21 (return) [ This high commendation of Antonia for marrying but once,

given here, and supported elsewhere; Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 13. sect. 4,

and this, notwithstanding the strongest temptations, shows how honorable

single marriages were both among the Jews and Romans, in the days of

Josephus and of the apostles, and takes away much of that surprise which

the modern Protestants have at those laws of the apostles, where no

widows, but those who had been the wives of one husband only, are taken

into the church list; and no bishops, priests, or deacons are allowed to

marry more than once, without leaving off to officiate as clergymen any

longer. See Luke 2:36; 1 Timothy 5:11, 12; 3:2, 12; Titus 1:10; Constit.

Apost. B. II. sect. 1, 2; B. VI. sect. 17; Can. B. XVII,; Grot. in Luc.

ii. 36; and Resports. ad Consult. Cassand. p. 44; and Cotelet. in

Constit. B. VI. sect. 17. And note, that Tertullian owns this law

against second marriages of the clergy had been once at least executed

in his time; and heavily complains elsewhere, that the breach thereof

had not been always punished by the catholics, as it ought to have been.

Jerome, speaking of the ill reputation of marrying twice, says, that no

such person could be chosen into the clergy in his days; which Augustine

testifies also; and for Epiphanius, rather earlier, he is clear and full

to the same purpose, and says that law obtained over the whole catholic

church in his days,—as the places in the forecited authors inform us.]

22 (return) [ Dr. Hudson here takes notice, out of Seneca, Epistle V.

that this was the custom of Tiberius, to couple the prisoner and the

soldier that guarded him together in the same chain.]

23 (return) [ Tiberius his own grandson, and Caius his brother Drusus's

grandson.]

24 (return) [ So I correct Josephus's copy, which calls Germanicus his

brother, who was his brother's son.]

25 (return) [ This is a known thing among the Roman historians and

poets, that Tiberius was greatly given to astrology and divination.]

26 (return) [ This name of a lion is often given to tyrants, especially

by the such Agrippa, and probably his freed-man Marsyas, in effect were,

Ezekiel 19:1, 9; Esther 4:9 2 Timothy 4:17. They are also sometimes

compared to or represented by wild beasts, of which the lion is the

principal, Daniel 7:3, 8; Apoc. 13:1, 2.]

27 (return) [ Although Caius now promised to give Agrippa the tetrarchy

of Lysanias, yet was it not actually conferred upon him till the reign

of Claudius, as we learn, Antiq. B. XIX, ch. 5. sect. 1.]

28 (return) [ Regarding instances of the interpositions of Providence,

as have been always very rare among the other idolatrous nations, but of

old very many among the posterity of Abraham, the worshippers of the

true God; nor do these seem much inferior to those in the Old Testament,

which are the more remarkable, because, among all their other follies

and vices, the Jews were not at this time idolaters; and the

deliverances here mentioned were done in order to prevent their relapse

into that idolatry.]

29 (return) [ Josephus here assures us that the ambassadors from

Alexandria to Caius were on each part no more than three in number, for

the Jews, and for the Gentiles, which are but six in all; whereas Philo,

who was the principal ambassador from the Jews, as Josephus here

confesses, [as was Apion for the Gentiles,] says, the Jews' ambassadors

were themselves no fewer than live, towards the end of his legation to

Caius; which, if there be no mistake in the copies, must be supposed the

truth; nor, in that case, would Josephus have contradicted so authentic

a witness, had he seen that account of Philo's; which that he ever did

does not appear.]

30 (return) [ This Alexander, the alabarch, or governor of the Jews, at

Alexandria, and brother to Philo, is supposed by Bishop Pearson, in Act.

Apost. p. 41,42, to be the same with that Alexander who is mentioned by

St. Luke, as of the kindred of the high priests, Acts 4:6.]

31 (return) [ What Josephus here, and sect. 6, relates as done by the

Jews seed time, is in Philo, "not far off the time when the corn was

ripe," who, as Le Clerc notes, differ here one from the other. This is

another indication that Josephus, when he wrote this account, had not

seen Philo's Legat. ad Caiurn, otherwise he would hardly trove herein

differed from him.]

32 (return) [ This. Publius Petronius was after this still president of

Syria, under Cladius, and, at the desire of Agrippa, published a severe

decree against the inhabitants of Dora, who, in a sort of intitiation of

Caius, had set op a statue of Claudius in a Jewish synagogue there. This

decree is extant, B. XIX. ch. 6. sect. 3, and greatly confirms the

present accounts of Josephus, as do the other decrees of Claudius,

relating to the like Jewish affairs, B. XIX. ch. 5. sect. 2, 3, to which

I refer the inquisitive reader.]

33 (return) [ Josephus here uses the solemn New Testament words, the

presence and appearance of God, for the extraordinary manifestation of

his power and providence to Petronius, by sending rain in a time of

distress, immediately upon the resolution he had taken to preserve the

temple unpolluted, at the hazard of his own life, without any other

miraculous appearance at all in that case; which well deserves to be

taken notice of here, and greatly illustrates several texts, both in the

Old and New Testament.]

34 (return) [ This behavior of Caius to Agrippa is very like that of

Herod Antipas, his uncle, to Herodias, Agrippa's sister, about it John

the Baptist, Matthew 14:6—11.]

35 (return) [ The joining of the right hands was esteemed among the

Peoians [and Parthians] in particular a most inviolable obligation to

fidelity, as Dr. Hudson here observes, and refers to the commentary on

Justin, B. XI. ch. 15., for its confirmation. We often meet with the

like use of it in Josephus.]

36 (return) [ This custom of the Mesopotamians to carry their household

gods along with them wherever they traveled is as old as the days of

Jacob, when Rachel his wife did the same, Genesis 31:19, 30-35; nor is

it to pass here unobserved, what great miseries came on these Jews,

because they suffered one of their leaders to marry an idolatrous wife,

contrary to the law of Moses. Of which matter see the note on B. XIX.

ch. 5. sect. 3.]

37 (return) [ This custom, in Syria and Mesopotamia, of setting men upon

an ass, by way of disgrace, is still kept up at Damascus in Syria;

where, in order to show their despite against the Christians, the Turks

will not suffer them to hire horses, but asses only, when they go abroad

to see the country, as Mr. Maundrell assures us, p. 128.]

BOOK XIX. Containing The Interval Of Three Years And A Half.—From The

Departure Out Of Babylon To Fadus, The Roman Procurator.

CHAPTER 1. How Caius 1 Was Slain By Cherea.

1. Now this Caius 2 did not demonstrate his madness in offering injuries

only to the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in the

neighborhood; but suffered it to extend itself through all the earth and

sea, so far as was in subjection to the Romans, and filled it with ten

thousand mischiefs; so many indeed in number as no former history

relates. But Rome itself felt the most dismal effects of what he did,

while he deemed that not to be any way more honorable than the rest of

the cities; but he pulled and hauled its other citizens, but especially

the senate, and particularly the nobility, and such as had been

dignified by illustrious ancestors; he also had ten thousand devices

against such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were

esteemed by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators,

because out of them the senators were themselves chosen; these he

treated after all ignominious manner, and removed them out of his way,

while they were at once slain, and their wealth plundered, because he

slew men generally in order to seize on their riches. He also asserted

his own divinity, and insisted on greater honors to be paid him by his

subjects than are due to mankind. He also frequented that temple of

Jupiter which they style the Capitol, which is with them the most holy

of all their temples, and had boldness enough to call himself the

brother of Jupiter. And other pranks he did like a madman; as when he

laid a bridge from the city Dicearchia, which belongs to Campania, to

Misenum, another city upon the sea-side, from one promontory to another,

of the length of thirty furlongs, as measured over the sea. And this was

done because he esteemed it to be a most tedious thing to row over it in

a small ship, and thought withal that it became him to make that bridge,

since he was lord of the sea, and might oblige it to give marks of

obedience as well as the earth; so he enclosed the whole bay within his

bridge, and drove his chariot over it; and thought that, as he was a

god, it was fit for him to travel over such roads as this was. Nor did

he abstain from the plunder of any of the Grecian temples, and gave

order that all the engravings and sculptures, and the rest of the

ornaments of the statues and donations therein dedicated, should be

brought to him, saying that the best things ought to be set no where but

in the best place, and that the city of Rome was that best place. He

also adorned his own house and his gardens with the curiosities brought

from those temples, together with the houses he lay at when he traveled

all over Italy; whence he did not scruple to give a command that the

statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called because he was honored at the

Olympian games by the Greeks, which was the work of Phidias the

Athenian, should be brought to Rome. Yet did not he compass his end,

because the architects told Memmius Regulus, who was commanded to remove

that statue of Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as would be

spoiled, and would not bear the removal. It was also reported that

Memmius, both on that account, and on account of some such mighty

prodigies as are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it down,

and wrote to Caius those accounts, as his apology for not having done

what his epistle required of him; and that when he was thence in danger

of perishing, he was saved by Caius being dead himself, before he had

put him to death.

2. Nay, Caius's madness came to this height, that when he had a daughter

born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her upon the knees of the

statue, and said that the child was common to him and to Jupiter, and

determined that she had two fathers, but which of these fathers were the

greatest he left undetermined; and yet mankind bore him in such his

pranks. He also gave leave to slaves to accuse their masters of any

crimes whatsoever they pleased; for all such accusations were terrible,

because they were in great part made to please him, and at his

suggestion, insomuch that Pollux, Claudius's slave, had the boldness to

lay an accusation against Claudius himself; and Caius was not ashamed to

be present at his trial of life and death, to hear that trial of his own

uncle, in hopes of being able to take him off, although he did not

succeed to his mind. But when he had filled the whole habitable world

which he governed with false accusations and miseries, and had

occasioned the greatest insults of slaves against their masters, who

indeed in a great measure ruled them, there were many secret plots now

laid against him; some in anger, and in order for men to revenge

themselves, on account of the miseries they had already undergone from

him; and others made attempts upon him, in order to take him off before

they should fall into such great miseries, while his death came very

fortunately for the preservation of the laws of all men, and had a great

influence upon the public welfare; and this happened most happily for

our nation in particular, which had almost utterly perished if he had

not been suddenly slain. And I confess I have a mind to give a full

account of this matter particularly, because it will afford great

assurance of the power of God, and great comfort to those that are under

afflictions, and wise caution to those who think their happiness will

never end, nor bring them at length to the most lasting miseries, if

they do not conduct their lives by the principles of virtue.

3. Now there were three several conspiracies made in order to take off

Caius, and each of these three were conducted by excellent persons.

Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in Spain, got some men together, and

was desirous to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. Another

conspiracy there was laid by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius,

the tribune [of the Pretorian band]. Minucianus Annins was also one of

great consequence among those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny.

Now the several occasions of these men's several hatred and conspiracy

against Caius were these: Regulus had indignation and hatred against all

injustice, for he had a mind naturally angry, and bold, and free, which

made him not conceal his counsels; so he communicated them to many of

his friends, and to others who seemed to him persons of activity and

vigor: Minucianus entered into this conspiracy, because of the injustice

done to Lepidus his particular friend, and one of the best character of

all the citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also because he was afraid of

himself, since Caius's wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike: and

for Cherea, he came in, because he thought it a deed worthy of a free

ingenuous man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of the reproaches he lay

under from Caius, as though he were a coward; as also because he was

himself in danger every day from his friendship with him, and the

observance he paid him. These men proposed this attempt to all the rest

that were concerned, who saw the injuries that were offered them, and

were desirous that Caius's slaughter might succeed by their mutual

assistance of one another, and they might themselves escape being killed

by the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point; and

that it would be a happy thing, if they should gain it, to approve

themselves to so many excellent persons, as earnestly wished to be

partakers with them in their design for the delivery of the city and of

the government, even at the hazard of their own lives. But still Cherea

was the most zealous of them all, both out of a desire of getting

himself the greatest name, and also by reason of his access to Caius's

presence with less danger, because he was tribune, and could therefore

the more easily kill him.

4. Now at this time came on the horse-races [Circensian games]; the view

of which games was eagerly desired by the people of Rome, for they come

with great alacrity into the hippodrome [circus] at such times, and

petition their emperors, in great multitudes, for what they stand in

need of; who usually did not think fit to deny them their requests, but

readily and gratefully granted them. Accordingly, they most

importunately desired that Caius would now ease them in their tributes,

and abate somewhat of the rigor of their taxes imposed upon them; but he

would not hear their petition; and when their clamors increased, he sent

soldiers some one way and some another, and gave order that they should

lay hold on those that made the clamors, and without any more ado bring

them out, and put them to death. These were Caius's commands, and those

who were commanded executed the same; and the number of those who were

slain on this occasion was very great. Now the people saw this, and bore

it so far, that they left off clamoring, because they saw with their own

eyes that this petition to be relieved, as to the payment of their

money, brought immediate death upon them. These things made Cherea more

resolute to go on with his plot, in order to put an end to this

barbarity of Caius against men. He then at several times thought to fall

upon Caius, even as he was feasting; yet did he restrain himself by some

considerations; not that he had any doubt on him about killing him, but

as watching for a proper season, that the attempt might not be

frustrated, but that he might give the blow so as might certainly gain

his purpose.

5. Cherea had been in the army a long time, yet was he not pleased with

conversing so much with Caius. But Caius had set him to require the

tributes, and other dues, which, when not paid in due time, were

forfeited to Cæsar's treasury; and he had made some delays in requiring

them, because those burdens had been doubled, and had rather indulged

his own mild disposition than performed Caius's command; nay, indeed, he

provoked Caius to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard

fortunes of those from whom he demanded the taxes; and Caius upbraided

him with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long about collecting the

taxes. And indeed he did not only affront him in other respects, but

when he gave him the watchword of the day, to whom it was to be given by

his place, he gave him feminine words, and those of a nature very

reproachful; and these watchwords he gave out, as having been initiated

in the secrets of certain mysteries, which he had been himself the

author of. Now although he had sometimes put on women's clothes, and had

been wrapt in some embroidered garments to them belonging, and done a

great many other things, in order to make the company mistake him for a

woman; yet did he, by way of reproach, object the like womanish behavior

to Cherea. But when Cherea received the watchword from him, he had

indignation at it, but had greater indignation at the delivery of it to

others, as being laughed at by those that received it; insomuch that his

fellow tribunes made him the subject of their drollery; for they would

foretell that he would bring them some of his usual watchwords when he

was about to take the watchword from Cæsar, and would thereby make him

ridiculous; on which accounts he took the courage of assuming certain

partners to him, as having just reasons for his indignation against

Caius. Now there was one Pompedius, a senator, and one who had gone

through almost all posts in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean,

and for that reason loved to lead an inactive life. Now Timidius, an

enemy of his, had informed Caius that he had used indecent reproaches

against him, and he made use of Quintilia for a witness to them; a woman

she was much beloved by many that frequented the theater, and

particularly by Pompedius, on account of her great beauty. Now this

woman thought it a horrible thing to attest to an accusation that

touched the life of her lover, which was also a lie. Timidius, however,

wanted to have her brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this

reproach upon him, and commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture

Quintilia, as he used to employ Cherea in such bloody matters, and those

that required the torture, because he thought he would do it the more

barbarously, in order to avoid that imputation of effeminacy which he

had laid upon him. But Quintilia, when she was brought to the rack, trod

upon the foot of one of her associates, and let him know that he might

be of good courage, and not be afraid of the consequence of her

tortures, for that she would bear them with magnanimity. Cherea tortured

this woman after a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed, but because he

could not help it. He then brought her, without being in the least moved

at what she had suffered, into the presence of Caius, and that in such a

state as was sad to behold; and Caius, being somewhat affected with the

sight of Quintilia, who had her body miserably disordered by the pains

she had undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of the crime laid to

their charge. He also gave her money to make her an honorable amends,

and comfort her for that maiming of her body which she had suffered, and

for her glorious patience under such insufferable torments.

6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as having been the cause, as far

as he could, or the instrument, of those miseries to men, which seemed

worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which account he said to

Clement and to Papinius, [of whom Clement was general of the army, and

Papinius was a tribune,] "To be sure, O Clement, we have no way failed

in our guarding the emperor; for as to those that have made conspiracies

against his government, some have been slain by our care and pains, and

some have been by us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath

himself pitied them. How great then is our virtue in submitting to

conduct his armies!" Clement held his peace, but showed the shame he was

under in obeying Caius's orders, both by his eyes and his blushing

countenance, while he thought it by no means right to accuse the emperor

in express words, lest their own safety should be endangered thereby.

Upon which Cherea took courage, and spake to him without fear of the

dangers that were before him, and discoursed largely of the sore

calamities under which the city and the government then labored, and

said, "We may indeed pretend in words that Caius is the person unto whom

the cause of such miseries ought to be imputed; but, in the opinion of

such as are able to judge uprightly, it is I, O Clement! and this

Papinius, and before us thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon the

Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done by our being subservient to

the commands of Caius, but it is done by our own consent; for whereas it

is in our power to put an end to the life of this man, who hath so

terribly injured the citizens and his subjects, we are his guard in

mischief, and his executioners instead of his soldiers, and are the

instruments of his cruelty. We bear these weapons, not for our liberty,

not for the Roman government, but only for his preservation, who hath

enslaved both their bodies and their minds; and we are every day

polluted with the blood that we shed, and the torments we inflict upon

others; and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius's instrument in

bringing the like miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus employ us

because he hath a kindness for us, but rather because he hath a

suspicion of us, as also because when abundance more have been killed,

[for Caius will set no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to do all, not

out of regard to justice, but to his own pleasure,] we shall also

ourselves be exposed to his cruelty; whereas we ought to be the means of

confirming the security and liberty of all, and at the same time to

resolve to free ourselves from dangers."

7. Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea's intentions, but bid him

hold his tongue; for that in case his words should get out among many,

and such things should be spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the

plot would come to be discovered before it was executed, and they should

be brought to punishment; but that they should leave all to futurity,

and the hope which thence arose, that some fortunate event would come to

their assistance; that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to

make any attempt in that case. "However, although perhaps I could

suggest what may be safer than what thou, Cherea, hast contrived and

said, yet how is it possible for any one to suggest what is more for thy

reputation?" So Clement went his way home, with deep reflections on what

he had heard, and what he had himself said. Cherea also was under a

concern, and went quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was himself one of

the tribunes, and whom he otherwise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover

of liberty, and on that account very uneasy at the present management of

public affairs, he being desirous to come immediately to the execution

of what had been determined, and thinking it right for him to propose it

to the other, and afraid lest Clement should discover them, and besides

looking upon delays and puttings off to be the next to desisting from

the enterprise.

8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus, who had himself, equally without

Cherea, the same design, but had been silent for want of a person to

whom he could safely communicate that design; so having now met with

one, who not only promised to conceal what he heard, but who had already

opened his mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired of

Cherea that no delay might be made therein. Accordingly they went to

Minucianus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zealous to do glorious

actions, as themselves, and suspected by Caius on occasion of the

slaughter of Lepidus; for Minucianus and Lepidus were intimate friends,

and both in fear of the dangers that they were under; for Caius was

terrible to all the great men, as appearing ready to act a mad part

towards each of them in particular, and towards all of them in general;

and these men were afraid of one another, while they were yet uneasy at

the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare their mind and their

hatred against Caius to one another, out of fear of the dangers they

might be in thereby, although they perceived by other means their mutual

hatred against Caius, and on that account were not averse to a mutual

kindness one towards another.

9. When Minucianus and Cherea had met together, and saluted one another,

[as they had been used on former conversations to give the upper hand to

Minucianus, both on account of his eminent dignity, for he was the

noblest of all the citizens, and highly commended by all men, especially

when he made speeches to them,] Minucianus began first, and asked

Cherea, What was the watchword he had received that day from Caius; for

the affront which was offered Cherea, in giving the watchwords, was

famous over the city. But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to

that question, out of the joy he had that Minueianus would have such

confidence in him as to discourse with him. "But do thou," said he,

"give me the watchword of liberty. And I return thee my thanks that thou

hast so greatly encouraged me to exert myself after an extraordinary

manner; nor do I stand in need of many words to encourage me, since both

thou and I are of the same mind, and partakers of the same resolutions,

and this before we have conferred together. I have indeed but one sword

girt on, but this one will serve us both. Come on, therefore, let us set

about the work. Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me follow

thee; or else I will go first, and thou shalt assist me, and we will

assist one another, and trust one another. Nor is there a necessity for

even one sword to such as have a mind disposed to such works, by which

mind the sword uses to be successful. I am zealous about this action,

nor am I solicitous what I may myself undergo; for I can not at leisure

to consider the dangers that may come upon myself, so deeply am I

troubled at the slavery our once free country is now under, and at the

contempt cast upon our excellent laws, and at the destruction which

hangs over all men, by the means of Caius. I wish that I may be judged

by thee, and that thou mayst esteem me worthy of credit in these

matters, seeing we are both of the same opinion, and there is herein no

difference between us."

10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency with which Cherea delivered

himself, he gladly embraced him, and encouraged him in his bold attempt,

commending him, and embracing him; so he let him go with his good

wishes; and some affirm that he thereby confirmed Minucianus in the

prosecution of what had been agreed among them; for as Cherea entered

into the court, the report runs, that a voice came from among the

multitude to encourage him, which bid him finish what he was about, and

take the opportunity that Providence afforded; and that Cherea at first

suspected that some one of the conspirators had betrayed him, and he was

caught, but at length perceived that it was by way of exhortation.

Whether somebody 3 that was conscious of what he was about, gave a

signal for his encouragement, or whether it was God himself, who looks

upon the actions of men, that encouraged him to go on boldly in his

design, is uncertain. The plot was now communicated to a great many, and

they were all in their armor; some of the conspirators being senators,

and some of the equestrian order, and as many of the soldiery as were

made acquainted with it; for there was not one of them who would not

reckon it a part of his happiness to kill Caius; and on that account

they were all very zealous in the affair, by what means soever any one

could come at it, that he might not be behindhand in these virtuous

designs, but might be ready with all his alacrity or power, both by

words and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And besides

these, Callistus also, who was a freed-man of Caius, and was the only

man that had arrived at the greatest degree of power under him,—such a

power, indeed, as was in a manner equal to the power of the tyrant

himself, by the dread that all men had of him, and by the great riches

he had acquired; for he took bribes most plenteously, and committed

injuries without bounds, and was more extravagant in the use of his

power in unjust proceedings than any other. He also knew the disposition

of Caius to be implacable, and never to be turned from what he had

resolved on. He had withal many other reasons why he thought himself in

danger, and the vastness of his wealth was not one of the least of them;

on which account he privately ingratiated himself with Claudius, and

transferred his courtship to him, out of this hope, that in case, upon

the removal of Caius, the government should come to him, his interest in

such changes should lay a foundation for his preserving his dignity

under him, since he laid in beforehand a stock of merit, and did

Claudius good offices in his promotion. He had also the boldness to

pretend that he had been persuaded to make away with Claudius, by

poisoning him, but had still invented ten thousand excuses for delaying

to do it. But it seems probable to me that Callistus only counterfeited

this, in order to ingratiate himself with Claudius; for if Caius had

been in earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he would not have

admitted of Callistus's excuses; nor would Callistus, if he had been

enjoined to do such an act as was desired by Caius, have put it off; nor

if he had disobeyed those injunctions of his master, had he escaped

immediate punishment; while Claudius was preserved from the madness of

Caius by a certain Divine providence, and Callistus pretended to such a

piece of merit as he no way deserved.

11. However, the execution of Cherea's designs was put off from day to

day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as to Cherea himself,

he would not willingly make any delay in that execution, thinking every

time a fit time for it; for frequent opportunities offered themselves;

as when Caius went up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or

when he stood upon his royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of

money among the people, he might be pushed down headlong, because the

top of the palace, that looks towards the market-place, was very high;

and also when he celebrated the mysteries, which he had appointed at

that time; for he was then no way secluded from the people, but

solicitous to do every thing carefully and decently, and was free from

all suspicion that he should be then assaulted by any body; and although

the gods should afford him no divine assistance to enable him to take

away his life, yet had he strength himself sufficient to despatch Caius,

even without a sword. Thus was Chorea angry at his fellow conspirators,

for fear they should suffer a proper opportunity to pass by; and they

were themselves sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and

that his eagerness was for their advantage; yet did they desire he would

have a little longer patience, lest, upon any disappointment they might

meet with, they should put the city into disorder, and an inquisition

should be made after the conspiracy, and should render the courage of

those that were to attack Caius without success, while he would then

secure himself more carefully than ever against them; that it would

therefore be the best to set about the work when the shows were

exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honor of that Cæsar 4

who first of all changed the popular government, and transferred it to

himself; galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Romans that

were patricians became spectators, together with their children and

their wives, and Cæsar himself was to be also a spectator; and they

reckoned, among those many ten thousands who would there be crowded into

a narrow compass, they should have a favorable opportunity to make their

attempt upon him as he came in, because his guards that should protect

him, if any of them should have a mind to do it, would not here be able

to give him any assistance.

12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited,

it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed

a further delay to his slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing

resolution; and as three days of the regular times for these shows were

now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last day.

Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them:

"So much time passed away without effort is a reproach to us, as

delaying to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but

more fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be

frustrated; for Caius will then become more cruel in his unjust

proceedings. Do we not see how long we deprive all our friends of their

liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize over them? while we

ought to have procured them security for the future, and, by laying a

foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great

admiration and honor for all time to come." Now while the conspirators

had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not

quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he

said further, "O my brave comrades! why do we make such delays? Do not

you see that this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is

about to go to sea? for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order

to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honor to let a man go out of your

hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go, after a

pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? Shall not we be justly

ashamed of ourselves, if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who

shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to kill him? As for

myself, I will no longer bear your slow proceedings, but will expose

myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear

cheerfully whatsoever shall be the consequence of the attempt; nor, let

them be ever so great, will I put them off any longer: for, to a wise

and courageous man, what can be more miserable than that, while I am

alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honor of so

virtuous an action?"

13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and

inspired courage into the rest to go on with it, and they were all eager

to fall to it without further delay. So he was at the palace in the

morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him; for it was the custom

that the tribunes should ask for the watchword with their swords on, and

this was the day on which Cherea was, by custom, to receive the

watchword; and the multitude were already come to the palace, to be soon

enough for seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, and one

tumultuously crushing another, while Caius was delighted with this

eagerness of the multitude; for which reason there was no order observed

in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the

senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and

women together, and free-men were mixed with the slaves. So Caius came

out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Cæsar, in

whose honor indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon

the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a senator,

was filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this was an

evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius.

It is also related that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual

custom, so very affable and good-natured in his conversation, that every

one of those that were present were astonished at it. After the

sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down

for that purpose, as did also the principal of his friends sit near him.

Now the parts of the theater were so fastened together, as it used to be

every year, in the manner following: It had two doors, the one door led

to the open air, the other was for going into, or going out of, the

cloisters, that those within the theater might not be thereby disturbed;

but out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into

partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to the

combatants and to the musicians to go out as occasion served. When the

multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes, were set

down also, and the right corner of the theater was allotted to Cæsar,

one Vatinius, a senator, commander of the praetorian band, asked of

Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, whether

he had heard any thing of news, or not? but took care that nobody should

hear what he said; and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news,

"Know then," said Vatinius, "that the game of the slaughter of tyrants

is to be played this day." But Cluvius replied "O brave comrade hold thy

peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale." And as there was

abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and a great

number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them, on

account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for

the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon

them: and here he perceived two prodigies that happened there; for an

actor was introduced, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the

pantomime brought in a play called Cinyras, wherein he himself was to be

slain, as well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of

fictitious blood was shed, both about him that was crucified, and also

about Cinyras. It was also confessed that this was the same day wherein

Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the son of Amyntas, who was king of

Macedonia, slew him, as he was entering into the theater. And now Caius

was in doubt whether he should tarry to the end of the shows, because it

was the last day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to

dinner, and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who

sat over Caius, and was afraid that the opportunity should fail them,

got up, because he saw Cherea was already gone out, and made haste out,

to confirm him in his resolution; but Caius took hold of his garment, in

an obliging way, and said to him, "O brave man! whither art thou going?"

Whereupon, out of reverence to Cæsar, as it seemed, he sat down again;

but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little time he got up again,

and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as thinking that he went

out to perform some necessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of

the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out to the bath, and to dinner,

and then to come in again, as desirous that what had been resolved on

might be brought to a conclusion immediately.

14. So Cherea's associates placed themselves in order, as the time would

permit them, and they were obliged to labor hard, that the place which

was appointed them should not be left by them; but they had an

indignation at the tediousness of the delays, and that what they were

about should be put off any longer, for it was already about the ninth 5

hour of the day; and Cherea, upon Caius's tarrying so long, had a great

mind to go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that

this could not be done without much bloodshed, both of the senators, and

of those of the equestrian order that were present; and although he knew

this must happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as thinking it a

right thing to procure security and freedom to all, at the expense of

such as might perish at the same time. And as they were just going back

into the entrance to the theater, word was brought them that Caius was

arisen, whereby a tumult was made; hereupon the conspirators thrust away

the crowd, under pretense as if Caius was angry at them, but in reality

as desirous to have a quiet place, that should have none in it to defend

him, while they set about Caius's slaughter. Now Claudius, his uncle,

was gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius his sister's husband, as also

Valellus of Asia; whom though they had had such a mind to put out of

their places, the reverence to their dignity hindered them so to do;

then followed Caius, with Paulus Arruntius: and because Caius was now

gotten within the palace, he left the direct road, along which those his

servants stood that were in waiting, and by which road Claudius had gone

out before, Caius turned aside into a private narrow passage, in order

to go to the place for bathing, as also in order to take a view of the

boys that came out of Asia, who were sent thence, partly to sing hymns

in these mysteries which were now celebrated, and partly to dance in the

Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. So Cherea met him, and asked

him for the watchword; upon Caius's giving him one of his ridiculous

words, he immediately reproached him, and drew his sword, and gave him a

terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke mortal. And although

there be those that say it was so contrived on purpose by Chorea, that

Caius should not be killed at one blow, but should be punished more

severely by a multitude of wounds; yet does this story appear to me

incredible, because the fear men are under in such actions does not

allow them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind, I esteem

him the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his spite against

Caius, rather than immediately procuring safety to himself and to his

confederates from the dangers they were in, because there might many

things still happen for helping Caius's escape, if he had not already

given up the ghost; for certainly Cherea would have regard, not so much

to the punishment of Caius, as to the affliction himself and his friends

were in, while it was in his power, after such success, to keep silent,

and to escape the wrath of Caius's defenders, and not to leave it to

uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at or not, and after

an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself, and

lose the opportunity that lay before him. But every body may guess as he

please about this matter. However, Caius was staggered with the pain

that the blow gave him; for the stroke of the sword falling in the

middle, between the shoulder and the neck, was hindered by the first

bone of the breast from proceeding any further. Nor did he either cry

out, [in such astonishment was he,] nor did he call out for any of his

friends; whether it were that he had no confidence in them, or that his

mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned under the pain he endured,

and presently went forward and fled; when Cornelius Sabinus, who was

already prepared in his mind so to do, thrust him down upon his knee,

where many of them stood round about him, and struck him with their

swords; and they cried out, and encouraged one another all at once to

strike him again; but all agree that Aquila gave him the finishing

stroke, which directly killed him. But one may justly ascribe this act

to Cherea; for although many concurred in the act itself, yet was he the

first contriver of it, and began long before all the rest to prepare for

it, and was the first man that boldly spake of it to the rest; and upon

their admission of what he said about it, he got the dispersed

conspirators together; he prepared every thing after a prudent manner,

and by suggesting good advice, showed himself far superior to the rest,

and made obliging speeches to them, insomuch that he even compelled them

all to go on, who otherwise had not courage enough for that purpose; and

when opportunity served to use his sword in hand, he appeared first of

all ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this virtuous slaughter;

he also brought Caius easily into the power of the rest, and almost

killed him himself, insomuch that it is but just to ascribe all that the

rest did to the advice, and bravery, and labors of the hands of Cherea.

15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead, by the many wounds

which had been given him. Now Cherea and his associates, upon Caius's

slaughter, saw that it was impossible for them to save themselves, if

they should all go the same way, partly on account of the astonishment

they were under; for it was no small danger they had incurred by killing

an emperor, who was honored and loved by the madness of the people,

especially when the soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after

his murderers. The passages also were narrow wherein the work was done,

which were also crowded with a great multitude of Caius's attendants,

and of such of the soldiers as were of the emperor's guard that day;

whence it was that they went by other ways, and came to the house of

Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they had now killed [which house

adjoined to the palace; for while the edifice was one, it was built in

its several parts by those particular persons who had been emperors, and

those parts bare the names of those that built them or the name of him

who had begun to build its parts]. So they got away from the insults of

the multitude, and then were for the present out of danger, that is, so

long as the misfortune which had overtaken the emperor was not known.

The Germans were the first who perceived that Caius was slain. These

Germans were Caius's guard, and carried the name of the country whence

they were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion. The men of that

country are naturally passionate, which is commonly the temper of some

other of the barbarous nations also, as being not used to consider much

about what they do; they are of robust bodies and fall upon their

enemies as soon as ever they are attacked by them; and which way soever

they go, they perform great exploits. When, therefore, these German

guards understood that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for it,

because they did not use their reason in judging about public affairs,

but measured all by the advantages themselves received, Caius being

beloved by them because of the money he gave them, by which he had

purchased their kindness to him; so they drew their swords, and Sabinus

led them on. He was one of the tribunes, not by the means of the

virtuous actions of his progenitors, for he had been a gladiator, but he

had obtained that post in the army by his having a robust body. So these

Germans marched along the houses in quest of Cæsar's murderers, and cut

Asprenas to pieces, because he was the first man they fell upon, and

whose garment it was that the blood of the sacrifices stained, as I have

said already, and which foretold that this his meeting the soldiers

would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus meet them, who was one of

the principal nobility of and could show many generals of armies among

his ancestors; but they paid no regard to his dignity; yet was he of

such great strength, that he wrested the sword of the first of those

that assaulted him out of his hands, and appeared plainly not to be

willing to die without a struggle for his life, until he was surrounded

by a great number of assailants, and died by the multitude of the wounds

which they gave him. The third man was Anteius, a senator, and a few

others with him. He did not meet with these Germans by chance, as the

rest did before, but came to show his hatred to Caius, and because he

loved to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and took a pleasure in

that sight; for Caius had banished Anteius's father, who was of the same

name with himself, and being not satisfied with that, he sent out his

soldiers, and slew him; so he was come to rejoice at the sight of him,

now he was dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was

aiming to hide himself, he could not escape that accurate search which

the Germans made, while they barbarously slew those that were guilty,

and those that were not guilty, and this equally also. And thus were

these [three] persons slain.

16. But when the rumor that Caius was slain reached the theater, they

were astonished at it, and could not believe it; even some that

entertained his destruction with great pleasure, and were more desirous

of its happening than almost any other faction that could come to them,

were under such a fear, that they could not believe it. There were also

those who greatly distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any

such thing should come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it were

ever so true, because they thought no man could possibly so much power

as to kill Caius. These were the women, and the children, and the

slaves, and some of the soldiery. This last sort had taken his pay, and

in a manner tyrannized with him, and had abused the best of the

citizens, in being subservient to his unjust commands, in order to gain

honors and advantages to themselves; but for the women and the youth,

they had been inveigled with shows, and the fighting of the gladiators,

and certain distributions of flesh-meat among them, which things them

pretense were designed for the pleasing of multitude, but in reality to

satiate the barbarous cruelty and madness of Caius. The slaves also were

sorry, because they were by Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their

masters, and they could have recourse to his assistance when they had

unjustly affronted them; for he was very easy in believing them against

their masters, even when they the city, accused them falsely; and if

they would discover what money their masters had, they might soon obtain

both riches and liberty, as the rewards of their accusations, because

the reward of these informers was the eighth 6 part of the criminal's

substance. As to the nobles, although the report appeared credible to

some of them, either because they knew of the plot beforehand, or

because they wished it might be true; however, they concealed not only

the joy they had at the relation of it, but that they had heard any

thing at all about it. These last acted so out of the fear they had,

that if the report proved false, they should be punished, for having so

soon let men know their minds. But those that knew Caius was dead,

because they were partners with the conspirators, they concealed all

still more cautiously, as not knowing one another's minds; and fearing

lest they should speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance of

tyranny was advantageous; and if Caius should prove to be alive, they

might be informed against, and punished. And another report went about,

that although Caius had been wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but

alive still, and under the physician's hands. Nor was any one looked

upon by another as faithful enough to be trusted, and to whom any one

would open his mind; for he was either a friend to Caius, and therefore

suspected to favor his tyranny, or he was one that hated him, who

therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit, because of his

ill-will to him. Nay, it was said by some [and this indeed it was that

deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them sad] that Caius was

in a condition to despise the dangers he had been in, and took no care

of healing his wounds, but was gotten away into the market- place, and,

bloody as he was, was making an harangue to the people. And these were

the conjectural reports of those that were so unreasonable as to

endeavor to raise tumults, which they turned different ways, according

to the opinions of the bearers. Yet did they not leave their seats, for

fear of being accused, if they should go out before the rest; for they

should not be sentenced according to the real intention with which they

went out, but according to the supposals of the accusers and of the

judges.

17. But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded the theater with their

swords drawn: all the spectators looked for nothing but death, and at

every one coming in a fear seized upon them, as if they were to be cut

in pieces immediately; and in great distress they were, as neither

having courage enough to go out of the theater, nor believing themselves

safe from dangers if they tarried there. And when the Germans came upon

them, the cry was so great, that the theater rang again with the

entreaties of the spectators to the soldiers, pleading that they were

entirely ignorant of every thing that related to such seditious

contrivances, and that if there were any sedition raised, they knew

nothing of it; they therefore begged that they would spare them, and not

punish those that had not the least hand in such bold crimes as belonged

to other persons, while they neglected to search after such as had

really done whatsoever it be that hath been done. Thus did these people

appeal to God, and deplore their infelicity with shedding of tears, and

beating their faces, and said every thing that the most imminent danger

and the utmost concern for their lives could dictate to them. This brake

the fury of the soldiers, and made them repent of what they minded to do

to the spectators, which would have been the greatest instance of

cruelty. And so it appeared to even these savages, when they had once

fixed the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas upon the altar;

at which sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both upon the

consideration of the dignity of the persons, and out of a commiseration

of their sufferings; nay, indeed, they were almost in as great disorder

at the prospect of the danger themselves were in, seeing it was still

uncertain whether they should entirely escape the like calamity. Whence

it was that such as thoroughly and justly hated Caius could yet no way

enjoy the pleasure of his death, because they were themselves in

jeopardy of perishing together with him; nor had they hitherto any firm

assurance of surviving.

18. There was at this time one Euaristus Arruntius, a public crier in

the market, and therefore of a strong and audible voice, who vied in

wealth with the richest of the Romans, and was able to do what he

pleased in the city, both then and afterward. This man put himself into

the most mournful habit he could, although he had a greater hatred

against Caius than any one else; his fear and his wise contrivance to

gain his safety taught him so to do, and prevailed over his present

pleasure; so he put on such a mournful dress as he would have done had

he lost his dearest friends in the world; this man came into the

theater, and informed them of the death of Caius, and by this means put

an end to that state of ignorance the men had been in. Arruntius also

went round about the pillars, and called out to the Germans, as did the

tribunes with him, bidding them put up their swords, and telling them

that Caius was dead. And this proclamation it was plainly which saved

those that were collected together in the theater, and all the rest who

any way met the Germans; for while they had hopes that Caius had still

any breath in him, they abstained from no sort of mischief; and such an

abundant kindness they still had for Caius, that they would willingly

have prevented the plot against him, and procured his escape from so sad

a misfortune, at the expense of their own lives. But they now left off

the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now they were fully

satisfied that Caius was dead, because it was now in vain for them to

show their zeal and kindness to him, when he who should reward them was

perished. They were also afraid that they should be punished by the

senate, if they should go on in doing such injuries; that is, in case

the authority of the supreme governor should revert to them. And thus at

length a stop was put, though not without difficulty, to that rage which

possessed the Germans on account of Caius's death.

19. But Cherea was so much afraid for Minucianus, lest he should light

upon the Germans now they were in their fury, that he went and spoke to

every one of the soldiers, and prayed them to take care of his

preservation, and made himself great inquiry about him, lest he should

have been slain. And for Clement, he let Minucianus go when he was

brought to him, and, with many other of the senators, affirmed the

action was right, and commended the virtue of those that contrived it,

and had courage enough to execute it; and said that "tyrants do indeed

please themselves and look big for a while, upon having the power to act

unjustly; but do not however go happily out of the world, because they

are hated by the virtuous; and that Caius, together with all his

unhappiness, was become a conspirator against himself, before these

other men who attacked him did so; and by becoming intolerable, in

setting aside the wise provision the laws had made, taught his dearest

friends to treat him as an enemy; insomuch that although in common

discourse these conspirators were those that slew Caius, yet that, in

reality, he lies now dead as perishing by his own self."

20. Now by this time the people in the theatre were arisen from their

seats, and those that were within made a very great disturbance; the

cause of which was this, that the spectators were too hasty in getting

away. There was also one Aleyon, a physician, who hurried away, as if to

cure those that were wounded, and under that pretense he sent those that

were with him to fetch what things were necessary for the healing of

those wounded persons, but in reality to get them clear of the present

dangers they were in. Now the senate, during this interval, had met, and

the people also assembled together in the accustomed form, and were both

employed in searching after the murderers of Caius. The people did it

very zealously, but the senate in appearance only; for there was present

Valerius of Asia, one that had been consul; this man went to the people,

as they were in disorder, and very uneasy that they could not yet

discover who they were that had murdered the emperor; he was then

earnestly asked by them all who it was that had done it. He replied, "I

wish I had been the man." The consuls 7 also published an edict, wherein

they accused Caius, and gave order to the people then got together, and

to the soldiers, to go home; and gave the people hopes of the abatement

of the oppressions they lay under; and promised the soldiers, if they

lay quiet as they used to do, and would not go abroad to do mischief

unjustly, that they would bestow rewards upon them; for there was reason

to fear lest the city might suffer harm by their wild and ungovernable

behavior, if they should once betake themselves to spoil the citizens,

or plunder the temples. And now the whole multitude of the senators were

assembled together, and especially those that had conspired to take away

the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of great assurance,

and appeared with great magnanimity, as if the administration of the

public affairs were already devolved upon them.

CHAPTER 2. How The Senators Determined To Restore The Democracy; But The

Soldiers Were For Preserving The Monarchy, Concerning The Slaughter Of

Caius's Wife And Daughter. A Character Of Caius's Morals.

1. When the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on the

sudden hurried away out of his house; for the soldiers had a meeting

together; and when they had debated about what was to be done, they saw

that a democracy was incapable of managing such a vast weight of public

affairs; and that if it should be set up, it would not be for their

advantage; and in case any one of those already in the government should

obtain the supreme power, it would in all respects be to their grief, if

they were not assisting to him in this advancement; that it would

therefore be right for them, while the public affairs were unsettled, to

choose Claudius emperor, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of a

superior dignity and worth to every one of those that were assembled

together in the senate, both on account of the virtues of his ancestors,

and of the learning he had acquired in his education; and who, if once

settled in the empire, would reward them according to their deserts, and

bestow largesses upon them. These were their consultations, and they

executed the same immediately. Claudius was therefore seized upon

suddenly by the soldiery. But Cneas Sentins Saturninus, although he

understood that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to claim the

government, unwillingly indeed in appearance, but in reality by his own

free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being dismayed, made

an exhortatory oration to them, and such a one indeed as was fit for men

of freedom and generosity, and spake thus:

2. "Although it be a thing incredible, O Romans! because of the great

length of time, that so unexpected an event hath happened, yet are we

now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this will last is

uncertain, and lies at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is; yet

such it is as is sufficient to make us rejoice, and be happy for the

present, although we may soon be deprived of it; for one hour is

sufficient to those that are exercised in virtue, wherein we may live

with a mind accountable only to ourselves, in our own country, now free,

and governed by such laws as this country once flourished under. As for

myself, I cannot remember our former time of liberty, as being born

after it was gone; but I am beyond measure filled with joy at the

thoughts of our present freedom. I also esteem those that were born and

bred up in that our former liberty happy men, and that those men are

worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves who have given us a

taste of it in this age; and I heartily wish that this quiet enjoyment

of it, which we have at present, might continue to all ages. However,

this single day may suffice for our youth, as well as for us that are in

years. It will seem an age to our old men, if they might die during its

happy duration: it may also be for the instruction of the younger sort,

what kind of virtue those men, from whose loins we are derived, were

exercised in. As for ourselves, our business is, during the space of

time, to live virtuously, than which nothing can be more to our

advantage; which course of virtue it is alone that can preserve our

liberty; for as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by the

relations of others; but as to our later state, during my lifetime, I

have known it by experience, and learned thereby what mischiefs

tyrannies have brought upon this commonwealth, discouraging all virtue,

and depriving persons of magnanimity of their liberty, and proving the

teachers of flattery and slavish fear, because it leaves the public

administration not to be governed by wise laws, but by the humor of

those that govern. For since Julius Cæsar took it into his head to

dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regular system of our

laws, to bring disorders into our administration, and to get above right

and justice, and to be a slave to his own inclinations, there is no kind

of misery but what hath tended to the subversion of this city; while all

those that have succeeded him have striven one with another to overthrow

the ancient laws of their country, and have left it destitute of such

citizens as were of generous principles, because they thought it tended

to their safety to have vicious men to converse withal, and not only to

break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their virtue, but

to resolve upon their utter destruction. Of all which emperors, who have

been many in number, and who laid upon us insufferable hardships during

the times of their government, this Caius, who hath been slain today,

hath brought more terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not

only by exercising his ungoverned rage upon his fellow citizens, but

also upon his kindred and friends, and alike upon all others, and by

inflicting still greater miseries upon them, as punishments, which they

never deserved, he being equally furious against men and against the

gods. For tyrants are not content to gain their sweet pleasure, and this

by acting injuriously, and in the vexation they bring both upon men's

estates and their wives; but they look upon that to be their principal

advantage, when they can utterly overthrow the entire families of their

enemies; while all lovers of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can

those that patiently endure what miseries they bring on them gain their

friendship; for as they are conscious of the abundant mischiefs they

have brought on these men, and how magnanimously they have borne their

hard fortunes, they cannot but be sensible what evils they have done,

and thence only depend on security from what they are suspicious of, if

it may be in their power to take them quite out of the world. Since,

then, we are now gotten clear of such great misfortunes, and are only

accountable to one another, [which form of government affords us the

best assurance of our present concord, and promises us the best security

from evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in settling the

city in good order,] you ought, every one of you in particular, to make

provision for his own, and in general for the public utility: or, on the

contrary, they may declare their dissent to such things as have been

proposed, and this without any hazard of danger to come upon them,

because they have now no lord set over them, who, without fear of

punishment, could do mischief to the city, and had an uncontrollable

power to take off those that freely declared their opinions. Nor has any

thing so much contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as sloth,

and a timorous forbearance of contradicting the emperor's will; while

men had an over-great inclination to the sweetness of peace, and had

learned to live like slaves; and as many of us as either heard of

intolerable calamities that happened at a distance from us, or saw the

miseries that were near us, out of the dread of dying virtuously,

endured a death joined with the utmost infamy. We ought, then, in the

first place, to decree the greatest honors we are able to those that

have taken off the tyrant, especially to Cherea Cassius; for this one

man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by his counsel and by his

actions, been the procurer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget him

now we have recovered our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny,

took counsel beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our

liberties; but ought to decree him proper honors, and thereby freely

declare that he from the beginning acted with our approbation. And

certainly it is a very excellent thing, and what becomes free-men, to

requite their benefactors, as this man hath been a benefactor to us all,

though not at all like Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius Julius

[Cæsar]; for those men laid the foundations of sedition and civil wars

in our city; but this man, together with his slaughter of the tyrant,

hath set our city free from all those sad miseries which arose from the

tyranny." 8

3. And this was the purport of Sentius's oration, 9 which was received

with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of the equestrian order as

were present. And now one Trebellius Maximus rose up hastily, and took

off Sentius's finger a ring, which had a stone, with the image of Caius

engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and his

earnestness in doing what he was about, as it was supposed, he had

forgotten to take off himself. This sculpture was broken immediately.

But as it was now far in the night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the

watchword, who gave him this word, Liberty. These facts were the

subjects of admiration to themselves, and almost incredible; for it was

a hundred years since the democracy had been laid aside, when this

giving the watchword returned to the consuls; for before the city was

subject to tyrants, they were the commanders of the soldiers. But when

Cherea had received that watchword, he delivered it to those who were on

the senate's side, which were four regiments, who esteemed the

government without emperors to be preferable to tyranny. So these went

away with their tribunes. The people also now departed very joyful, full

of hope and of courage, as having recovered their former democracy, and

were no longer under an emperor; and Cherea was in very great esteem

with them.

4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius's daughter and wife were

still alive, and that all his family did not perish with him, since

whosoever was left of them must be left for the ruin of the city and of

the laws. Moreover, in order to finish this matter with the utmost zeal,

and in order to satisfy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one

of the tribunes, to kill Caius's wife and daughter. They proposed this

office to Lupus as to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a

partaker of this murder of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue

of having assisted his fellow citizens, and that he might appear to have

been a partaker with those that were first in their designs against him.

Yet did this action appear to some of the conspirators to be too cruel,

as to this using such severity to a woman, because Caius did more

indulge his own ill-nature than use her advice in all that he did; from

which ill-nature it was that the city was in so desperate a condition

with the miseries that were brought on it, and the flower of the city

was destroyed. But others accused her of giving her consent to these

things; nay, they ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the cause

of it, and said she had given a potion to Caius, which had made him

obnoxious to her, and had tied him down to love her by such evil

methods; insomuch that she, having rendered him distracted, was become

the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the Romans, and that

habitable world which was subject to them. So that at length it was

determined that she must die; nor could those of the contrary opinion at

all prevail to have her saved; and Lupus was sent accordingly. Nor was

there any delay made in executing what he went about, but he was

subservient to those that sent him on the first opportunity, as desirous

to be no way blameable in what might be done for the advantage of the

people. So when he was come into the palace, he found Cesonia, who was

Caius's wife, lying by her husband's dead body, which also lay down on

the ground, and destitute of all such things as the law allows to the

dead, and all over herself besmeared with the blood of her husband's

wounds, and bewailing the great affliction she was under, her daughter

lying by her also; and nothing else was heard in these her circumstances

but her complaint of Caius, as if he had not regarded what she had often

told him of beforehand; which words of hers were taken in a different

sense even at that time, and are now esteemed equally ambiguous by those

that hear of them, and are still interpreted according to the different

inclinations of people. Now some said that the words denoted that she

had advised him to leave off his mad behavior and his barbarous cruelty

to the citizens, and to govern the public with moderation and virtue,

lest he should perish by the same way, upon their using him as he had

used them. But some said, that as certain words had passed concerning

the conspirators, she desired Caius to make no delay, but immediately to

put them all to death, and this whether they were guilty or not, and

that thereby he would be out of the fear of any danger; and that this

was what she reproached him for, when she advised him so to do, but he

was too slow and tender in the matter. And this was what Cesonia said,

and what the opinions of men were about it. But when she saw Lupus

approach, she showed him Caius's dead body, and persuaded him to come

nearer, with lamentation and tears; and as she perceived that Lupus was

in disorder, and approached her in order to execute some design

disagreeable to himself, she was well aware for what purpose he came,

and stretched out her naked throat, and that very cheerfully to him,

bewailing her case, like one that utterly despaired of her life, and

bidding him not to boggle at finishing the tragedy they had resolved

upon relating to her. So she boldly received her death's wound at the

hand of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus made haste to

inform Cherea of what he had done.

5. This was the end of Caius, after he had reigned four years, within

four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor, ill-natured, and

one that had arrived at the utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave to his

pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly affected by every terrible

accident, and on that account of a very murderous disposition where he

durst show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to

injure those who least deserved it, with unreasonable insolence and got

his wealth by murder and injustice. He labored to appear above regarding

either what was divine or agreeable to the laws, but was a slave to the

commendations of the populace; and whatsoever the laws determined to be

shameful, and punished, that he esteemed more honorable than what was

virtuous. He was unmindful of his friends, how intimate soever, and

though they were persons of the highest character; and if he was once

angry at any of them, he would inflict punishment upon them on the

smallest occasions, and esteemed every man that endeavored to lead a

virtuous life his enemy. And whatsoever he commanded, he would not admit

of any contradiction to his inclinations; whence it was that he had

criminal conversation with his own sister; 10 from which occasion

chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred first sprang up against him

among the citizens, that sort of incest not having been known of a long

time; and so this provoked men to distrust him, and to hate him that was

guilty of it. And for any great or royal work that he ever did, which

might be for the present and for future ages, nobody can name any such,

but only the haven that he made about Rhegium and Sicily, for the

reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; which was indeed a

work without dispute very great in itself, and of very great advantage

to the navigation. Yet was not this work brought to perfection by him,

but was the one half of it left imperfect, by reason of his want of

application to it; the cause of which was this, that he employed his

studies about useless matters, and that by spending his money upon such

pleasures as concerned no one's benefit but his own, he could not exert

his liberality in things that were undeniably of great consequence.

Otherwise he was an excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the

Greek tongue, as well as with his own country or Roman language. He was

also able, off-hand and readily, to give answers to compositions made by

others, of considerable length and accuracy. He was also more skillful

in persuading others to very great things than any one else, and this

from a natural affability of temper, which had been improved by much

exercise and pains-taking; for as he was the grandson 11 of the brother

of Tiberius, whose successor he was, this was a strong inducement to his

acquiring of learning, because Tiberius aspired after the highest pitch

of that sort of reputation; and Caius aspired after the like glory for

eloquence, being induced thereto by the letters of his kinsman and his

emperor. He was also among the first rank of his own citizens. But the

advantages he received from his learning did not countervail the

mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority; so

difficult it is for those to obtain the virtue that is necessary for a

wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without

control. At the first he got himself such friends as were in all

respects the most worthy, and was greatly beloved by them, while he

imitated their zealous application to the learning and to the glorious

actions of the best men; but when he became insolent towards them, they

laid aside the kindness they had for him, and began to hate him; from

which hatred came that plot which they raised against him, and wherein

he perished.

CHAPTER 3. How Claudius Was Seized Upon And Brought Out Of His House And

Brought To The Camp; And How The Senate Sent An Embassage To Him.

1. Now Claudius, as I said before, went out of that way along which

Caius was gone; and as the family was in a mighty disorder upon the sad

accident of the murder of Caius, he was in great distress how to save

himself, and was found to have hidden himself in a certain narrow place,

though he had no other occasion for suspicion of any dangers, besides

the dignity of his birth; for while he was a private man, he behaved

himself with moderation, and was contented with his present fortune,

applying himself to learning, and especially to that of the Greeks, and

keeping himself entirely clear from every thing that might bring on any

disturbance. But as at this time the multitude were under a

consternation, and the whole palace was full of the soldiers' madness,

and the very emperor's guards seemed under the like fear and disorder

with private persons, the band called pretorian, which was the purest

part of the army, was in consultation what was to be done at this

juncture. Now all those that were at this consultation had little regard

to the punishment Caius had suffered, because he justly deserved such

his fortune; but they were rather considering their own circumstances,

how they might take the best care of themselves, especially while the

Germans were busy in punishing the murderers of Caius; which yet was

rather done to gratify their own savage temper, than for the good of the

public; all which things disturbed Claudius, who was afraid of his own

safety, and this particularly because he saw the heads of Asprenas and

his partners carried about. His station had been on a certain elevated

place, whither a few steps led him, and whither he had retired in the

dark by himself. But when Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that

belonged to the palace, saw him, but did not well know by his

countenance who he was, because it was dark, though he could well judge

that it was a man who was privately there on some design, he came nearer

to him; and when Claudius desired that he would retire, he discovered

who he was, and owned him to be Claudius. So he said to his followers,

"This is a Germanicus; 12 come on, let us choose him for our emperor."

But when Claudius saw they were making preparations for taking him away

by force, and was afraid they would kill him, as they had killed Caius,

he besought them to spare him, putting them in mind how quietly he had

demeaned himself, and that he was unacquainted with what had been done.

Hereupon Gratus smiled upon him, and took him by the right hand, and

said, "Leave off, sir, these low thoughts of saving yourself, while you

ought to have greater thoughts, even of obtaining the empire, which the

gods, out of their concern for the habitable world, by taking Caius out

of the way, commit to thy virtuous conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept

of the throne of thy ancestors." So they took him up and carried him,

because he was not then able to go on foot, such was his dread and his

joy at what was told him.

2. Now there was already gathered together about Gratus a great number

of the guards; and when they saw Claudius carried off, they looked with

a sad countenance, as supposing that he was carried to execution for the

mischiefs that had been lately done; while yet they thought him a man

who never meddled with public affairs all his life long, and one that

had met with no contemptible dangers under the reign of Caius; and some

of them thought it reasonable that the consuls should take cognizance of

these matters; and as still more and more of the soldiery got together,

the crowd about him ran away, and Claudius could hardly go on, his body

was then so weak; and those who carried his sedan, upon an inquiry that

was made about his being carried off, ran away and saved themselves, as

despairing of their Lord's preservation. But when they were come into

the large court of the palace, [which, as the report goes about it, was

inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome,] and had just

reached the public treasury, many more soldiers came about him, as glad

to see Claudius's face, and thought it exceeding right to make him

emperor, on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his

brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were

acquainted with him. They reflected also on the covetous temper of the

leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of

when the senate had the government formerly; they also considered the

impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should

be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a

one should possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to

Claudius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-

will to him, and would remember the favors they had done him, and would

make them a sufficient recompense for the same.

3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by

themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them.

Now those that inquired about this matter willingly embraced the

invitation that was made them to join with the rest; so they carried

Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and

encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that

their vehement endeavors might not be hindered. But as to the populace

and senators, they disagreed in their opinions. The latter were very

desirous to recover their former dignity, and were zealous to get clear

of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment

of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; but for the

people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were

capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them,

they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to

them, and thought that if Claudius were made emperor, he would prevent a

civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. But when the senate

knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent

to him those of their body which had the best character for their

virtues, that they might inform him that he ought to do nothing by

violence, in order to gain the government; that he who was a single

person, one either already or hereafter to be a member of their body,

ought to yield to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that

he ought to let the law take place in the disposal of all that related

to the public order, and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had

afflicted their city, and what dangers both he and they had escaped

under Caius; and that he ought not to hate the heavy burden of tyranny,

when the injury is done by others, while he did himself willfully treat

his country after a mad and insolent manner; that if he would comply

with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly

and virtuously, he would have the greatest honors decreed to him that a

free people could bestow; and by subjecting himself to the law, would

obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue,

both as a ruler and a subject; but that if he would act foolishly, and

learn no wisdom by Caius's death, they would not permit him to go on;

that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of

weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of;

that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good

fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that

undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such

as fight for the liberty of their country.

4. Now these ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them

tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and falling down

upon their knees, they begged of him that he would not throw the city

into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of

soldiers encompassed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were

with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable,

they added, that if he did desire the government, he should accept of it

as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier, if

he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good-will of those that

would bestow it upon him.

CHAPTER 4. What Things King Agrippa Did For Claudius; And How Claudius

When He Had Taken The Government Commanded The Murderers Of Caius To Be

Slain.

1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner

the senate had sent to him yet did he, according to their advice, behave

himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could

not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim

the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by

the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a

dominion slip out of his hands, when it came thus to him of its own

accord. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one

that had been so much honored by him; for he embraced Caius's body after

he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could,

and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive;

but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill

of his wounds. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away

violently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when

he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government

to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the

government; but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And

upon the senate's sending for him, he anointed his head with ointment,

as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her,

and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did;

who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion

about the settlement of the public. He told them in words that he was

ready to lose his life for the honor of the senate, but desired them to

consider what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was

most agreeable to them; for that those who grasp at government will

stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will

set up without any preparation for it, and so fall into danger. And when

the senate replied that they would bring in weapons in abundance, and

money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected

together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the

slaves their liberty,—Agrippa made answer, "O senators! may you be able

to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my

thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. Take notice, then,

that the army which will fight for Claudius hath been long exercised in

warlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of

raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from

slavery, and ungovernable; we must then fight against those that are

skillful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their

swords. So that my opinion is, that we should send some persons to

Claudius, to persuade him to lay down the government; and I am ready to

be one of your ambassadors."

2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate complied with him, and he was

sent among others, and privately informed Claudius of the disorder the

senate was in, and gave him instructions to answer them in a somewhat

commanding strain, and as one invested with dignity and authority.

Accordingly, Claudius said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder

the senate had no mind to have an emperor over them, because they had

been harassed by the barbarity of those that had formerly been at the

head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable

government under him, and moderate times, while he should only be their

ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all;

and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before

their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. So the

ambassadors, upon their hearing this his answer, were dismissed. But

Claudius discoursed with the army which was there gathered together, who

took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; Upon which

he gave the guards every man five thousand 13 drachmae a-piece, and a

proportionable quantity to their captains, and promised to give the same

to the rest of the armies wheresoever they were.

3. And now the consuls called the senate together into the temple of

Jupiter the Conqueror, while it was still night; but some of those

senators concealed themselves in the city, being uncertain what to do,

upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city

to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going,

and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them

to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and

inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run

the hazard of their own safety. However, a hundred and no more were

gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present

posture of affairs, a sudden clamor was made by the soldiers that were

on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them an emperor,

and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude of

rulers. So they fully declared themselves to be for the giving the

government not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate leave to

look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch that now the

affairs of the senate were much worse than before, because they had not

only failed in the recovery of their liberty, which they boasted

themselves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. Yet were there those

that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of

their families and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus

Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility, and by his having

married Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to

claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one

delay after another in proposing it: that Minucianus also, who was one

of Caius's murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such

things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been

given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. There

were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those

soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who

all ran into the camp; insomuch that, of those who put in for the

government, some left off their pretensions in order to spare the city,

and others out of fear for their own persons.

4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him,

came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the soldiers.

However, the multitude of those soldiers, when they saw that they were

making signals for silence with their hands, and were ready to begin to

speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all,

because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded

of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring any longer delays:

but the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they

should themselves be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them

to govern, and the murderers of Caius would not permit the soldiers to

dictate to them. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not

able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they desired an

emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the

watchword from Eutychus. Now this Eutychus was charioteer of the green-

band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, who used to

harass the soldiery with building stables for the horses, and spent his

time in ignominious labors, which occasioned Cherea to reproach them

with him, and to abuse them with much other scurrilous language; and

told them he would bring them the head of Claudius; and that it was an

amazing thing, that, after their former madness, they should commit

their government to a fool. Yet were not they moved with his words, but

drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to

join in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the senate were left

without any body to defend them, and the very consuls differed nothing

from private persons. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men

not knowing what would become of them, because Claudius was very angry

at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what

they had done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's murderers,

threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill

himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery

returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well,

while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a

good thin to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery

of their liberty, they found it impossible to do it. But Cherea said he

had no manner of doubt upon him about killing himself; that yet he would

first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it.

5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body

was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other

consul, Quintus Pomponhis, was reproached by the soldiery, as having

rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty; whereupon they drew

their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it, if

Claudius had not hindered them, who snatched the consul out of the

danger he was in, and set him by him. But he did not receive that part

of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honorable manner; nay,

some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute

Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger.

However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat

the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate,

he would have no others over whom to rule. Claudius complied with him,

and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither

himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this

was to the great vexation of the multitude; for Cherea and Sabinus, two

of Caius's murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open manner,

while Pollio, whom Claudius, a little before, had made captain of his

guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in

public. Then did Claudius, upon his coming to the palace, get his

friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said

that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him that

he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the

punishment [of death] upon him, to discountenance such actions for the

time to come. So Cherea was led to his execution, and Lupus and many

other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore this calamity

courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behavior

under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears;

for when Lupus laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold 14 he

said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i.e. a wolf] And as a great

many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the

place, he asked the soldier who was to be their executioner, whether

this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time

of his using his sword in that manner, and desired him to bring him that

very sword with which he himself slew Caius. 15 So he was happily killed

at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with such good fortune in going

out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows leveled at

his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ought to have

done].

6. Now, a few days after this, as the Parental solemnities were just at

hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several

ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honor of Cherea, and besought

him to be merciful to them, and not continue his anger against them for

their ingratitude. And this was the end of the life that Cherea came to.

But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave

him leave to retain his former command in the army, yet did he think it

would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his

fellow confederates; so he fell upon his sword, and killed himself, the

wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword.

CHAPTER 5. How Claudius Restored To Agrippa His Grandfathers Kingdoms

And Augmented His Dominions; And How He Published An Edict In Behalf.

1. Now when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he

suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein

confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein

commended the king highly. He also made all addition to it of all that

country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is,

Judea and Samaria; and this he restored to him as due to his family. But

for Abila 16 of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed

them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also made a league with

this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the

city of Rome: he also took away from Antiochus that kingdom which he was

possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he

also set Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, at liberty, who had been

his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been

imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of

Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her

when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother

Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis.

2. Now about this time there was a sedition between the Jews and the

Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for when Caius was dead, the nation

of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of

Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria,

recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for

themselves. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt to quiet

that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the requests of king Agrippa and

king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as

follows: "Tiberius Claudius Cæsar Augustus Germanicus, high priest, and

tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since I am assured that the Jews of

Alexandria, called Alexandrians, have been joint inhabitants in the

earliest times with the Alexandrians, and have obtained from their kings

equal privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are

in their possession, and the edicts themselves; and that after

Alexandria had been subjected to our empire by Augustus, their rights

and privileges have been preserved by those presidents who have at

divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised

about those rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of

Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Augustus did not

prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so

subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own

customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own

country religion; but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians

became insolent towards the Jews that were among them, which Caius, out

of his great madness and want of understanding, reduced the nation of

the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious

worship of their country, and call him a god: I will therefore that the

nation of the Jews be not deprived of their rights and privileges, on

account of the madness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges

which they formerly enjoyed be preserved to them, and that they may

continue in their own customs. And I charge both parties to take very

great care that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this

edict."

3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews that

was sent to Alexandria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts

of the habitable earth was this which follows: "Tiberius Claudius Cæsar

Augustus Germanicus, high priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul

the second time, ordains thus: Upon the petition of king Agrippa and

king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same

rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all

the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very

willingly comply therewith; and this grant I make not only for the sake

of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I have been

petitioned worthy of such a favor, on account of their fidelity and

friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city

should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were

preserved to them under the great Augustus. It will therefore be fit to

permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their

ancient customs without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them

also to use this my kindness to them with moderation, and not to show a

contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep

their own laws only. And I will that this decree of mine be engraven on

tables by the magistrates of the cities, and colonies, and municipal

places, both those within Italy and those without it, both kings and

governors, by the means of the ambassadors, and to have them exposed to

the public for full thirty days, in such a place whence it may plainly

be read from the ground." 17

CHAPTER 6. What Things Were Done By Agrippa At Jerusalem When He Was

Returned Back Into Judea; And What It Was That Petronius Wrote To The

Inhabitants Of Doris, In Behalf.

1. Now Claudius Cæsar, by these decrees of his which were sent to

Alexandria, and to all the habitable earth, made known what opinion he

had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now

he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent

letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces that they

should treat him very kindly. Accordingly, he returned in haste, as was

likely he would, now he returned in much greater prosperity than he had

before. He also came to Jerusalem, and offered all the sacrifices that

belonged to him, and omitted nothing which the law required; 18 on which

account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads

shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of

equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been

bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury,

19 that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and

a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a

demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God

sometimes raises up what is fallen down: for this chain thus dedicated

afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been once bound in

a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a

little while afterward got out of his bonds, and was advanced to be a

more illustrious king than he was before. Whence men may understand that

all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall;

and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity

again.

2. And when Agrippa had entirely finished all the duties of the Divine

worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from the high

priesthood, and bestowed that honor of his on Simon the son of Boethus,

whose name was also Cantheras whose daughter king Herod married, as I

have related above. Simon, therefore, had the [high] priesthood with his

brethren, and with his father, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the

son of Onias, who were three, had it formerly under the government of

the Macedonians, as we have related in a former book.

3. When the king had settled the high priesthood after this manner, he

returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had showed him;

for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of which paid

it before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of

those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a

man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very

little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash attempt before

piety, and being naturally bold and insolent, carried a statue of Cæsar

into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there. This procedure of

theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the

dissolution of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to

Publius Petronius, who was then president of Syria, and accused the

people of Doris. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa;

for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate

the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of

Doris in an angry strain: "Publius Petronius, the president under

Tiberius Claudius Cæsar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of

Doris, ordains as follows: Since some of you have had the boldness, or

madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Cæsar Augustus Germanicus

was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their

country, not to obey the same, but have acted in entire opposition

thereto, as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue,

by removing Cæsar's statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have

offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is

more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where

is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural

justice, that every one should have the power over the place belonging

peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Cæsar,—to

say nothing of my own determination, which it would be ridiculous to

mention after the emperor's edict, which gives the Jews leave to make

use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally

the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves,—I therefore ordain

that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who,

contrary to Augustus's edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing,

at which those very men, who appear to be of principal reputation among

them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, 'that it was

not done with their consent, but by the violence of the multitude, that

they may give an account of what hath been done. I also exhort the

principal magistrates among them, unless they have a mind to have this

action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion

of those that were guilty of it, and take care that no handle be hence

taken for raising a sedition or quarrel among them; which those seem to

me to treat after who encourage such doings; while both I myself, and

king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honor, have nothing more under

our care, than that the nation of the Jews may have no occasion given

them of getting together, under the pretense of avenging themselves, and

become tumultuous. And that it may be more publicly known what Augustus

hath resolved about this whole matter, I have subjoined those edicts

which he hath lately caused to be published at Alexandria, and which,

although they may be well known to all, yet did king Agrippa, for whom I

have the highest honor, read them at that time before my tribunal, and

pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights which

Augustus hath granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for

the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but

that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs."

4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of

the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted

afterwards against the Jews. And now king Agrippa took the [high]

priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of

Ananus, into it again, and owned that he was more worthy of that dignity

than the other. But this was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover

that his former dignity. So he refused it, and said, "O king! I rejoice

in the honor that thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst

give me such a dignity of thy own inclinations, although God hath judged

that I am not at all worthy of the high priesthood. I am satisfied with

having once put on the sacred garments; for I then put them on after a

more holy manner than I should now receive them again. But if thou

desirest that a person more worthy than myself should have this

honorable employment, give me leave to name thee such a one. I have a

brother that is pure from all sin against God, and of all offenses

against thyself; I recommend him to thee, as one that is fit for this

dignity." So the king was pleased with these words of his, and passed by

Jonathan, and, according to his brother's desire, bestowed the high

priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded

Petronius, as president of Syria.

CHAPTER 7. Concerning Silas And On What Account It Was That King Agrippa

Was Angry At Him. How Agrippa Began To Encompass Jerusalem With A Wall;

And What Benefits He Bestowed On The Inhabitants Of Berytus.

1. Now Silas, the general of the king's horse, because he had been

faithful to him under all his misfortunes, and had never refused to be a

partaker with him in any of his dangers, but had oftentimes undergone

the most hazardous dangers for him, was full of assurance, and thought

he might expect a sort of equality with the king, on account of the

firmness of the friendship he had showed to him. Accordingly, he would

no where let the king sit as his superior, and took the like liberty in

speaking to him upon all occasions, till he became troublesome to the

king, when they were merry together, extolling himself beyond measure,

and oft putting the king in mind of the severity of fortune he had

undergone, that he might, by way of ostentation, demonstrate What zeal

he had showed in his service; and was continually harping upon this

string, what pains he had taken for him, and much enlarged still upon

that subject. The repetition of this so frequently seemed to reproach

the king, insomuch that he took this ungovernable liberty of talking

very ill at his hands. For the commemoration of times when men have been

under ignominy, is by no means agreeable to them; and he is a very silly

man who is perpetually relating to a person what kindness he had done

him. At last, therefore, Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's

indignation, that he acted rather out of passion than good

consideration, and did not only turn Silas out of his place, as general

of his horse, but sent him in bonds into his own country. But the edge

of his anger wore off by length of time, and made room for more just

reasonings as to his judgment about this man; and he considered how many

labors he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa was solemnizing

his birth-day, and he gave festival entertainments to all his subjects,

he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. But as he was a very

frank man, he thought he had now a just handle given him to be angry;

which he could not conceal from those that came for him, but said to

them, "What honor is this the king invites me to, which I conclude will

soon be over? For the king hath not let me keep those original marks of

the good-will I bore him, which I once had from him; but he hath

plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does he think that I can leave off

that liberty of speech, which, upon the consciousness of my deserts, I

shall use more loudly than before, and shall relate how many misfortunes

I have been delivered from; how many labors I have undergone for him,

whereby I procured him deliverance and respect; as a reward for which I

have borne the hardships of bonds and a dark prison? I shall never

forget this usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it is departed out

of the body, will not forget the glorious actions I did on his account."

This was the clamor he made, and he ordered the messengers to tell it to

the king. So he perceived that Silas was incurable in his folly, and

still suffered him to lie in prison.

2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city

[Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public, and built them

wider in breadth, and higher in altitude; and he had made them too

strong for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then

president of Syria, had by letter informed Claudius Cæsar of what he was

doing. And when Claudius had some suspicion of attempts for innovation,

he sent to Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently.

So he obeyed, as not thinking it proper to contradict Claudius.

3. Now this king was by nature very beneficent and liberal in his gifts,

and very ambitious to oblige people with such large donations; and he

made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents he made

them. He took delight in giving, and rejoiced in living with good

reputation. He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him;

for that Herod was ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had

no mercy on them that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more

friendly to the Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned foreign cities

with large presents in money; with building them baths and theatres

besides; nay, in some of those places he erected temples, and porticoes

in others; but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices

in any Jewish city, or make them any donation that was worth mentioning.

But Agrippa's temper was mild, and equally liberal to all men. He was

humane to foreigners, and made them sensible of his liberality. He was

in like manner rather of a gentle and compassionate temper. Accordingly,

he loved to live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in

the observance of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself

entirely pure; nor did any day pass over his head without its appointed

sacrifice.

4. However, there was a certain mall of the Jewish nation at Jerusalem,

who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. His name

was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the king was absent

at Cæsarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily,

and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it

belonged only to native Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed

him that Simon had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent

for him; and as he was sitting in the theater, he bid him sit down by

him, and said to him with a low and gentle voice, "What is there done in

this place that is contrary to the law?" But he had nothing to say for

himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled

to him than one could have imagined, as esteeming mildness a better

quality in a king than anger, and knowing that moderation is more

becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present,

and dismissed him.

5. Now as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a peculiar

regard to the people of Berytus; for he erected a theater for them,

superior to many others of that sort, both in Sumptuousness and

elegance, as also an amphitheater, built at vast expenses; and besides

these, he built them baths and porticoes, and spared for no costs in any

of his edifices, to render them both handsome and large. He also spent a

great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and

brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most

delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his

magnificence upon the theater, in his great number of gladiators; and

there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in order to

please the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven hundred men to fight

with seven hundred other men 20 and allotted all the malefactors he had

for this exercise, that both the malefactors might receive their

punishment, and that this operation of war might be a recreation in

peace. And thus were these criminals all destroyed at once.

CHAPTER 8. What Other Acts Were Done By Agrippa Until His Death; And

After What Manner He Died.

1. When Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he

removed to Tiberias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among

other kings. Accordingly there came to him Antiochus, king of Commalena,

Sampsigeratnus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser

Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother,

who was king of Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable

entertainments, and after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the

greatness of his mind, and so as to appear worthy of those respects

which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. However, while

these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came

thither. So the king, in order to preserve the respect that was due to

the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs.

But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and

Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other kings as his

assessors. But Marcus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so

great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so

close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the

Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them,

and enjoined them to go their ways home without further delay. This was

very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he

took the high priesthood away from Matthias, and made Elioneus, the son

of Cantheras, high priest in his stead.