whatsoever she had prattled like a woman; as also about the predictions
and the sacrifices relating to the king; and whatsoever Antipater had
done lasciviously in his cups and his amours among Pheroras's women; the
examination upon torture; and whatsoever concerned the testimonies of
the witnesses, which were many, and of various kinds; some prepared
beforehand, and others were sudden answers, which further declared and
confirmed the foregoing evidence. For those men who were not acquainted
with Antipater's practices, but had concealed them out of fear, when
they saw that he was exposed to the accusations of the former witnesses,
and that his great good fortune, which had supported him hitherto, had
now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies, who were now
insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew of him. And his
ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that were his
accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances, and by
his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled their
house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was
neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so far
as served his own turn. Now there were a great number who for a long
time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally
disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were
used to determine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained
from making any open complaints before; these, upon the leave now given
them, produced all that they knew before the public. The demonstrations
also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many
witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were
they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of
any danger they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they
thought such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the
greatest punishment; and indeed not so much for Herod's safety, as on
account of the man's own wickedness. Many things were also said, and
those by a great number of persons, who were no way obliged to say them,
insomuch that Antipater, who used generally to be very shrewd in his
lies and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary. When
Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had produced the evidence, Varus bid
Antipater to betake himself to the making his defense, if he had
prepared any thing whereby it might appear that he was not guilty of the
crimes he was accused of; for that, as he was himself desirous, so did
he know that his father was in like manner desirous also, to have him
found entirely innocent. But Antipater fell down on his face, and
appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of his innocency,
desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals, that he had
not laid any plot against his father. This being the usual method of all
men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked
undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as
if they believed that God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when
once they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the punishment
due to their crimes, they endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against
them by appealing to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now
did; for whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the
world, when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when he had
no other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might
disprove the accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the
majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved
hitherto; and produced before them all what difficulties he had ever
undergone in his bold acting for his father's preservation.
7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself,
found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that
there was no end of that, he bid them bring the potion before the court,
that he might see what virtue still remained in it; and when it was
brought, and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus's
command, he died presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the
court, and went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual
residence was, because that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which
Herod laid his son in bonds. But what were Varus's discourses to Herod
was not known to the generality, and upon what words it was that he went
away; though it was also generally supposed that whatsoever Herod did
afterward about his son was done with his approbation. But when Herod
had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome to Cæsar about him, and such
messengers withal as should, by word of mouth, inform Cæsar of
Antipater's wickedness. Now at this very time there was seized a letter
of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt [for he lived there];
and when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain what
follows: "I have sent thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own life; for
thou knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered.
I wish thee good success in thy affair." These were the contents of this
letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for it
did not appear; and Antiphilus's slave, who brought that letter which
had been read, denied that he had received the other. But while the king
was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the
inner coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, [for he had two
coats on,] he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling;
which accordingly proved to be true. So they took out the letter, and
its contents were these: "Acme to Antipater. I have written such a
letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and
sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which, when thou
readest, I know that Herod Will punish Salome, as plotting against him?'
Now this pretended letter of Salome to her lady was composed by
Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of
Acme. The letter was this: 'Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor
that nothing that is done against thee should be concealed from thee.
So, upon my finding a letter of Salome written to my lady against thee,
I have written out a copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself,
but for thy advantage.' The reason why she wrote it was this, that she
had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter
in pieces, that I may not come into danger of my life." Now Acme had
written to Antipater himself, and informed him, that, in compliance with
his command, she had both herself written to Herod, as if Salome had
laid a sudden plot entirely against him, and had herself sent a copy of
an epistle, as coming from Salome to her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by
birth, and a servant to Julia, Cæsar's wife; and did this out of her
friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a large
present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs against his father
and his aunt.
8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of
Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain
immediately, as a turbulent person in the most important concerns, and
as one that had laid a plot not only against himself, but against his
sister also, and even corrupted Cæsar's own domestics. Salome also
provoked him to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her, if he
could produce any credible testimony that she had acted in that manner.
Herod also sent for his son, and asked him about this matter, and bid
him contradict if he could, and not suppress any thing he had to say for
himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him, since he was
every way caught in his villainy, that he would make no further delay,
but discover his associates in these his wicked designs. So he laid all
upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such
great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Cæsar, there
to give an account of these his wicked contrivances. But he soon became
afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape
the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more
ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of
what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of
the epistles before mentioned.
CHAPTER 6. Concerning The Disease That Herod Fell Into And The Sedition
Which The Jews Raised Thereupon; With The Punishment Of The Seditious.
1. Now Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed
beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them.
They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a
distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas],
his youngest son; and this out of that hatred to Archelaus and Philip,
which the calumnies of Antipater had raised against them. He also
bequeathed a thousand talents to Cæsar, and five hundred to Julia,
Cæsar's wife, to Cæsar's children, and friends and freed-men. He also
distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his revenues, and
his lands. He also made Salome his sister very rich, because she had
continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so
rash as to do him any harm; and as he despaired of recovering, for he
was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged
the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that
he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his
misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the
lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which was as
follows.
2. There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Matthias, the son of
Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most
celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men well beloved by the
people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that
were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day. These men,
when they found that the king's distemper was incurable, excited the
young men that they would pull down all those works which the king had
erected contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the
rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for
that it was truly on account of Herod's rashness in making such things
as the law had forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper
also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now
afflicted, came upon him; for Herod had caused such things to be made
which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and
Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a
large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple.
Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect
images 6 or representations of any living creature. So these wise men
persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that
although they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their
deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much
more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would
die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers;
since they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation;
since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave
an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity; since
that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to
escape any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those
who are in love with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by
such behavior as may carry them out of the world with praise and honor;
and that this will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it
by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it;
and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to their
children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women,
which will be of great advantage to them afterward.
3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men
to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead,
this was an addition to the wise men's persuasions; so, in the very
middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle,
and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people
were in the temple. And now the king's captain, upon hearing what the
undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it
proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him,
such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who
pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them
unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish
presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the
multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was
for their advantage; so he caught no fewer than forty of the young men,
who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with
the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it an
ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king.
And when they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had been
so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, "Yes, [said they,]
what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed we
performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage as becomes men; for
we have given our assistance to those things which were dedicated to the
majesty of God, and we have provided for what we have learned by hearing
the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem those laws
which Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and which
he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy
commands. Accordingly we will undergo death, and all sorts of
punishments which thou canst inflict upon us, with pleasure, since we
are conscious to ourselves that we shall die, not for any unrighteous
actions, but for our love to religion." And thus they all said, and
their courage was still equal to their profession, and equal to that
with which they readily set about this undertaking. And when the king
had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and called
together the principal men among the Jews; and when they were come, he
made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself
stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had
long endured on their account, and his building of the temple, and what
a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred
and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform
any so great a work for the honor of God as that was; that he had also
adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he hoped that
he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation after
his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from
affronting him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and
in the sight of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to
fall upon what he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it
down to the ground. They pretended, indeed, that they did it to affront
him; but if any one consider the thing truly, they will find that they
were guilty of sacrilege against God therein.
4. But the people, on account of Herod's barbarous temper, and for fear
he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was
done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that
the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for
Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he
deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this
action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother, high priest
in his stead. Now it happened, that during the time of the high
priesthood of this Matthias, there was another person made high priest
for a single day, that very day which the Jews observed as a fast. The
occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before
that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, 7 to
have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate
himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman,
assisted him in that sacred office. But Herod deprived this Matthias of
the high priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the
sedition, with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an
eclipse of the moon. 8
5. But now Herod's distemper greatly increased upon him after a severe
manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his sins; for a fire
glowed in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch
outwardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly; for it brought upon him a
vehement appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one
sort of food or other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the
chief violence of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent
liquor also had settled itself about his feet, and a like matter
afflicted him at the bottom of his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member
was putrefied, and produced worms; and when he sat upright, he had a
difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on account of the
stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had also
convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased his strength to an
insufferable degree. It was said by those who pretended to divine, and
who were endued with wisdom to foretell such things, that God inflicted
this punishment on the king on account of his great impiety; yet was he
still in hopes of recovering, though his afflictions seemed greater than
any one could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not refuse to
follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond the
river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were at
Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to
drink; which water runs into the lake called Asphaltiris. And when the
physicians once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil,
it was supposed that he was just dying; but upon the lamentable cries of
his domestics, he revived; and having no longer the least hopes of
recovering, he gave order that every soldier should be paid fifty
drachmae; and he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his
friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it
brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he were near his
death, he contrived the following wicked designs. He commanded that all
the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived,
should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that
came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this
call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles
that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against
them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded ground for
accusations; and when they were come, he ordered them to be all shut up
in the hyppodrome, 9 and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband
Alexas, and spake thus to them: "I shall die in a little time, so great
are my pains; which death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be
welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles me is this, that I
shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning as men
usually expect at a king's death." For that he was not unacquainted with
the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable,
and exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they
were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had
dedicated to God that it therefore was their business to resolve to
afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this occasion; for
that if they do not refuse him their consent in what he desires, he
shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never had any
king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very
soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only. He
desired therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost,
they shall place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know
that he is dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the
multitude till this is done, but that they shall give orders to have
those that are in custody shot with their darts; and that this slaughter
of them all will cause that he shall not miss to rejoice on a double
account; that as he is dying, they will make him secure that his will
shall be executed in what he charges them to do; and that he shall have
the honor of a memorable mourning at his funeral. So he deplored his
condition, with tears in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due
from them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and
begged of them that they would not hinder him of this honorable mourning
at his funeral. So they promised him not to transgress his commands.
6. Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man's mind, which
not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly against his
relations, out of the love of life, but by those commands of his which
savored of no humanity; since he took care, when he was departing out of
this life, that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed
made desolate of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out
of every family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was
unjust, or that was against him, nor were they accused of any other
crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay
aside their hatred at such a time, even with respect to those they
justly esteemed their enemies.
CHAPTER 7. Herod Has Thoughts Of Killing Himself With His Own Hand; And
A Little Afterwards He Orders Antipater To Be Slain.
1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters
from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Cæsar, which, when
they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Cæsar,
out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater's wicked
practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Cæsar left it to Herod to
act as became a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take
away his life, which he pleased. When Herod heard this, he was some-
what better, out of the pleasure he had from the contents of the
letters, and was elevated at the death of Acme, and at the power that
was given him over his son; but as his pains were become very great, he
was now ready to faint for want of somewhat to eat; so he called for an
apple and a knife; for it was his custom formerly to pare the apple
himself, and soon afterwards to cut it, and eat it. When he had got the
knife, he looked about, and had a mind to stab himself with it; and he
had done it, had not his first cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held
his hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon a woeful lamentation echoed
through the palace, and a great tumult was made, as if the king were
dead. Upon which Antipater, who verily believed his father was deceased,
grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately and entirely
released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his hands without
any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about letting him go, and
in that case promised him great things, both now and hereafter, as if
that were the only thing now in question. But the jailer did not only
refuse to do what Antipater would have him, but informed the king of his
intentions, and how many solicitations he had had from him [of that
nature]. Hereupon Herod, who had formerly no affection nor good-will
towards his son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer said, he
cried out, and beat his head, although he was at death's door, and
raised himself upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards, and
commanded them to kill Antipater without tiny further delay, and to do
it presently, and to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania.
CHAPTER 8. Concerning Herod's Death, And Testament, And Burial.
1. And now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind;
for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the kingdom, to be
tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, and granted the kingdom to Archelaus. He
also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his
son, but own brother to Archelaus 10 by the name of a tetrarchy; and
bequeathed Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis to Salome his sister, with
five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that was coined. He also made
provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving them sums of money
and annual revenues, and so left them all in a wealthy condition. He
bequeathed also to Cæsar ten millions [of drachmae] of coined money,
besides both vessels of gold and silver, and garments exceeding costly,
to Julia, Cæsar's wife; and to certain others, five millions. When he
had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he had caused
Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonus
to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by
the Romans, thirty-seven. 11 A man he was of great barbarity towards all
men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above the consideration of
what was right; yet was he favored by fortune as much as any man ever
was, for from a private man he became a king; and though he were
encompassed with ten thousand dangers, he got clear of them all, and
continued his life till a very old age. But then, as to the affairs of
his family and children, in which indeed, according to his own opinion,
he was also very fortunate, because he was able to conquer his enemies,
yet, in my opinion, he was herein very unfortunate.
2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the king's death was made known,
dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and told them that
the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and take care of
their own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit. And
now the king's death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered
the soldiery together in the amphitheater at Jericho; and the first
thing they did was, they read Herod's letter, written to the soldiery,
thanking them for their fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting
them to afford his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed for their king,
like fidelity and good-will. After which Ptolemy, who had the king's
seal intrusted to him, read the king's testament, which was to be of
force no otherwise than as it should stand when Cæsar had inspected it;
so there was presently an acclamation made to Archelaus, as king; and
the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders with them, and promised
the same good-will to him, and readiness to serve him, which they had
exhibited to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant to him.
3. After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being
Archelaus's care that the procession to his father's sepulcher should be
very sumptuous. Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn
the pomp of the funeral. The body was carried upon a golden bier,
embroidered with very precious stones of great variety, and it was
covered over with purple, as well as the body itself; he had a diadem
upon his head, and above it a crown of gold: he also had a scepter in
his right hand. About the bier were his sons and his numerous relations;
next to these was the soldiery, distinguished according to their several
countries and denominations; and they were put into the following order:
First of all went his guards, then the band of Thracians, and after them
the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one in their
habiliments of war; and behind these marched the whole army in the same
manner as they used to go out to war, and as they used to be put in
array by their muster-masters and centurions; these were followed by
five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they went eight
furlongs 12 to Herodium; for there by his own command he was to be
buried. And thus did Herod end his life.
4. Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his mourning
till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for it by the law
of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to the multitude, and left
off his motoring, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations
and praises given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with
the rest who should appear to use the loudest acclamations. So he
ascended a high elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne
made of gold, and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what
joy he received their acclamations, and the marks of the good-will they
showed to him; and returned them thanks that they did not remember the
injuries his father had done them to his disadvantage; and promised them
he would endeavor not to be behindhand with them in rewarding their
alacrity in his service, after a suitable manner; but that he should
abstain at present from the name of king, and that he should have the
honor of that dignity, if Cæsar should confirm and settle that testament
which his father had made; and that it was on this account, that when
the army would have put the diadem on him at Jericho, he would not
accept of that honor, which is usually so much desired, because it was
not yet evident that he who was to be principally concerned in bestowing
it would give it him; although, by his acceptance of the government, he
should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness to him and that
it should be his endeavor, as to all things wherein they were concerned,
to prove in every respect better than his father. Whereupon the
multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of
those that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those
that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and
civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made
application to him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a
clamor that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but
others desired him to release those that were put into prison by Herod,
who were many, and had been put there at several times; others of them
required that he would take away those taxes which had been severely
laid upon what was publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted
them in nothing, since he pretended to do all things so as to get the
good-will of the multitude to him, as looking upon that good-will to be
a great step towards his preservation of the government. Hereupon he
went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook himself to feast with
his friends.
CHAPTER 9. How The People Raised A Sedition Against Archelaus, And How
He Sailed To Rome.
1. At this time also it was that some of the Jews got together out of a
desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those that were slain
with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral
mourning, out of the fear men were in of that man; they were those who
had been condemned for pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a
great clamor and lamentation hereupon, and cast out some reproaches
against the king also, as if that tended to alleviate the miseries of
the deceased. The people assembled together, and desired of Archelaus,
that, in way of revenge on their account, he would inflict punishment on
those who had been honored by Herod; and that, in the first and
principal place, he would deprive that high priest whom Herod had made,
and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and of greater purity,
to officiate as high priest. This was granted by Archelaus, although he
was mightily offended at their importunity, because he proposed to
himself to go to Rome immediately to look after Cæsar's determination
about him. However, he sent the general of his forces to use
persuasions, and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on
their friends was according to the law; and to represent to them that
their petitions about these things were carried to a great height of
injury to him; that the time was not now proper for such petitions, but
required their unanimity until such time as he should be established in
the government by the consent of Cæsar, and should then be come back to
them; for that he would then consult with them in common concerning the
purport of their petitions; but that they ought at present to be quiet,
lest they should seem seditious persons.
2. So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed his
general in what he was to say, he sent him away to the people; but they
made a clamor, and would not give him leave to speak, and put him in
danger of his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture upon
saying openly any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and
prevent their going on in their present courses, because they had more
concern to have all their own wills performed than to yield obedience to
their governors; thinking it to be a thing insufferable, that, while
Herod was alive, they should lose those that were most dear to them, and
that when he was dead, they could not get the actors to be punished. So
they went on with their designs after a violent manner, and thought all
to be lawful and right which tended to please them, and being unskillful
in foreseeing what dangers they incurred; and when they had suspicion of
such a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took in the punishment
of those they deemed their enemies overweigh all such considerations;
and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, yet they treated them
not as messengers sent by him, but as persons that came of their own
accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one of them speak. The
sedition also was made by such as were in a great passion; and it was
evident that they were proceeding further in seditious practices, by the
multitude running so fast upon them.
3. Now, upon the approach of that feast of unleavened bread, which the
law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this time, which
feast is called the Passover 13 and is a memorial of their deliverance
out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices with great alacrity; and when
they are required to slay more sacrifices in number than at any other
festival; and when an innumerable multitude came thither out of the
country, nay, from beyond its limits also, in order to worship God, the
seditious lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers of the laws, and
kept together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because these
seditious persons were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was
afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of these men's
madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a
thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious before the
whole multitude should be infected with the like madness; and gave them
this charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than
others, and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring them to
him. But those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the
law, irritated the people by the noise and clamors they used to
encourage the people in their designs; so they made an assault upon the
soldiers, and came up to them, and stoned the greatest part of them,
although some of them ran away wounded, and their captain among them;
and when they had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices which were
already in their hands. Now Archelaus thought there was no way to
preserve the entire government but by cutting off those who made this
attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army upon them, and sent the
horsemen to prevent those that had their tents without the temple from
assisting those that were within the temple, and to kill such as ran
away from the footmen when they thought themselves out of danger; which
horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the neighboring
mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to be made to them all,
that they should retire to their own homes; so they went away, and left
the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse which would follow, although
they had been so bold by reason of their want of instruction. So
Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took with him
Nicolaus and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and left Philip
his brother as governor of all things belonging both to his own family
and to the public. There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister
who took with her, her children, and many of her kindred were with her;
which kindred of hers went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in
gaining the kingdom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make
loud complaints of what he had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Cæsar's
steward for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste into Judea to
preserve Herod's effects, met with Archelaus at Cæsarea; but Varus
[president of Syria] came at that time, and restrained him from meddling
with them, for he was there as sent for by Archceaus, by the means of
Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any
of the castles that were among the Jews, nor did he seal up the
treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them, until Cæsar
should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this his
promise, he tarried still at Cæsarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for
Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and
seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers of the
garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod's effects, and
declared publicly that he should require them to give an account of what
they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but
those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in
command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that had been
enjoined them; and their pretense was, that they kept them all for
Cæsar.
4. At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons, sail to
Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with
promises that he should take that government; and that he was a much
honester and fitter man than Archelaus for that authority, since Herod
had, in his former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king,
which ought to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas
also brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus,
one that had been Herod's most honored friend, and was now zealous for
Antipas; but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his
reputation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom,
who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose
means it was, that when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to
his elder brother, and who had been declared king by their father's last
will, he would not submit so to do. And when he was come to Rome, all
his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but
out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all
desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor;
but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought
Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to
procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus
to Cæsar.
5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Cæsar, wherein he
pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father's testament, with the
accounts of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal,
he so expected the event; but when Cæsar had read these papers, and
Varus's and Sabinus's letters, with the accounts of the money, and what
were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had
also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends
together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of
Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him,
and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak
their minds about the affairs now before them. Now Antipater, Salome's
son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first
to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now to
have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the
power over it to himself, before Cæsar had granted it to him; and
appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the
Jewish festival; and if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the
punishing of them should have been reserved to those that were out of
the country, but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by
a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Cæsar, by
usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Cæsar; but
if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse,
since he who was putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to
have that power granted him, of which he had already deprived Cæsar [by
taking it to himself]. He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to
his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal
throne beforehand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he
were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to those
that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing such things,
than which he could devise no greater if he had been already settled in
the kingdom by Cæsar. He also ascribed to him the releasing of the
prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other things, that
either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and
easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a
nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a
desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged
him with his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and with
having merry meetings the very night in which he died; and that it was
thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if
Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such
benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by
pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an actor on the
stage, but every night making mirth for having gotten the government, he
would appear to be the same Archelaus with regard to Cæsar, if he
granted him the kingdom, which he hath been to his father; since he had
then dancing and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not
as though a man were carried to his funeral, that was so nearly related,
and had been so great a benefactor to him. But he said that the greatest
crime of all was this, that he came now before Cæsar to obtain the
government by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he
could have acted if Cæsar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him firmly
in the government. And what he most aggravated in his pleading was the
slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at
the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some
of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the
temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien,
but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might
complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and which
is hated by all men. On which account his father never so much as
dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a
sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former and more
authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but
that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in a
dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he
was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him
capable of managing his own affairs: and if his father had the like
notion of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a
sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath [in
effect] deprived Cæsar of that power of disposing of the kingdom, which
he justly hath, and hath not abstained from making a terrible slaughter
of his fellow citizens in the temple, while he was but a private person.
6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had
said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus's own relations,
he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead
for Archelaus, and said, "That what had been done at the temple was
rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than
to the authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of
such things are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves,
but in forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now it is
evident that what these did in way of opposition was done under
pretense, indeed, against Archelaus, but in reality against Cæsar
himself, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked and slew those
who were sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a stop to their
doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom
Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether it be out of his
indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of his hatred of virtue and
justice. For as to those who begin such tumults, and first set about
such unrighteous actions, they are the men who force those that punish
them to betake themselves to arms even against their will. So that
Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who
were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of
injustice has been done but what was derived from them as its authors;
nor are those things evil in themselves, but so represented only in
order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these men's inclination to do an
injury to a man that is of their kindred, their father's benefactor, and
familiarity acquainted with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship
with them; for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when
he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his
former testament; and that for this reason, because Cæsar is therein
left to be the judge and disposer of all therein contained; and for
Cæsar, he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings of
those men, who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions been
joint partakers of power with him, and yet do zealously endeavor to
injure his determination, while they have not themselves had the same
regard to their kinsman [which Archelaus had]. Cæsar will not therefore
disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, of his
friend and confederate, and that which is committed to him in trust to
ratify; nor will Cæsar's virtuous and upright disposition, which is
known and uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate the
wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having
lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son
of his, and to one who flies to Cæsar's upright determination for
refuge. Nor can Herod at any time have been mistaken in his judgment
about a successor, while he showed so much prudence as to submit all to
Cæsar's determination."
7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Cæsar, he ended his
plea; whereupon Cæsar was so obliging to Archelaus, that he raised him
up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said that he well
deserved the kingdom; and he soon let them know that he was so far moved
in his favor, that he would not act otherwise than his father's
testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus.
However, while he gave this encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him
securely, he made no full determination about him; and when the assembly
was broken up, he considered by himself whether he should confirm the
kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all Herod's
posterity; and this because they all stood in need of much assistance to
support them.
CHAPTER 10. A Sedition Against Sabinus; And How Varus Brought The
Authors Of It To Punishment.
1. But before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace,
Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters
came from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Cæsar of the
revolt of the Jews; for after Archelaus was sailed, the whole nation was
in a tumult. So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors
of the disturbance to punishment; and when he had restrained them for
the most part from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his
journey to Antioch, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep
the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet did not this
at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after Varus was
gone away, Sabinus, Cæsar's procurator, staid behind, and greatly
distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there that
they would by their multitude protect him; for he made use of them, and
armed them as his guards, thereby so oppressing the Jews, and giving
them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for he used
force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after
the king's money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account of his
love of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.
2. But on the approach of pentecost, which is a festival of ours, so
called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of
men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival, but
out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries
he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans,
and many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river
Jordan, and inhabited those parts. This whole multitude joined
themselves to all the rest, and were more zealous than the others in
making an assault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him; so they
parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the
places following:—some of them seized on the hippodrome and of the other
two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple
to the southern, on the east quarter; but the third band held the
western part of the city, where the king's palace was. Their work tended
entirely to besiege the Romans, and to enclose them on all sides. Now
Sabinus was afraid of these men's number, and of their resolution, who
had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous not to be
overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their
enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to
do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to his
assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and
would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces;
while he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress
Phasaelus, which had been built in honor of Phasaelus, king Herod's
brother, and called so when the Parthians had brought him to his death.
14 So Sabinus gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews,
although he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his
friends, and thought he might expect that the others should expose
themselves first to die on account of his avarice. However, the Romans
ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued;
wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were
not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight
of that terrible slaughter that was made of them; but they went round
about, and got upon those cloisters which encompassed the outer court of
the temple, where a great fight was still continued, and they cast
stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings,
as being much used to those exercises. All the archers also in array did
the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands
dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others
were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their
arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them,
insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this
sort of fight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who were
greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so
privately, that those that were gotten upon them did not perceive it.
This fire 15 being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught
hold immediately on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was
full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded
to the flame presently, and those vast works, which were of the highest
value and esteem, were destroyed utterly, while those that were on the
roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for as the roof tumbled
down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others of them were
killed by their enemies who encompassed them. There was a great number
more, who, out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment
at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the
fire, or threw themselves upon their swords, and so got out of their
misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by which they
ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed by the Romans, as
being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their wild fury being
now not able to help them, because they were destitute of armor,
insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one
escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them
room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was
reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus
got openly four hundred talents.
3. But this calamity of the Jews' friends, who fell in this battle,
grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God
in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued best
together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and
threatened to set fire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still
they commanded them to go out presently, and promised, that if they
would do so, they would not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which
time the greatest part of the king's troops deserted to them, while
Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod's
army with them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans.
There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Rufus, which
itself went over to the Romans also. However, the Jews went on with the
siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and besought those that
were gone over to the other side not to be their hinderance, now they
had such a proper opportunity for the recovery of their country's
ancient liberty; and for Sabinus, truly he was desirous of going away
with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with the enemy, on
account of what mischief he had already done them; and he took this
great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not
comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was coming, he
still bore the siege.
4. Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in Judea,
which were like tumults, because a great number put themselves into a
warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of
enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thousand of Herod's old soldiers,
who had been already disbanded, got together in Judea itself, and fought
against the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin,
opposed them; but as he was driven out of the plains into the
mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he kept himself in
the fastnesses that were there, and saved what he could.
5. There was also Judas, 16 the son of that Ezekias who had been head of
the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great
difficulty been caught by Herod. This Judas, having gotten together a
multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee,
made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons
that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that
were with him, and carried away what money was left there; and he became
terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him;
and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire
of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of
his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries.
6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in
other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one
that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things
committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of
things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, while a certain
number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a
king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else.
He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left
in it. He also set fire to many other of the king's houses in several
places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those
that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey; and he
would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress
him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman
soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon, and after a
great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who
were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a
skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by
flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut
off his head. The royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was
burnt down by a party of men that were got together, as were those
belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself
over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good
order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to
sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the
injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of their
affairs.
7. But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of his
progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that
had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body;
yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of
his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so
sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although
he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so
great a design. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves,
and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their
hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought
that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom.
Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got
together to them were very numerous. They were every one of them also
commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him,
and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled
a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things
were done according to his pleasure. And this man retained his power a
great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from
doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great
many both of the Romans and of the king's forces, and managed matters
with the like hatred to each of them. The king's forces they fell upon,
because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod's
government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they
had so lately received from them. But in process of time they grew more
cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other of
these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and
others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company
of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and
fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot
forty of the best of his foot soldiers; but the rest of them were
affrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but
saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king's troops
that were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren
continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much
grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of
mischief. Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with
Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them
prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected at the other's
misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save
himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors,
that he also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his promise and
oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good
while afterward.
8. And now Judea was full of robberies; and as the several companies of
the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he was created a king
immediately, in order to do mischief to the public. They were in some
small measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans; but
the murders they committed upon their own people lasted a long while.
9. As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus's
writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he
took the two other legions, [for there were three legions in all
belonging to Syria,] and four troops of horsemen, with the several
auxiliary forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs
afforded him, and made what haste he could to assist those that were
then besieged in Judea. He also gave order that all that were sent out
for this expedition, should make haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of
Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries as he passed through
their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to
Herod, and in order to purchase the favor of the Romans, sent him no
small assistance, besides their footmen and horsemen; and when he had
now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them to his
son, and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into
Galilee, which lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais; who made an attack
upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its
inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his
march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the
city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious;
but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy,
whose name was Arus, which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to
Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they
marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians
plundered and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and
all along this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of
fire and of slaughter. Emmaus was also burnt by Varus's order, after its
inhabitants had deserted it, that he might avenge those that had there
been destroyed. From thence he now marched to Jerusalem; whereupon those
Jews whose camp lay there, and who had besieged the Roman legion, not
bearing the coming of this army, left the siege imperfect: but as to the
Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached them bitterly for what had been
done, they cleared themselves of the accusation, and alleged that the
conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war was not
made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the strangers, while
they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged together with them,
rather than having any inclination to besiege them. There also came
beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-german of king Herod, as
also Gratus and Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with them,
together with those Romans who had been besieged; but Sabinus did not
come into Varus's presence, but stole out of the city privately, and
went to the sea-side.
10. Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to seek
out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when they were
discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he
dismissed: now the number of those that were crucified on this account
were two thousand. After which he disbanded his army, which he found no
way useful to him in the affairs he came about; for they behaved
themselves very disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus
desired them to do, and this out of regard to that gain which they made
by the mischief they did. As for himself, when he was informed that ten
thousand Jews had gotten together, he made haste to catch them; but they
did not proceed so far as to fight him, but, by the advice of Achiabus,
they came together, and delivered themselves up to him: hereupon Varus
forgave the crime of revolting to the multitude, but sent their several
commanders to Cæsar, many of whom Cæsar dismissed; but for the several
relations of Herod who had been among these men in this war, they were
the only persons whom he punished, who, without the least regard to
justice, fought against their own kindred.
CHAPTER 11. An Embassage To Cæsar; And How Cæsar Confirmed Herod's
Testament.
1. So when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the former
legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus,
he had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions
following: for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having
permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition for the
liberty of living by their own laws. 17 Now the number of the
ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to
which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome
already. Hereupon Cæsar assembled his friends, and the chief men among
the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, 18 which he had built at a vast
charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude of the Jews that
were there already came with them, as did also Archelaus and his
friends; but as for the several kinsmen which Archelaus had, they would
not join themselves with him, out of their hatred to him; and yet they
thought it too gross a thing for them to assist the ambassadors [against
him], as supposing it would be a disgrace to them in Cæsar's opinion to
think of thus acting in opposition to a man of their own kindred. Philip
19 also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus, with
this principal intention to assist his brother [Archelaus]; for Varus
was his great friend: but still so, that if there should any change
happen in the form of government, [which Varus suspected there would,]
and if any distribution should be made on account of the number that
desired the liberty of living by their own laws, that he might not be
disappointed, but might have his share in it.
2. Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to
speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government
betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared
that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that
uncontrollable authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and
had made use of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did
not abstain from making many innovations among them besides, according
to his own inclinations; and that whereas there were a great many who
perished by that destruction he brought upon them, so many indeed as no
other history relates, they that survived were far more miserable than
those that suffered under him; not only by the anxiety they were in from
his looks and disposition towards them, but from the danger their
estates were in of being taken away by him. That he did never leave off
adorning these cities that lay in their neighborhood, but were inhabited
by foreigners; but so that the cities belonging to his own government
were ruined, and utterly destroyed that whereas, when he took the
kingdom, it was in an extraordinary flourishing condition, he had filled
the nation with the utmost degree of poverty; and when, upon unjust
pretenses, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away their estates;
and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned them to the
forfeiture of what they possessed. And besides the annual impositions
which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents
to himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as
were vouchsafed the favor of being his tax-gatherers, because there was
no way of obtaining a freedom from unjust violence without giving either
gold or silver for it. That they would say nothing of the corruption of
the chastity of their virgins, and the reproach laid on their wives for
incontinency, and those things acted after an insolent and inhuman
manner; because it was not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have
such things concealed, than it would have been not to have suffered
them. That Herod had put such abuses upon them as a wild beast would not
have put on them, if he had power given him to rule over us; and that
although their nation had passed through many subversions and
alterations of government, their history gave no account of any calamity
they had ever been under, that could be compared with this which Herod
had brought upon their nation; that it was for this reason that they
thought they might justly and gladly salute Archelaus as king, upon this
supposition, that whosoever should be set over their kingdom, he would
appear more mild to them than Herod had been; and that they had joined
with him in the mourning for his father, in order to gratify him, and
were ready to oblige him in other points also, if they could meet with
any degree of moderation from him; but that he seemed to be afraid lest
he should not be deemed Herod's own son; and so, without any delay, he
immediately let the nation understand his meaning, and this before his
dominion was well established, since the power of disposing of it
belonged to Cæsar, who could either give it to him or not, as he
pleased. That he had given a specimen of his future virtue to his
subjects, and with what kind of moderation and good administration he
would govern them, by that his first action, which concerned them, his
own citizens, and God himself also, when he made the slaughter of three
thousand of his own countrymen at the temple. How then could they avoid
the just hatred of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added
this as one of our crimes, that we have opposed and contradicted him in
the exercise of his authority? Now the main thing they desired was this:
That they might be delivered from kingly and the like forms of
government, 20 and might be added to Syria, and be put under the
authority of such presidents of theirs as should be sent to them; for
that it would thereby be made evident, whether they be really a
seditious people, and generally fond of innovations, or whether they
would live in an orderly manner, if they might have governors of any
sort of moderation set over them.
3. Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings from
those accusations, and said, that as for Herod, since he had never been
thus accused all the time of his life, it was not fit for those that
might have accused him of lesser crimes than those now mentioned, and
might have procured him to be punished during his lifetime, to bring an
accusation against him now he is dead. He also attributed the actions of
Archlaus to the Jews' injuries to him, who, affecting to govern contrary
to the laws, and going about to kill those that would have hindered them
from acting unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had
done, made their complaints against him; so he accused them of their
attempts for innovation, and of the pleasure they took in sedition, by
reason of their not having learned to submit to justice and to the laws,
but still desiring to be superior in all things. This was the substance
of what Nicolaus said.
4. When Cæsar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the assembly; but
a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed to be king of
the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of that which had been
subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter,
if he governed his part virtuously. But as for the other half, he
divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod's sons, to
Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the
whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Peres and Galilee paid their
tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents, 21 while
Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of
what was called the House of Zenodorus, 22 paid the tribute of one
hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of
Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that
tribute taken off by the order of Cæsar, who decreed them that
mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of
the multitude. There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute
to Archelaus: Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for
as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which
Cæsar separated from his government, and added them to the province of
Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his
own dominions amounted to six hundred talents.
5. And so much came to Herod's sons from their father's inheritance. But
Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testament, which were
Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae]
of coined silver, Cæsar made her a present of a royal habitation at
Askelo; in all, her revenues amounted to sixty talents by the year, and
her dwelling-house was within Archelaus's government. The rest also of
the king's relations received what his testament allotted them.
Moreover, Cæsar made a present to each of Herod's two virgin daughters,
besides what their father left them, of two hundred and fifty thousand
[drachmae] of silver, and married them to Pheroras's sons: he also
granted all that was bequeathed to himself to the king's sons, which was
one thousand five hundred talents, excepting a few of the vessels, which
he reserved for himself; and they were acceptable to him, not so much
for the great value they were of, as because they were memorials of the
king to him.
CHAPTER 12. Concerning A Spurious Alexander.
1. When these affairs had been thus settled by Cæsar, a certain young
man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in the city
Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance
of his countenance, which those that saw him attested to be that of
Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had slain; and this was an
incitement to him to endeavor to obtain the government; so he took to
him as an assistant a man of his own country, [one that was well
acquainted with the affairs of the palace, but, on other accounts, an
ill man, and one whose nature made him capable of causing great
disturbances to the public, and one that became a teacher of such a
mischievous contrivance to the other,] and declared himself to be
Alexander, and the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those that
were sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in order to
deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus.
Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on those that came to him;
and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to
discourse with him believe him [to be Alexander]. And when he had gotten
much money which had been presented to him there, he passed over to
Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the
belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he
would recover his father's principality, and reward his benefactors; so
he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those strangers who
entertained him. He was also so fortunate, as, upon his landing at
Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into the same delusion;
and not only other people, but also all those that had been great with
Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined themselves to this man as to
their king. The cause of it was this, that men were glad of his
pretenses, which were seconded by the likeness of his countenance, which
made those that had been acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe
that he was no other but the very same person, which they also confirmed
to others by oath; insomuch that when the report went about him that he
was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there went
out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he has so
unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother's
family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through
the streets; and all the ornaments about him were such as kings are
adorned withal; and this was at the expense of those that entertained
him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty
acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought
suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved.
2. When this thing was told Cæsar, he did not believe it, because Herod
was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of great
concern to him; yet, having some suspicion it might be so, he sent one
Celadus, a freed-man of his, and one that had conversed with the young
men themselves, and bade him bring Alexander into his presence; so he
brought him, being no more accurate in judging about him than the rest
of the multitude. Yet did not he deceive Cæsar; for although there was a
resemblance between him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact as to
impose on such as were prudent in discerning; for this spurious
Alexander had his hands rough, by the labors he had been put to and
instead of that softness of body which the other had, and this as
derived from his delicate and generous education, this man, for the
contrary reason, had a rugged body. When, therefore, Cæsar saw how the
master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and in a bold way of
talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what became of him who
[it seems] was stolen away together with him, and for what reason it was
that he did not come along with him, and endeavor to recover that
dominion which was due to his high birth also. And when he said that he
had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of the sea,
that, in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity of
Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive,
and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them; and
when he persevered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture
agreed in supporting it, Cæsar took the young man by himself, and said
to him, "If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy
reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me, then, who thou
art, and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as
this. For this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villainy to be
undertaken by one of thy age." Accordingly, because he had no other way
to take, he told Cæsar the contrivance, and after what manner and by
whom it was laid together. So Cæsar, upon observing the spurious
Alexander to be a strong active man, and fit to work with his hands,
that he might not break his promise to him, put him among those that
were to row among the mariners, but slew him that induced him to do what
he had done; for as for the people of Melos, he thought them
sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their money upon
this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious conclusion of this
bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander.
CHAPTER 13. How Archelaus Upon A Second Accusation, Was Banished To
Vienna.
1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea,
he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and
took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in
his place. He also magnificently rebuilt the royal palace that had been
at Jericho, and he diverted half the water with which the village of
Neara used to be watered, and drew off that water into the plain, to
water those palm trees which he had there planted: he also built a
village, and put his own name upon it, and called it Archelais.
Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers 23 and married
Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his
brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it
was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother's wife. Nor
did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of
Sie, being put in his room while he was still living.
2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus's government, both his brethren,
and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his
barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Cæsar, and
that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Cæsar,
which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them.
Whereupon Cæsar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for
Archelaus's steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose
name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to
Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to
us: so the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he
found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Cæsar had
sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome],
Cæsar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what
reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of
Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from
him.
3. Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he
related this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn, in number
ten, full of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it seemed to him,
were devoured by oxen. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the
vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the
diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of
one opinion, and some of another, [for all their interpretations did not
agree,] Simon, a man of the sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak
his mind freely, and said that the vision denoted a change in the
affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better; that oxen, because
that animal takes uneasy pains in his labors, denoted afflictions, and
indeed denoted, further, a change of affairs, because that land which is
ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its former state; and that the ears of
corn being ten, determined the like number of years, because an ear of
corn grows in one year; and that the time of Archelaus's government was
over. And thus did this man expound the dream. Now on the fifth day
after this dream came first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was
sent to Judea by Cæsar to call him away, came hither also.
4. The like accident befell Glaphyra his wife, who was the daughter of
king Archelaus, who, as I said before, was married, while she was a
virgin, to Alexander, the son of Herod, and brother of Archelaus; but
since it fell out so that Alexander was slain by his father, she was
married to Juba, the king of Lybia; and when he was dead, and she lived
in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father, Archelaus divorced his
former wife Mariamne, and married her, so great was his affection for
this Glphyra; who, during her marriage to him, saw the following dream:
She thought she saw Alexander standing by her, at which she rejoiced,
and embraced him with great affection; but that he complained o her, and
said, O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying to be true, which assures us
that women are not to be trusted. Didst not thou pledge thy faith to me?
and wast not thou married to me when thou wast a virgin? and had we not
children between us? Yet hast thou forgotten the affection I bare to
thee, out of a desire of a second husband. Nor hast thou been satisfied
with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast been so bold as to procure
thee a third husband to lie by thee, and in an indecent and imprudent
manner hast entered into my house, and hast been married to Archelaus,
thy husband and my brother. However, I will not forget thy former kind
affection for me, but will set thee free from every such reproachful
action, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once wast. When she had
related this to her female companions, in a few days' time she departed
this life.
5. Now I did not think these histories improper for the present
discourse, both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and
otherwise also on account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as well
for the confirmation of the immortality of the soul, as of the
providence of God over human affairs, I thought them fit to be set down;
but if any one does not believe such relations, let him indeed enjoy his
own opinion, but let him not hinder another that would thereby encourage
himself in virtue. So Archelaus's country was laid to the province of
Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Cæsar to take
account of people's effects in Syria, and to sell the house of
Archelaus.
FOOTNOTES:
1 (return) [ Those who have a mind to know all the family and
descendants of Antipater the Idumean, and of Herod the Great, his son,
and have a memory to preserve them all distinctly, may consult Josephus,
Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 5. sect. 4; and Of the War, B. I. ch. 28. sect. 4;
in Havercamp's edition, p. 336; and Spanheim, lb. p. 402—405; and
Reland, Paleslin. Part I. p. 178, 176.]
2 (return) [ This is now wanting.]
3 (return) [ Pheroras's wife, and her mother and sister, and Doris,
Antipater's mother.]
4 (return) [ His wife, her mother, and sister.]
5 (return) [ It seems to me, by this whole story put together, that
Pheroras was not himself poisoned, as is commonly supposed; for
Antipater had persuaded him to poison Herod, ch. v. sect. 1, which would
fall to the ground if he wore himself poisoned; nor could the poisoning
of Pheroras serve any design that appears now going forward; it was only
the supposal of two of his freed-men, that this love-potion, or poison,
which they knew was brought to Pheroras's wife, was made use of for
poisoning him; whereas it appears to have been brought for her husband
to poison Herod withal, as the future examinations demonstrate.]
6 (return) [ That the making of images, without an intention to worship
them, was not unlawful to the Jews, see the note on Antiq. B VIII. ch.
7. sect. 5.
7 (return) [ This fact, that one Joseph was made high priest for a
single day, on occasion of the action here specified, that befell
Matthias, the real high priest, in his sleep, the night before the great
day of expiation, is attested to both in the Mishna and Talmud, as Dr.
Hudson here informs us. And indeed, from this fact, thus fully attested,
we may confute that pretended rule in the Talmud here mentioned, and
endeavored to be excused lay Reland, that the high priest was not
suffered to sleep the night before that great day of expiation; which
watching would surely rather unfit him for the many important duties he
was to perform on that solemn day, than dispose him duly to perform
them. Nor do such Talmudical rules, when unsupported by better evidence,
much less when contradicted there by, seem to me of weight enough to
deserve that so great a man as Reland should spend his time in endeavors
at their vindication.]
8 (return) [ This eclipse of the moon [which is the only eclipse of
either of the luminaries mentioned by our Josephus in any of his
writings] is of the greatest consequence for the determination of the
time for the death of Herod and Antipater, and for the birth and entire
chronology of Jesus Christ. It happened March 13th, in the year of the
Julian period 4710, and the 4th year before the Christian era. See its
calculation by the rules of astronomy, at the end of the Astronomical
Lectures, edit. Lat. p. 451, 452.]
9 (return) [ A place for the horse-races.]
10 (return) [ When it is here said that Philip the tetrarch, and
Archelaus the king, or ethnarch, were own brother, or genuine brothers,
if those words mean own brothers, or born of the same father and mother,
there must be here some mistake; because they had indeed the same
father, Herod, but different mothers; the former Cleopatra, and
Archelaus Malthace. They were indeed brought up together privately at
Rome like when he went to have his kingdom confirmed to him at Rome, ch.
9. sect. 5; and Of the War, B. II. ch. 2. sect. 1; which intimacy is
perhaps all that Josephus intended by the words before us.]
11 (return) [ These numbers of years for Herod's reign, 34 and 37, are
the very same with those, Of the War, B. I. ch. 33. sect. 8, and are
among the principal chronological characters belonging to the reign or
death of Herod. See Harm. p. 150—155.]
12 (return) [ At eight stadia or furlongs a-day, as here, Herod's
funeral, conducted to Herodium, which lay at the distance from Jericho,
where he died, of 200 stadia or furlongs, Of the War, B. 1. ch. 33.
sect. 9, must have taken up no less than twenty-five days.]
13 (return) [ This passover, when the sedition here mentioned was moved
against Archelaus, was not one, but thirteen months after the eclipse of
the moon already mentioned.]
14 (return) [ See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 10; and Of the War; B.
II. ch. 12. sect. 9.]
15 (return) [ These great devastations made about the temple here, and
Of the War, B. II. ch. 3. sect. 3, seem not to have been full re-edified
in the days of Nero; till whose time there were eighteen thousand
workmen continually employed in rebuilding and repairing that temple, as
Josephus informs us, Antiq. B. XX. ch. 9. sect. 7. See the note on that
place.]
16 (return) [ Unless this Judas, the son of Ezekias, be the same with
that Theudas, mentioned Acts 5:36, Josephus must have omitted him; for
that other Thoualas, whom he afterward mentions, under Fadus the Roman
governor, B. XX. ch. 5. sect. 1, is much too late to correspond to him
that is mentioned in the Acts. The names Theudas, Thaddeus, and Judas
differ but little. See Archbishop Usher's Annals at A.M. 4001. However,
since Josephus does not pretend to reckon up the heads of all those ten
thousand disorders in Judea, which he tells us were then abroad, see
sect. 4 and 8, the Theudas of the Acts might be at the head of one of
those seditions, though not particularly named by him. Thus he informs
us here, sect. 6, and Of the War, B. II. ch. 4. Sect. 2, that certain of
the seditious came and burnt the royal palace at Amsthus, or
Betharamphta, upon the river Jordan. Perhaps their leader, who is not
named by Josephus, might be this Theudas.]
17 (return) [ See Of the War, B. II. ch. 2. sect. 3.]
18 (return) [ See the note, Of the War, B. II. ch. 6. sect. 1.]
19 (return) [ He was tetrarch afterward.]
20 (return) [ If any one compare that Divine prediction concerning the
tyrannical power which Jewish kings would exercise over them, if they
would be so foolish as to prefer it before their ancient theocracy or
aristocracy, 1 Samuel 8:1-22; Antiq. B. VI. ch. 4. sect. 4, he will soon
find that it was superabundantly fulfilled in the days of Herod, and
that to such a degree, that the nation now at last seem sorely to repent
of such their ancient choice, in opposition to God's better choice for
them, and had much rather be subject to even a pagan Roman government,
and their deputies, than to be any longer under the oppression of the
family of Herod; which request of theirs Augustus did not now grant
them, but did it for the one half of that nation in a few years
afterward, upon fresh complaints made by the Jews against Archelaus,
who, under the more humble name of an ethnarch, which Augustus only
would now allow him, soon took upon him the insolence and tyranny of his
father king Herod, as the remaining part of this book will inform us,
and particularly ch. 13. sect. 2.]
21 (return) [ This is not true. See Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 3, 4;
and ch. 12. sect. 2; and ch. 13. sect. 1, 2. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3. sect.
5; and ch. 10. sect. 2, 3. Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 9. sect. 3. Since Josephus
here informs us that Archelaus had one half of the kingdom of Herod, and
presently informs us further that Archelaus's annual income, after an
abatement of one quarter for the present, was 600 talents, we may
therefore gather pretty nearly what was Herod the Great's yearly income,
I mean about 1600 talents, which, at the known value of 3000 shekels to
a talent, and about 2s. 10d. to a shekel, in the days of Josephus, see
the note on Antiq. B. III. ch. 8. sect. 2, amounts to 680,000 sterling
per annum; which income, though great in itself, bearing no proportion
to his vast expenses every where visible in Josephus, and to the vast
sums he left behind him in his will, ch. 8. sect. 1, and ch. 12. sect.
1, the rest must have arisen either from his confiscation of those great
men's estates whom he put to death, or made to pay fine for the saving
of their lives, or from some other heavy methods of oppression which
such savage tyrants usually exercise upon their miserable subjects; or
rather from these several methods not together, all which yet seem very
much too small for his expenses, being drawn from no larger a nation
than that of the Jews, which was very populous, but without the
advantage of trade to bring them riches; so that I cannot but strongly
suspect that no small part of this his wealth arose from another source;
I mean from some vast sums he took out of David's sepulcher, but
concealed from the people. See the note on Antiq. B. VII. ch. 15. sect.
3.]
22 (return) [ Take here a very useful note of Grotias, on Luke 3:1, here
quoted by Dr. Hudson: "When Josephus says that some part of the house
[or possession] of Zenodorus [i.e. Abilene] was allotted to Philip, he
thereby declares that the larger part of it belonged to another. This
other was Lysanias, whom Luke mentions, of the posterity of that
Lysanias who was possessed of the same country called Abilene, from the
city Abila, and by others Chalcidene, from the city Chaleis, when the
government of the East was under Antonius, and this after Ptolemy, the
son of Menneus; from which Lysanias this country came to be commonly
called the Country of Lysanias; and as, after the death of the former
Lyanias, it was called the tetrarchy of Zenodorus, so, after the death
of Zenodorus, or when the time for which he hired it was ended when
another Lysanias, of the same name with the former, was possessed of the
same country, it began to be called the Tetrarchy of Lysanias." However,
since Josephus elsewhere [Antiq. B. XX. ch. 7. sect. 1: clearly
distinguishes Abilene from Cilalcidcue, Groius must be here so far
mistaken.]
23 (return) [ Spanheim seasonably observes here, that it was forbidden
the Jews to marry their brother's wife when she had children by her
first husband, and that Zonaras [cites, or] interprets the clause before
us accordingly.]
BOOK XVIII. Containing The Interval Of Thirty-Two Years.—From The
Banishment Of Archelaus To The Departure From Babylon.
CHAPTER 1. How Cyrenius Was Sent By Cæsar To Make A Taxation Of Syria
And Judea; And How Coponius Was Sent To Be Procurator Of Judea;
Concerning Judas Of Galilee And Concerning The Sects That Were Among The
Jews.
1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other
magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and
one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into
Syria, with a few others, being sent by Cæsar to be a judge of that
nation, and to take an account of their substance. Coponius also, a man
of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme
power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which
was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their
substance, and to dispose of Archelaus's money; but the Jews, although
at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did
they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of
Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being
over-persuaded by Joazar's words, gave an account of their estates,
without any dispute about it. Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, 1 of
a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, 2 a Pharisee,
became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this
taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the
nation to assert their liberty; as if they could procure them happiness
and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a
still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would
thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not
otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another
in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage;
and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not
grow weary in executing the same; so men received what they said with
pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts
of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected
with this doctrine to an incredible degree; one violent war came upon us
after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our
pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal
men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in
reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and
from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own
people, [by the madness of these men towards one another, while their
desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,] and sometimes
on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last
degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities;
nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God
was burnt down by their enemies' fire. Such were the consequences of
this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change
was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction,
which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas
and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a
great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults
at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this
system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal,
concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because
the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were
zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.
2. The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar
to themselves; the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the Sadducees,
and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of
which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the
Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.
3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in
diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to
them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to
strive to observe reason's dictates for practice. They also pay a
respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict
them in any thing which they have introduced; and when they determine
that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from
men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath
pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so
that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe
that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth
there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived
virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained
in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive
and live again; on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to
persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about Divine
worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their
direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on
account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their
lives and their discourses also.
4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the
bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the
law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute
with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent: but this doctrine
is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity.
But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they
become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes
obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees,
because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.
5. The doctrine of the Essens is this: That all things are best ascribed
to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards
of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for; and when they send
what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer
sacrifices 3 because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on
which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but
offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better
than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to
husbandry. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all
other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness;
and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any
other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so
hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that
institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them
from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of
his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four
thousand men that live in this way, and neither marry wives, nor are
desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be
unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as
they live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint
certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the
fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get
their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from
others of the Essens in their way of living, but do the most resemble
those Dacae who are called Polistae 4 [dwellers in cities].
6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was
the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic
notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that
God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any
kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations
and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord. And
since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many,
I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any
thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that
what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo
pain. And it was in Gessius Florus's time that the nation began to grow
mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the
Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them
revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy.
CHAPTER 2. How Herod And Philip Built Several Cities In Honor Of Cæsar.
Concerning The Succession Of Priests And Procurators; As Also What
Befell Phraates And The Parthians.
1. When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus's money, and when the
taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh
year of Cæsar's victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the
high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the
multitude, and he appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high priest;
while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy,
and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about
Sepphoris, [which is the security of all Galilee,] and made it the
metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha,
which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the
emperor's wife. When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the
fountains of Jordan, he named it Cæsarea. He also advanced the village
Bethsaida, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a
city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other
grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with
Cæsar's daughter.
2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was
exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following
accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened
bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to
open the temple-gates just after midnight. When, therefore, those gates
were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem,
and threw about dead men's bodies, in the cloisters; on which account
the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not
used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched
the temple more carefully than they had formerly done. A little after
which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be
his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king
Herod, died, and left to Julia, [Cæsar's wife,] Jamnia, all its
toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great
plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind.
After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Cæsar, the second emperor
of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years,
besides six months and two days [of which time Antonius ruled together
with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven
years]; upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded.
He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be
procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived
Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi,
to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained
Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high
priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him
of it, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and
when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph
Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he
went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when
Pontius Pilate came as his successor.
3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius,
built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built
it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are
warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus.
Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the
inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to
come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force
compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition.
He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all
parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and
these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but
obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses
at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible,
that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish
ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in
order to make room for the city Tiberias 5 whereas our laws pronounce
that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days. 6
4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the
treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following: When
Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian
maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him
by Julius Cæsar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine;
but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a
son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife,
and had a great respect for her. Now she was able to persuade him to do
any thing that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of
Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would not
succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates's legitimate
sons [out of the kingdom;] so she persuaded him to send those his sons
as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome
accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands.
Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the
government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his
father's donation [as his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous
design against his father, by his mother's assistance, with whom, as the
report went, he had criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both
these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his
mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a
sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and
died. But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was
impossible they should be governed without a king, while also it was
their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, [nor did
their law allow of any others; and they thought this kingdom had been
sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine,
and by her issue,] they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the
crown]; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and
though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable
temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of
Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him, and
that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; [for it is
the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;] but, as the
more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a
hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send
one of those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly,
Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them [for he seemed
capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under
the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one]. However, the
barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable
disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their
governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that
had been a slave, [for so they called those that had been hostages,] nor
could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more
intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over
them, not by right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently
invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the
race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him,
and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the
multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in
array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet
did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with
Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a
few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So when
Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the
victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he
retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now
reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as
soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of
the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose].
But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and
because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to
denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to
take to regain any other kingdom, [for the people of authority among the
Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,] he delivered
up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his
education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to
Orodes, one of his own sons.
5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the
multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to
[Rome]; for the men of power were desirous that their form of government
might be changed into that of a [Roman] province; as were the multitude
desirous to be under kings, as their fathers had been. So the senate
made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of
the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him
of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs
there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as
hath been related elsewhere. 7
CHAPTER 3. Sedition Of The Jews Against Pontius Pilate. Concerning
Christ, And What Befell Paulina And The Jews At Rome.
1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from
Cæsarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to
abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Cæsar's effigies, which were
upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law
forbids us the very making of images; on which account the former
procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such
ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought
those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without
the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time; but
as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Cæsarea, and
interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and
when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the
injury of Cæsar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the
sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while
he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in
the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to
oppress them; and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal
to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their
punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would
leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home. But they threw
themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they
would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their
laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with
their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently
commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Cæsarea.
2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and
did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from
the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews 8 were not
pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands
of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted
that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches,
and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do. So he habited a
great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under
their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them.
So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches
upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand
agreed on; who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had
commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and
those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the
people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were
about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others
of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.
3. Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to
call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such
men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of
the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. And when Pilate,
at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to
the cross, 9 those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for
he appeared to them alive again the third day; 10 as the divine prophets
had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning
him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at
this day.