemies; upon the two first as the principal actors

of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would not assist him

when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were

sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they

remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no

other means than their fortitude. But when they also heard of the

worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury

that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a

greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of

Anileus, and told him that it had been well that he had of himself seen

what was advantageous to them; but that however it was now high time to

correct what had been done amiss, before the crime that had been

committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They

added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their consent,

and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this

woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped.

Now Asineus was sensible of his brother's offense, that it had been

already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to

come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near

a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his brother was

quite overborne by his wicked inclinations. But as more and more still

came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater, he at

length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his

former actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and

send the woman back to her relations. But nothing was gained by these

reproofs; for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the

people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come

to any harm for his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus's food,

and thereby took him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her

lover was to be judge of what should be done about her.

6. So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army

against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal

authority in Parthia, and had married king Artabanus's daughter; he also

plundered them, and among that prey was found much money, and many

slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many other things, which,

when gained, make men's condition happy. Now when Mithridates, who was

there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much

displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to

affront him in his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury

to him beforehand; and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he

was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit for war,

and came to fight Anileus; and when he was arrived at a certain village

of his own, he lay still there, as intending to fight him on the day

following, because it was the sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest.

And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another

village, who not only gave him an exact account of other circumstances,

but told him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at

a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the

Parthians while they were unapprised what they should do; so he fell

upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some of them he slew

while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and took

Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass 37 which, among the

Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible. And when he had

brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his friends desired

him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary,

and said that it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the

principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored with

matching into the royal family; that so far as they had hitherto gone

was tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they

preserved his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to the

advantage of those that gave it him; but that if he were once put to

death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter

of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; "to whose safety we ought to have a

regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any

misfortune befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath

gotten the flower of their youth under him." By this thought, and this

speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so

Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached

him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge

himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it,

but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to have

escaped them; and she bid him either to go back like a man of courage,

or else she sware by the gods of their royal family that she would

certainly dissolve her marriage with him. Upon which, partly because he

could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because he

was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their

marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together

again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as

himself thinking it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a

Parthian, should owe his preservation to the Jews, when they had been

too hard for him in the war.

7. But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with

a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry

about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his

enemies, and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their

enemies as they did before; as also he ventured boldly upon the like

attempts. Accordingly, he led out his army, and a great many more joined

themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the

people, and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers. But

when they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through

dry [and sandy] places, and about the midst of the day, they were become

very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and fell upon them, as they were

in distress for want of water, on which account, and on account of the

time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons. So Anileus

and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were

to attack those that were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter

was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that

stood firm about him, ran away as fast as they were able into a wood,

and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory

over them. But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of bad men, who

regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some

present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the

multitude of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men

like to those that fell, because they were rash, and unexercised in war;

however, with these he came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a

mighty devastation of all things was made there by the injuries that

Anileus did them. So the Babylonians, and those that had already been in

the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But

although they did not agree to their demands, [for if they had been

willing to deliver him up, it was not in their power so to do,] yet did

they desire to make peace with them. To which the other replied, that

they also wanted to settle conditions of peace with them, and sent men

together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them.

But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having

learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they

were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them,

without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.

8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus's heavy incursions, which

had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to

the Jews; for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the

contrariety of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before

the other, they assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it

was, that upon the ruin of Anileus's party, the Babylonians attacked the

Jews, which made those Jews so vehemently to resent the injuries they

received from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them,

nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city

of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by

many of the Macedonians, but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the

Syrians also dwelt there; and thither did the Jews fly, and lived there

five years, without any misfortunes. But on the sixth year, a pestilence

came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new removals of men's

habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it

happened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that account

which I am going to relate immediately.

9. Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks

and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the

Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were

come thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the

Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who

are men that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion.

Now when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they

had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if

they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they

every one discoursed with such of the Syrians as were formerly their

acquaintance, and promised they would be at peace and friendship with

them. Accordingly, they gladly agreed so to do; and when this was done

by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed to a

reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they both knew that the

great design of such their union would be their common hatred to the

Jews. Accordingly, they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of

them; nay, the Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who escaped,

either by the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded them,

in order to let them fly away. These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian

city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives in

winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are

reposited; but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of

Seleucia having little concern for the king's honor. Now the whole

nation of the Jews were in fear both of the Babylonians and of the

Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places agreed

with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews; so the most of them

gathered themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and

obtained security there by the strength of those cities; besides which

their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And this

was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.

FOOTNOTES:

1 (return) [ Since St. Luke once, Acts 5:37, and Josephus four several

times, once here, sect. 6; and B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2; Of the War, B. II.

ch. 8. sect. 1; and ch. 17. sect. 8, calls this Judas, who was the

pestilent author of that seditious doctrine and temper which brought the

Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean; but here [sect. 1:

Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city of Gamala; it is a great

question where this Judas was born, whether in Galilee on the west side,

or in Gaulonitis on the east side, of the river Jordan; while, in the

place just now cited out of the Antiquities, B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 2, he

is not only called a Galilean, but it is added to his story, "as I have

signified in the books that go before these," as if he had still called

him a Galilean in those Antiquities before, as well as in that

particular place, as Dean Aldrich observes, Of the War, B. II. ch. 8.

sect. 1. Nor can one well imagine why he should here call him a

Gaulonite, when in the 6th sect. following here, as well as twice Of the

War, he still calls him a Galilean. As for the city of Gamala, whence

this Judas was derived, it determines nothing, since there were two of

that name, the one in Gaulonitis, the other in Galilee. See Reland on

the city or town of that name.]

2 (return) [ It seems not very improbable to me that this Sadduc, the

Pharisee, was the very same man of whom the Rabbins speak, as the

unhappy, but undesigning, occasion of the impiety or infidelity of the

Sadducees; nor perhaps had the men this name of Sadducees till this very

time, though they were a distinct sect long before. See the note on B.

XIII. ch. 10. sect 5; and Dean Prideaux, as there quoted. Nor do we,

that I know of, find the least footsteps of such impiety or infidelity

of these Sadducees before this time, the Recognitions assuring us that

they began about the days of John the Baptist; B. 1. ch. 54. See note

above.]

3 (return) [ It seems by what Josephus says here, and Philo himself

elsewhere, Op. p. 679, that these Essens did not use to go to the Jewish

festivals at Jerusalem, or to offer sacrifices there, which may be one

great occasion why they are never mentioned in the ordinary books of the

New Testament; though, in the Apostolical Constitutions, they are

mentioned as those that observed the customs of their forefathers, and

that without any such ill character laid upon them as is there laid upon

the other sects among that people.]

4 (return) [ Who these Polistae in Josephus, or in Strabo, among the

Pythagoric Dacae, were, it is not easy to determine. Scaliger offers no

improbable conjecture, that some of these Dacae lived alone, like monks,

in tents or caves; but that others of them lived together in built

cities, and thence were called by such names as implied the same.]

5 (return) [ We may here take notice, as well as in the parallel parts

of the books Of the War, B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1, that after the death of

Herod the Great, and the succession of Archelaus, Josephus is very brief

in his accounts of Judea, till near his own time. I suppose the reason

is, that after the large history of Nicolaus of Damascus, including the

life of Herod, and probably the succession and first actions of his

sons, he had but few good histories of those times before him.]

6 (return) [ Numbers 19:11-14.]

7 (return) [ This citation is now wanting.]

8 (return) [ These Jews, as they are here called, whose blood Pilate

shed on this occasion, may very well be those very Galilean Jews, "whose

blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices," Luke 13:1, 2; these

tumults being usually excited at some of the Jews' great festivals, when

they slew abundance of sacrifices, and the Galileans being commonly much

more busy in such tumults than those of Judea and Jerusalem, as we learn

from the history of Archelaus, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 3 and ch.

10. sect. 2, 9; though, indeed, Josephus's present copies say not one

word of "those eighteen upon whom the tower in Siloam fell, and slew

them," which the 4th verse of the same 13th chapter of St. Luke informs

us of. But since our gospel teaches us, Luke 23:6, 7, that "when Pilate

heard of Galilee, he asked whether Jesus were a Galilean. And as soon as

he knew that he belonged to Herod's jurisdiction, he sent him to Herod;"

and ver. 12, "The same day Pilate and Herod were made friends together

for before they had been at enmity between themselves;" take the very

probable key of this matter in the words of the learned Noldius, de

Herod. No. 219: "The cause of the enmity between Herod and Pilate [says

he] seems to have been this, that Pilate had intermeddled with the

tetrarch's jurisdiction, and had slain some of his Galilean subjects,

Luke 13:1; and, as he was willing to correct that error, he sent Christ

to Herod at this time."]

9 (return) [ A.D. 33, April 3.]

10 (return) [ April 5.]

11 (return) [ Of the banishment of these four thousand Jews into

Sardinia by Tiberius, see Suetonlus in Tiber. sect. 36. But as for Mr.

Reland's note here, which supposes that Jews could not, consistently

with their laws, be soldiers, it is contradicted by one branch of the

history before us, and contrary to innumerable instances of their

fighting, and proving excellent soldiers in war; and indeed many of the

best of them, and even under heathen kings themselves, did so; those, I

mean, who allowed them their rest on the sabbath day, and other solemn

festivals, and let them live according to their own laws, as Alexander

the Great and the Ptolemies of Egypt did. It is true, they could not

always obtain those privileges, and then they got executed as well as

they could, or sometimes absolutely refused to fight, which seems to

have been the case here, as to the major part of the Jews now banished,

but nothing more. See several of the Roman decrees in their favor as to

such matters, B. XIV. ch. 10.]

12 (return) [ Since Moses never came himself beyond Jordan, nor

particularly to Mount Gerizzim, and since these Samaritans have a

tradition among them, related here by Dr. Hudson, from Reland, who was

very skillful in Jewish and Samaritan learning, that in the days of Uzzi

or Ozis the high priest, 1 Chronicles 6:6; the ark and other sacred

vessels were, by God's command, laid up or hidden in Mount Gerizzim, it

is highly probable that this was the foolish foundation the present

Samaritans went upon, in the sedition here described.]

13 (return) [ This mention of the high priest's sacred garments received

seven days before a festival, and purified in those days against a

festival, as having been polluted by being in the custody of heathens,

in Josephus, agrees well with the traditions of the Talmudists, as

Reland here observes. Nor is there any question but the three feasts

here mentioned were the passover, pentecost, and feast of tabernacles;

and the fast so called by way of distinction, as Acts 27:9, was the

great day of expiation.]

14 (return) [ This calculation, from all Josephus's Greek copies, is

exactly right; for since Herod died about September, in the fourth year

before the Christian era, and Tiberius began, as is well known, Aug. 19,

A.D. 14, it is evident that the thirty-seventh year of Philip, reckoned

from his father's death, was the twentieth of Tiberius, or near the end

of A.D. 33, [the very year of our Savior's death also,] or, however, in

the beginning of the next year, A.D. 34. This Philip the tetrarch seems

to have been the best of all the posterity of Herod, for his love of

peace, and his love of justice. An excellent example this.]

15 (return) [ This Herod seems to have had the additional name of

Philip, as Antipas was named Herod-Antipas: and as Antipas and Antipater

seem to be in a manner the very same name, yet were the names of two

sons of Herod the Great; so might Philip the tetrarch and this Herod-

Philip be two different sons of the same father, all which Grotias

observes on Matthew 14:3. Nor was it, as I with Grotias and others of

the Philip the tetrarch, but this Herod-Philip, whose wife Herod the

tetrarch had married, and that in her first husband's lifetime, and when

her first husband had issue by her-; for which adulterous and incestuous

marriage John the Baptist justly reproved Herod the tetrarch, and for

which reproof Salome, the daughter of Herodias by her first husband

Herod-Philip, who was still alive, occasioned him to be unjustly

beheaded.]

16 (return) [ Whether this sudden extinction of almost the entire

lineage of Herod the Great, which was very numerous, as we are both here

and in the next section informed, was not in part as a punishment for

the gross incests they were frequently guilty of, in marrying their own

nephews and nieces, well deserves to be considered. See Leviticus 18:6,

7; 21:10; and Noldius, De Herod, No. 269, 270.]

17 (return) [ There are coins still extant of this Eraess, as Spanheim

informs us. Spanheim also informs us of a coin still extant of this

Jotape, daughter of the king of Commageus.]

18 (return) [ Spanheim observes, that we have here an instance of the

Attic quantity of use-money, which was the eighth part of the original

sum, or 12 per cent., for such is the proportion of 2500 to 20,000.]

19 (return) [ The governor of the Jews there.]

20 (return) [ Tiberius, junior of Germanicus.]