3. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them,

neither did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but

had a particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for he was

overcome with the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that

he despised the king's daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and

wholly bent his mind to the other, who had been but a servant. Herod

also was grieved by the dishonor that was done him, because he had

bestowed many favors upon him, and had advanced him to that height of

power that he was almost a partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that

he had not made him a due return for his labors, and esteemed himself

unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's unworthy refusal, he gave

the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some time, when he thought the

heat of his brother's affections was over, he blamed him for his former

conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter, whose name was

Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affronting his brother,

and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it was a base thing to be

so enamored of a servant, as to deprive himself of the king's good-will

to him, and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by

him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage,

particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put

his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the

king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the

thirtieth day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would

have no further conversation with her whom he had put away; but when the

thirty days were over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no

longer performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his

former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry,

while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras perpetually;

and many made the king's anger an opportunity for raising calumnies

against him. Nor had the king any longer a single quiet day or hour, but

occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose among his relations, and

those that were dearest to him; for Salome was of a harsh temper, and

ill-natured to Mariamne's sons; nor would she suffer her own daughter,

who was the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young men, to bear a good-

will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing

to her in private, and when any misunderstandings happened, as is

common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it; by which means she

learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured to the young

man. And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that the young

men used to mention Mariamne when they were by themselves; and that they

hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if they had

once got the kingdom, they would make Herod's sons by his other wives

country schoolmasters, for that the present education which was given

them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such an

employment. And as for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with

their mother's clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present

gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so

closely that they should not see the light of the sun. These stories

were presently carried by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear

them, and endeavored to make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted

him, and becoming more and more uneasy, he believed every body against

every body. However, upon his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense

they made for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little

afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.

4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was the

daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he had

heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on Glaphyra, and that his

passion for her was incurable. When Alexander heard that, he was all on

fire, from his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of

Herod's obliging behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the

worse, which came from those suspicions he had on account of that word

which fell from Pheroras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing,

but informed him what word Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod was in a

greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which

was to his shame, was much disturbed at it; and often did he lament the

wickedness of his domestics, and how good he had been to them, and how

ill requitals they had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached

him, and said, "Thou vilest of all men! art thou come to that

unmeasurable and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only to

suppose such things of me, but to speak of them? I now indeed perceive

what thy intentions are. It is not thy only aim to reproach me, when

thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot

against me, and get me destroyed by poison. And who is there, if he had

not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such

a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him? Dost thou

suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to think of, and not

rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father? And what dost

thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his brother, to pretend

kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach against me, and talk

of such things as no one but such an impious wretch as thou art could

either devise in their mind, or declare in their words? Begone, thou art

such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may that evil

conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my

relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them, as

they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are

worthy of."

5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the

very act of his villainy, said that "it was Salome who was the framer of

this plot, and that the words came from her." But as soon as she heard

that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be

believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all

earnestly endeavored to make the king hate her, and to make her away,

because of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because she was always

foreseeing the dangers that were coming upon him, and that at present

there were more plots against him than usual; for while she was the only

person who persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to

take the king's daughter, it was no wonder if she were hated by him. As

she said this, and often tore her hair, and often beat her breast, her

countenance made her denial to be believed; but the peverseness of her

manners declared at the same time her dissimulation in these

proceedings; but Pheroras was caught between them, and had nothing

plausible to offer in his own defense, while he confessed that he had

said what was charged upon him, but was not believed when he said he had

heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased, and

their quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his

hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when he had

commended the moderation of his son, and that he had himself told him of

the report, he went in the evening to refresh himself. After such a

contest as this had fallen out among them, Salome's reputation suffered

greatly, since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny; and

the king's wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-

natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy,

at different seasons: so they perpetually said one thing or another

against her; and somewhat that now fell out made them the bolder in

speaking against her.

6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man in

his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for him. He was a

shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal. This

Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to Herod, and supping with him, saw

Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understanding that she was a

widow, he discoursed with her. Now because Salome was at this time less

in favor with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion,

and was very earnest to be married to him; and on the days following

there appeared many, and those very great, indications of their

agreement together. Now the women carried this news to the king, and

laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon Herod inquired about it

further of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them at supper, how

their behavior was one toward another; who told him, that by the signals

which came from their heads and their eyes, they both were evidently in

love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away, but

came again in two or three months afterwards, as it were on that very

design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired that Salome might be

given him to wife; for that his affinity might not be disadvantageous to

his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the government of which country was

already in effect under his power, and more evidently would be his

hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister about it,

and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately

agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish

religion, and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do

it on any other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his

way; for he said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the

Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did

the women much more; and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for

that damsel which the king had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he

had not taken her, as I have before related, because he was enamored on

his former wife, Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her son

by Costobarus; which match he was very willing to, but was dissuaded

from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that this young man would not be kind

to her, since his father had been slain by him, and that it was more

just that his son, who was to be his successor in the tetrarchy, should

have her. So he begged his pardon, and persuaded him to do so.

Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals, was disposal

of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving for her

portion a hundred talents.

CHAPTER 8. How Herod Took Up Alexander And Bound Him; Whom Yet Archelaus

King Of Cappadocia Reconciled To His Father Herod Again.

1. But still the affairs of Herod's family were no better, but

perpetually more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which arose

from no decent occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great

difficulties upon him. There were certain eunuchs which the king had,

and on account of their beauty was very fond of them; and the care of

bringing him drink was intrusted to one of them; of bringing him his

supper, to another; and of putting him to bed, to the third, who also

managed the principal affairs of the government; and there was one told

the king that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the king's son

with great sums of money. And when they were asked whether Alexander had

had criminal conversation with them, they confessed it, but said they

knew of no further mischief of his against his father; but when they

were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the

tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack to the

very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate

hatred to his father; and that he told them that Herod despaired to live

much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he colored his

hair black, and endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he

was; but that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain

the kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could come to no one else,

he should quickly have the first place in that kingdom under him, for

that he was now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-right,

but by the preparations he had made for obtaining it, because a great

many of the rulers, and a great many of his friends, were of his side,

and those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever

should come on that account.

2. When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and fear,

some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him suspicious of

dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts he was

provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more heavy plot was laid against

him than he should be then able to escape from; whereupon he did not now

make an open search, but sent about spies to watch such as he suspected,

for he was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him;

and indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order to his

preservation, he continued to suspect those that were guiltless; nor did

he set any bounds to himself, but supposing that those who staid with

him had the most power to hurt him, they were to him very frightful; and

for those that did not use to come to him, it seemed enough to name them

[to make them suspected], and he thought himself safer when they were

destroyed. And at last his domestics were come to that pass, that being

no way secure of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one another,

and imagining that he who first accused another was most likely to save

himself; yet when any had overthrown others, they were hated; and they

were thought to suffer justly who unjustly accused others, and they only

thereby prevented their own accusation; nay, they now executed their own

private enmities by this means, and when they were caught, they were

punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to make use of this

opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their enemies; yet when

they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same snare which they

laid for others: and the king soon repented of what he had done, because

he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he had slain; and

yet what was still more severe in him, he did not make use of his

repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order to

inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.

3. And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and he

had already told many of his friends directly that they ought not to

appear before him, nor come into the palace; and the reason of this

injunction was, that [when they were there], he had less freedom of

acting, or a greater restraint on himself on their account; for at this

time it was that he expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of

old been his friends, and been very useful to him in the affairs of his

kingdom, and been of advantage to his family, by their embassages and

counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first

degree of freedom with him. He expelled Andromachus, because his son

Demetrius was a companion to Alexander; and Gamellus, because he knew

that he wished him well, which arose from his having been with him in

his youth, when he was at school, and absent at Rome. These he expelled

out of his palace, and was willing enough to have done worse by them;

but that he might not seem to take such liberty against men of so great

reputation, he contented himself with depriving them of their dignity,

and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.

4. Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew

what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been

a great while one of his counselors, he hurried him on, and then thought

he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could

oppose him was taken away. When therefore Andromachus and his friends

were driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any

longer, the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he

thought to be faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his

attempts against him; but these died without having any thing to say to

that matter, which made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when

he could not find out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for

Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that

were really innocent, as if their denial was only their constancy and

fidelity [to Alexander], and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the

torture of great numbers what attempts were still concealed. Now there

was a certain person among the many that were tortured, who said that he

knew that the young man had often said, that when he was commended as a

tall man in his body, and a skillful marksman, and that in his other

commendable exercises he exceeded all men, these qualifications given

him by nature, though good in themselves, were not advantageous to him,

because his father was grieved at them, and envied him for them; and

that when he walked along with his father, he endeavored to depress and

shorten himself, that he might not appear too tall; and that when he

shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father was by, he missed

his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father was of being

superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented about this

saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that he had his

brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to lie in wait for

their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when they had done

so to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them. There were

also letters of the young man found, written to his brother, wherein he

complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater a

country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents. Upon

these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on,

in his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his sons; so he took up

Alexander and bound him: yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was

not quite satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came

to recollect himself, he found that they had only made juvenile

complaints and contentions, and that it was an incredible thing, that

when his son should have slain him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg

the kingdom]; so he was desirous to have some surer mark of his son's

wickedness, and was very solicitous about it, that he might not appear

to have condemned him to be put in prison too rashly; so he tortured the

principal of Alexander's friends, and put not a few of them to death,

without getting any of the things out of them which he suspected. And

while Herod was very busy about this matter, and the palace was full of

terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when he was in the utmost

agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and

desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Cæsar, and that he

could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates, the king of

Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father against the Romans,

and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelori.

5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in his

miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as

flattering himself with finding things in so bad a condition; but as for

the poisonous potion, which he labored to find, he could find none. As

for Alexander, he was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes he

was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusations, but punished the

rashness of his father with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he

was willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such

calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his story, to

plague him and his whole kingdom; for he wrote four letters, and sent

them to him, that he did not need to torture any more persons, for he

had plotted against him; and that he had for his partners Pheroras and

the most faithful of his friends; and that Salome came in to him by

night, and that she lay with him whether he would or not; and that all

men were come to be of one mind, to make away with him as soon as they

could, and so get clear of the continual fear they were in from him.

Among these were accused Ptolemy and Sapinnius, who were the most

faithful friends to the king. And what more can be said, but that those

who before were the most intimate friends, were become wild beasts to

one another, as if a certain madness had fallen upon them, while there

was no room for defense or refutation, in order to the discovery of the

truth, but all were at random doomed to destruction; so that some

lamented those that were in prison, some those that were put to death,

and others lamented that they were in expectation of the same miseries;

and a melancholy solitude rendered the kingdom deformed, and quite the

reverse to that happy state it was formerly in. Herod's own life also

was entirely disturbed; and because he could trust nobody, he was sorely

punished by the expectation of further misery; for he often fancied in

his imagination that his son had fallen upon him, or stood by him with a

sword in his hand; and thus was his mind night and day intent upon this

thing, and revolved it over and over, no otherwise than if he were under

a distraction. And this was the sad condition Herod was now in.

6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of the state that Herod

was in, and being in great distress about his daughter, and the young

man [her husband], and grieving with Herod, as with a man that was his

friend, on account of so great a disturbance as he was under, he came

[to Jerusalem] on purpose to compose their differences; and when he

found Herod in such a temper, he thought it wholly unseasonable to

reprove him, or to pretend that he had done any thing rashly, for that

he should thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point with him, and

by still more and more apologizing for himself to be the more irritated:

he went, therefore, another way to work, in order to correct the former

misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young man, and said that Herod

had been so very mild a man, that he had not acted a rash part at all.

He also said he would dissolve his daughter's marriage with Alexander,

nor could in justice spare his own daughter, if she were conscious of

any thing, and did not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus appeared to be

of this temper, and otherwise than Herod expected or imagined, and, for

the main, took Herod's part, and was angry on his account, the king

abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his appearing to have

acted justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection of a

father, and was on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons

refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young man, he was thrown

into a passion; but when Archelaus joined in the accusation, he was

dissolved into tears and sorrow after an affectionate manner.

Accordingly, he desired that he would not dissolve his son's marriage,

and became not so angry as before for his offenses. So when Archelaus

had brought him to a more moderate temper, he transferred the calumnies

upon his friends; and said it must be owing to them that so young a man,

and one unacquainted with malice, was corrupted; and he supposed that

there was more reason to suspect the brother than the soft. Upon which

Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now had no one

that could make a reconciliation between him and his brother. So when he

saw that Archelaus had the greatest power with Herod, he betook himself

to him in the habit of a mourner, and like one that had all the signs

upon him of an undone man. Upon this Archelaus did not overlook the

intercession he made to him, nor yet did he undertake to change the

king's disposition towards him immediately; and he said that it was

better for him to come himself to the king, and confess himself the

occasion of all; that this would make the king's anger not to be

extravagant towards him, and that then he would be present to assist

him. When he had persuaded him to this, he gained his point with both of

them; and the calumnies raised against the young man were, beyond all

expectation, wiped off. And Archelaus, as soon as he had made the

reconciliation, went then away to Cappadocia, having proved at this

juncture of time the most acceptable person to Herod in the world; on

which account he gave him the richest presents, as tokens of his

respects to him; and being on other occasions magnanimous, he esteemed

him one of his dearest friends. He also made an agreement with him that

he would go to Rome, because he had written to Cæsar about these

affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a

reconciliation between Archelaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who

had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea.

CHAPTER 9. Concerning The Revolt Of The Trachonites; How Sylleus Accused

Herod Before Cæsar; And How Herod, When Cæsar Was Angry At Him, Resolved

To Send Nicolaus To Rome.

1. When Herod had been at Rome, and was come back again, a war arose

between him and the Arabians, on the occasion following: The inhabitants

of Trachonitis, after Cæsar had taken the country away from Zenodorus,

and added it to Herod, had not now power to rob, but were forced to

plough the land, and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not

like; and when they did take that pains, the ground did not produce much

fruit for them. However, at the first the king would not permit them to

rob, and so they abstained from that unjust way of living upon their

neighbors, which procured Herod a great reputation for his care. But

when he was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when he went to accuse

his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Cæsar's protection, the

Trachonites spread a report as if he were dead, and revolted from his

dominion, and betook themselves again to their accustomed way of robbing

their neighbors; at which time the king's commanders subdued them during

his absence; but about forty of the principal robbers, being terrified

by those that had been taken, left the country, and retired into Arabia,

Sylleus entertaining them, after he had missed of marrying Salome, and

gave them a place of strength, in which they dwelt. So they overran not

only Judea, but all Celesyria also, and carried off the prey, while

Sylleus afforded them places of protection and quietness during their

wicked practices. But when Herod came back from Rome, he perceived that

his dominions had greatly suffered by them; and since he could not reach

the robbers themselves, because of the secure retreat they had in that

country, and which the Arabian government afforded them, and yet being

very uneasy at the injuries they had done him, he went all over

Trachonitis, and slew their relations; whereupon these robbers were more

angry than before, it being a law among them to be avenged on the

murderers of their relations by all possible means; so they continued to

tear and rend every thing under Herod's dominion with impunity. Then did

he discourse about these robberies to Saturninus and Volumnius, and

required that they should be punished; upon which occasion they still

the more confirmed themselves in their robberies, and became more

numerous, and made very great disturbances, laying waste the countries

and villages that belonged to Herod's kingdom, and killing those men

whom they caught, till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real

war, for the robbers were now become about a thousand;—at which Herod

was sore displeased, and required the robbers, as well as the money

which he had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty talents, and since

the time of payment was now past, he desired to have it paid him; but

Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied

that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money;

about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who

were then the presidents of Syria. 11 At last he, by their means,

agreed, that within thirty days' time Herod should be paid his money,

and that each of them should deliver up the other's subjects

reciprocally. Now, as to Herod, there was not one of the other's

subjects found in his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any

other account, but it was proved that the Arabians had the robbers

amongst them.

2. When this day appointed for payment of the money was past, without

Sylleus's performing any part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome,

Herod demanded the payment of the money, and that the robbers that were

in Arabia should be delivered up; and, by the permission of Saturninus

and Volumnius, executed the judgment himself upon those that were

refractory. He took an army that he had, and let it into Arabia, and in

three days' time marched seven mansions; and when he came to the

garrison wherein the robbers were, he made an assault upon them, and

took them all, and demolished the place, which was called Raepta, but

did no harm to any others. But as the Arabians came to their assistance,

under Naceb their captain, there ensued a battle, wherein a few of

Herod's soldiers, and Naceb, the captain of the Arabians, and about

twenty of his soldiers, fell, while the rest betook themselves to

flight. So when he had brought these to punishment, he placed three

thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the robbers

that were there. He also sent an account to the captains that were about

Phoenicia, and demonstrated that he had done nothing but what he ought

to do, in punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact

inquiry, they found to be no more than what was true.

3. However, messengers were hasted away to Sylleus to Rome, and informed

him what had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated every thing. Now

Sylleus had already insinuated himself into the knowledge of Cæsar, and

was then about the palace; and as soon as he heard of these things, he

changed his habit into black, and went in, and told Cæsar that Arabia

was afflicted with war, and that all his kingdom was in great confusion,

upon Herod's laying it waste with his army; and he said, with tears in

his eyes, that two thousand five hundred of the principal men among the

Arabians had been destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his

familiar friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the riches that were at

Raepta were carried off; and that Obodas was despised, whose infirm

state of body rendered him unfit for war; on which account neither he,

nor the Arabian army, were present. When Sylleus said so, and added

invidiously, that he would not himself have come out of the country,

unless he had believed that Cæsar would have provided that they should

all have peace one with another, and that, had he been there, he would

have taken care that the war should not have been to Herod's advantage;

Cæsar was provoked when this was said, and asked no more than this one

question, both of Herod's friends that were there, and of his own

friends, who were come from Syria, Whether Herod had led an army

thither? And when they were forced to confess so much, Cæsar, without

staying to hear for what reason he did it, and how it was done, grew

very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The sum of his epistle was this,

that whereas of old he had used him as his friend, he should now use him

as his subject. Sylleus also wrote an account of this to the Arabians,

who were so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up the robbers

that had fled to them, nor paid the money that was due; they retained

those pastures also which they had hired, and kept them without paying

their rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was now in a low

condition, by reason of Cæsar's anger at him. Those of Trachonitis also

made use of this opportunity, and rose up against the Idumean garrison,

and followed the same way of robbing with the Arabians, who had pillaged

their country, and were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only

in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also.

4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that confidence of his being

quite gone with which Cæsar's favor used to inspire him; for Cæsar would

not admit so much as an embassage from him to 'make an apology for him;

and when they came again, he sent them away without success. So he was

cast into sadness and fear; and Sylleus's circumstances grieved him

exceedingly, who was now believed by Cæsar, and was present at Rome,

nay, sometimes aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas was

dead; and Aeneas, whose name was afterward changed to Aretas, 12 took

the government, for Sylleus endeavored by calumnies to get him turned

out of his principality, that he might himself take it; with which

design he gave much money to the courtiers, and promised much money to

Cæsar, who indeed was angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before

he took the kingdom; yet did Aeneas send an epistle and presents to

Cæsar, and a golden crown, of the weight of many talents. Now that

epistle accused Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having

killed Obodas by poison; and that while he was alive, he had governed

him as he pleased; and had also debauched the wives of the Arabians; and

had borrowed money, in order to obtain the dominion for himself: yet did

not Cæsar give heed to these accusations, but sent his ambassadors back,

without receiving any of his presents. But in the mean time the affairs

of Judea and Arabia became worse and worse, partly because of the

anarchy they were under, and partly because, as bad as they were, nobody

had power to govern them; for of the two kings, the one was not yet

confirmed in his kingdom, and so had not authority sufficient to

restrain the evil-doers; and as for Herod, Cæsar was immediately angry

at him for having avenged himself, and so he was compelled to bear all

the injuries that were offered him. At length, when he saw no end of the

mischief which surrounded him, he resolved to send ambassadors to Rome

again, to see whether his friends had prevailed to mitigate Cæsar, and

to address themselves to Cæsar himself; and the ambassador he sent

thither was Nicolans of Damascus.

CHAPTER 10. How Eurycles Falsely Accused Herod's Sons; And How Their

Father Bound Them, And Wrote To Cæsar About Them. Of Sylleus And How He

Was Accused By Nicolaus.

1. The disorders about Herod's family and children about this time grew

much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen before-

hand, that fortune threatened the greatest and most insupportable

misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its progress and augmentation at

this time arose on the occasion following: One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian,

[a person of note there, but a man of a perverse mind, and so cunning in

his ways of voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet

seem to indulge neither of them,] came in his travels to Herod, and made

him presents, but so that he received more presents from him. He also

took such proper seasons for insinuating himself into his friendship,

that he became one of the most intimate of the king's friends. He had

his lodging in Antipater's house; but he had not only access, but free

conversation, with Alexander, as pretending to him that he was in great

favor with Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia; whence he pretended much

respect to Glaphyra, and in an occult manner cultivated a friendship

with them all; but always attending to what was said and done, that he

might be furnished with calumnies to please them all. In short, he

behaved himself so to every body in his conversation, as to appear to be

his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being any

where was for that person's advantage. So he won upon Alexander, who was

but young; and persuaded him that he might open his grievances to him

with assurance and with nobody else. So he declared his grief to him,

how his father was alienated from him. He related to him also the

affairs of his mother, and of Antipater; that he had driven them from

their proper dignity, and had the power over every thing himself; that

no part of this was tolerable, since his father was already come to hate

them; and he added, that he would neither admit them to his table, nor

to his conversation. Such were the complaints, as was but natural, of

Alexander about the things that troubled him; and these discourses

Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him he did not inform him of

this on his own account, but that being overcome by his kindness, the

great importance of the thing obliged him to do it; and he warned him to

have a care of Alexander, for that what he said was spoken with

vehemency, and that, in consequence of what he said, he would certainly

kill him with his own hand. Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his

friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions, and at

length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard. So when he

related to the king Alexander's ill temper, as discovered by the words

he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by him; and he thereby

brought the king to that pass, turning him about by his words, and

irritating him, till he increased his hatred to him and made him

implacable, which he showed at that very time, for he immediately gave

Eurycles a present of fifty talents; who, when he had gotten them, went

to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended Alexander before him,

and told him that he had been many ways of advantage to him, in making a

reconciliation between him and his father. So he got money from him

also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were found out; but

when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off doing

mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice, he was banished from

his own country.

2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now in the temper he was

in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had been content

with the hearing their calumnies when others told him of them; but he

was now come to that pass as to hate them himself, and to urge men to

speak against them, though they did not do it of themselves. He also

observed all that was said, and put questions, and gave ear to every one

that would but speak, if they could but say any thing against them, till

at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with

Alexander; which thing to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news

imaginable.

3. But still a greater misfortune came upon the young men; while the

calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a man may

say, one would think it was every one's endeavor to lay some grievous

thing to their charge, which might appear to be for the king's

preservation. There were two guards of Herod's body, who were in great

esteem for their strength and tallness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men

had been cast off by Herod, who was displeased at them; these now used

to ride along with Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises

were in great esteem with him, and had some gold and other gifts

bestowed on them. Now the king having an immediate suspicion of those

men, had them tortured, who endured the torture courageously for a long

time; but at last confessed that Alexander would have persuaded them to

kill Herod, when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts, that it might be

said he fell from his horse, and was run through with his own spear, for

that he had once such a misfortune formerly. They also showed where

there was money hidden in the stable under ground; and these convicted

the king's chief hunter, that he had given the young men the royal

hunting spears and weapons to Alexander's dependents, at Alexander's

command.

4. After these, the commander of the garrison of Alexandrium was caught

and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to receive the young

men into his fortress, and to supply them with that money of the king's

which was laid up in that fortress, yet did not he acknowledge any thing

of it himself; but his son came ill, and said it was so, and delivered

up the writing, which, so far as could be guessed, was in Alexander's

hand. Its contents were these: "When we have finished, by God's help,

all that we have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your

endeavors, as you have promised, to receive us into your fortress."

After this writing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the

treacherous designs of his sons against him. But Alexander said that

Diophantus the scribe had imitated his hand, and that the paper was

maliciously drawn up by Antipater; for Diophantus appeared to be very

cunning in such practices; and as he was afterward convicted of forging

other papers, he was put to death for it.

5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the

multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which

accusers many of the people stoned to death; and when they were going to

kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king would not permit them

to do so, but restrained the multitude, by the means of Ptolemy and

Pheroras. However, the young men were put under a guard, and kept in

custody, that nobody might come at them; and all that they did or said

was watched, and the reproach and fear they were in was little or

nothing different from those of condemned criminals: and one of them,

who was Aristobulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought Salome, who

was his aunt, and his mother-in-law, to lament with him for his

calamities, and to hate him who had suffered things to come to that

pass; when he said to her, "Art thou not in danger of destruction also,

while the report goes that thou hadst disclosed beforehand all our

affairs to Syllcus, when thou wast in hopes of being married to him?"

But she immediately carried these words to her brother. Upon this he was

out of patience, and gave command to bind him; and enjoined them both,

now they were kept separate one from the other, to write down the ill

things they had done against their father, and bring the writings to

him, So when this was enjoined them, they wrote this, that they had laid

no treacherous designs, nor made any preparations against their father,

but that they had intended to fly away; and that by the distress they

were in, their lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.

6. About this time there came an ambassador out of Cappadocia from

Archelaus, whose name was Melas; he was one of the principal rulers

under him. So Herod, being desirous to show Archelaus's ill-will to him,

called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds, and asked him again

concerning his fight, whether and how they had resolved to retire

Alexander replied, To Archelaus, who had promised to send them away to

Rome; but that they had no wicked nor mischievous designs against their

father, and that nothing of that nature which their adversaries had

charged upon them was true; and that their desire was, that he might

have examined Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly, but that they had

been suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put his own friends

among the multitude [for that purpose].

7. When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander and Melas

should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and that she should

be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of Alexander's treacherous

designs against Herod? Now as soon as they were come to her, and she saw

Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in a great consternation gave

a deep and moving groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so

miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they

were not able to say or to do any thing; but at length Ptolemy, who was

ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious

of his actions. He replied, "How is it possible that she, whom I love

better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not

know what I do?" Upon which she cried out that she knew of no wicked

designs of his; but that yet, if her accusing herself falsely would tend

to his preservation, she would confess it all. Alexander replied, "There

is no such wickedness as those [who ought the least of all so to do]

suspect, which either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this

only, that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and from thence to

Rome." Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod, supposing that

Archelaus's ill-will to him was fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus

and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of

Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter. And that when they had ex-

postulated with him, that he had a hand in his son's treacherous design

against him, they should from thence sail to Rome; and that, in case

they found Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Cæsar was no longer

displeased at him, he should give him his letters, and the proofs which

he had ready to show against the young men. As to Archelaus, he made his

defense for himself, that he had promised to receive the young men,

because it was both for their own and their father's advantage so to do,

lest some too severe procedure should be gone upon in that anger and

disorder they were in on occasion of the present suspicions; but that

still he had not promised to send them to Cæsar; and that he had not

promised any thing else to the young men that could show any ill-will to

him.

8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit opportunity

of delivering their letters to Cæsar, because they found him reconciled

to Herod; for the circumstances of Nicolaus's embassage had been as

follows: As soon as he was come to Rome, and was about the court, he did

not first of all set about what he was come for only, but he thought fit

also to accuse Sylleus. Now the Arabians, even before he came to talk

with them, were quarrelling one with another; and some of them left

Sylleus's party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed him of all

the wicked things that had been done; and produced to him evident

demonstrations of the slaughter of a great number of Obodas's friends by

Sylleus; for when these men left Sylleus, they had carried off with them

those letters whereby they could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an

opportunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order to gain his own

point afterward, and endeavored immediately to make a reconciliation

between Cæsar and Herod; for he was fully satisfied, that if he should

desire to make a defense for Herod directly, he should not be allowed

that liberty; but that if he desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an

occasion present itself of speaking on Herod's behalf. So when the cause

was ready for a hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus, while

Aretas's ambassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that he

imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many others

of the Arabians; that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he

proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian,

but Reinan women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had

alienated Cæsar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the

actions of Herod were falsities. When Nicolaus was come to this topic,

Cæsar stopped him from going on, and desired him only to speak to this

affair of Herod, and to show that he had not led an army into Arabia,

nor slain two thousand five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor

pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus made this answer: "I shall

principally demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but a very

little, of those imputations are true, of which thou hast been informed;

for had they been true, thou mightest justly have been still more angry

at Herod." At this strange assertion Cæsar was very attentive; and

Nicolaus said that there was a debt due to Herod of five hundred

talents, and a bond, wherein it was written, that if the time appointed

be lapsed, it should be lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his

country. "As for the pretended army," he said, "it was no army, but a

party sent out to require the just payment of the money; that this was

not sent immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that Sylleus

had frequently come before Saturninus and Volumnius, the presidents of

Syria; and that at last he had sworn at Berytus, by thy fortune, 13 that

he would certainly pay the money within thirty days, and deliver up the

fugitives that were under his dominion. And that when Sylleus had

performed nothing of this, Herod came again before the presidents; and

upon their permission to make a seizure for his money, he, with

difficulty, went out of his country with a party of soldiers for that

purpose. And this is all the war which these men so tragically describe;

and this is the affair of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this

be called a war, when thy presidents permitted it, the covenants allowed

it, and it was not executed till thy name, O Cæsar, as well as that of

the other gods, had been profaned? And now I must speak in order about

the captives. There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis; at first

their number was no more than forty, but they became more afterwards,

and they escaped the punishment Herod would have inflicted on them, by

making Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received them, and supported them

with food, that they might be mischievous to all mankind, and gave them

a country to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made by

robbery; yet did he promise that he would deliver up these men, and that

by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for payment of

his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other persons have at

this time been taken out of Arabia besides these, and indeed not all

these neither, but only so many as could not conceal themselves. And

thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath been so odiously

represented, appear to be no better than a fiction and a lie, made on

purpose to provoke thy indignation; for I venture to affirm that when

the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod's party

fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their

general, and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence

Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons

the slain to have been two thousand five hundred."

9. This provoked Cæsar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus full of

rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain. Hereupon he

hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The covenants also were

read about the money he had borrowed, and the letters of the presidents

of Syria, and the complaints of the several cities, so many as had been

injured by the robbers. The conclusion was this, that Sylleus was

condemned to die, and that Cæsar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his

repentance for what severe things he had written to him, occasioned by

calumny, insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by

his lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a man

that was his friend. At the last all came to this, Sylleus was sent away

to answer Herod's suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after

that to be punished [with death]. But still Cæsar was offended with

Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the government, without his

consent first obtained, for he had determined to bestow Arabia upon

Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered him from so doing; for

Olympus and Volumnius, perceiving that Cæsar was now become favorable to

Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him the letters they were

commanded by Herod to give him concerning his sons. When Cæsar had read

them, he thought it would not be proper to add another government to

him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his sons, so

he admitted Aretas's ambassadors; and after he had just reproved him for

his rashness, in not tarrying till he received the kingdom from him, he

accepted of his presents, and confirmed him in his government.

CHAPTER 11. How Herod, By Permission From Cæsar Accused His Sons Before

An Assembly Of Judges At Berytus; And What Tero Suffered For Using A

Boundless And Military Liberty Of Speech. Concerning Also The Death Of

The Young Men And Their Burial At

Alexandrium.

So Cæsar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That he was

grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been

guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove

him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power

accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have

him give them an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them. He

also advised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place

near Berytus, 14 which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take

the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many

more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and

the dignities they were in, and determine what should be done by their

approbation. These were the directions that Cæsar gave him. Accordingly

Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of

Cæsar's reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete

authority given him over his sons. And it strangely came about, that

whereas before, in his adversity, though he had indeed showed himself

severe, yet had he not been very rash nor hasty in procuring the

destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advantage of

this change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise his

hatred against them after an unheard of manner; he therefore sent and

called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archelaus;

for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or

he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs.

2. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities, were

come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belonging to

Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called,

he might produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them before the

assembly: and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present,

Herod came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and that in such a

way as if it were not a melancholy accusation, and not made but out of

necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way

as was very indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very

vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the crime

they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of passion and

barbarity: nor would he suffer the assessors to consider of the weight

of the evidence, but asserted them to be true by his own authority,

after a manner most indecent in a father against his sons, and read

himself what they themselves had written, wherein there was no

confession of any plots or contrivances against him, but only how they

had contrived to fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches

against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came

to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they

said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took his oath

that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful words. At

last he said that he had sufficient authority, both by nature and by

Cæsar's grant to him, [to do what he thought fit]. He also added an

allegation of a law of their country, which enjoined this: That if

parents laid their hands on the head of him that was accused, the

standers by were obliged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him;

which though he were ready to do in his own country and kingdom, yet did

he wait for their determination; and yet they came thither not so much

as judges, to condemn them for such manifest designs against him,

whereby he had almost perished by his sons' means, but as persons that

had an opportunity of showing their detestation of such practices, and

declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the most remote,

to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment].

3. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced

to make any defense for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no

room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed his authority. And

in the first place, Saturninus, a person that had been consul, and one

of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and

trouble; and said that he condemned Herod's sons, but did not think they

should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one's son to

death is a greater misfortune than any other that could befall him by

their means. After him Saturninus's sons, for he had three sons that

followed him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with

their father. On the contrary, Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death

on such as had been so impiously undutiful to their father; and the

greatest part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion

seemed to be, that the young men were condemned to die. Immediately

after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where

Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he

had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were

about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. His

answer was, "That what they had determined to do to thee was impious,

and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison; and if thou thinkest any

thing further necessary, thou mayst indeed so punish them, that thou

mayst not appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by

judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayst absolve

them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable; and this is

the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at Rome also." Whereupon

Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail

along with him.

4. Now as they came to Cæsarea, every body was there talking of Herod's

sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great

expectation of what would become of them; for a terrible fear seized

upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the family should come to a

sad conclusion, and they were in great trouble about their sufferings;

nor was it without danger to say any rash thing about this matter, nor

even to hear another saying it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up

in themselves, which rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome,

but very silent yet was there an old soldier of Herod's, whose name was

Tero, who had a son of the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who

was so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought

about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the multitude,

and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was perished, and

justice taken away from men, while lies and ill-will prevailed, and

brought such a mist before public affairs, that the offenders were not

able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befall men. And as he was so

bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so

freely; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him

as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper time

also, for which reason every one heard what he said with pleasure; and

although they first took care of their own safety by keeping silent

themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took; for

the expectation they were in of so great an affliction, put a force upon

them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.

5. This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the

greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which

the king permitted him to do, where he said this: "Since I am not able,

O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have

preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for

thy advantage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own

safety. Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty?

Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast

performed so many and such glorious-actions? Whence comes this solitude,

and desertion of thy friends and relations? Of which I cannot but

determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they

overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou

perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men, born of thy

queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree, and

leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath

very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him,' and to relations, whose

death thou hast so often resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take notice,

that the very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and

abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on

the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in this

matter." These words the king heard, and for some time with good temper.

But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behavior

and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it; but Tero went

on further, and by degrees used an unbounded military freedom of speech,

nor was he so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So

Herod was greatly disturbed, and seeming to be rather reproached by this

speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned

thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the

officers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had

named, and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.

6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber, took the

opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would often have

persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for

that by this means he should be among the chief of Alexander's friends,

and receive great rewards from him. When he had said this, the king gave

order that Tero, and his son, and the barber should be tortured, which

was done accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his

father already in a sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and

perceiving what would be the consequence of his terrible sufferings,

said, that if the king would free him and his father from these torments

for what he should say, he would tell the truth. And when the king had

given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that

Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him

to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he

should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of

generosity done in favor of Alexander. This was what Tero's son said,

and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in; but uncertain

it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what was true, or whether

it were a contrivance of his, in order to procure his own and his

father's deliverance from their miseries.

7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his

sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but he

had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of

reasoning better about this matter, so he already made haste to bring

his purpose to a conclusion. He also brought out three hundred of the

officers that were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and

the barber that accused them before an assembly, and brought an

accusation against them all; whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever

came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were

brought to Sebaste, by their father's command, and there strangled; but

their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where

their uncle by the mother's side, and the greatest part of their

ancestors, had been deposited.

8. 15 And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some, that such an

inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed

further, and overcome nature; but it may justly deserve consideration,

whether it be to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave

such an occasion to their father's anger, and led him to do what he did,

and by going on long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought

him to use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the

father's charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the

desire of government, and of other things that would tend to his glory,

that tae would take no one into a partnership with him, that so

whatsoever he would have done himself might continue immovable; or,

indeed, whether fortune have not greater power than all prudent

reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human actions are thereby

determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate,

because there is nothing which is not done by her; wherefore I suppose

it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which

attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for

the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the

philosophical determination of our ancient law. Accordingly, of the two

other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young

men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that

they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their

father, while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of

his life, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of

it, and on both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and

revealed them to gain favor; yet cannot their father be thought worthy

excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them,

while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous

designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made

preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very

comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no way deficient

in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises,

or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse; for in all these

they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for

certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to

have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from

his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman

forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent

his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force; but for him

to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that governed

him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of

so great a crime in his older age; nor will the delays that he made, and

the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his

excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind,

and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime, yet is

it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and

after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it

at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and such

as was not easily moved from that which is evil. And this temper he

showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed

to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though

the justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less

pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not

abstain from their slaughter also. But of those persons we shall have

occasion to discourse more hereafter.

FOOTNOTES

1 (return) [ We may here observe the ancient practice of the Jews, of

dedicating the sabbath day, not to idleness, but to the learning their

sacred rites and religious customs, and to the meditation on the law of

Moses; the like to which we meet with elsewhere in Josephus also against

Apion, B. I. sect. 22.]

2 (return) [ This interval of ten years for the duration of Marcus

Agrippa's government in Asia seems to be true, and agreeable to the

Roman history. See Usher's Annals at A.M. 3392.]

3 (return) [ Although Herod met Augustus at Aquilei, yet was this

accusation of his sons deferred till they came to Rome, as sect. 3

assures us, and as we are particularly informed in the History of the

War, B. I. ch. 23. sect. 3; though what he here says belonged distinctly

to Alexander, the elder brother, I mean his being brought to Rome, is

here justly extended to both the brothers, and that not only in our

copies, but in that of Zonaras also; nor is there reason to doubt but

they were both at this solemn hearing by Augustus, although the defense

was made by Alexander alone, who was the eldest brother, and one that

could speak very well.]

4 (return) [ Since some prejudiced men have indulged a wild suspicion,

as we have supposed already, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 7, that

Josephus's history of Herod's rebuilding the temple is no better than a

fable, it may not be amiss to take notice of this occasional clause in

the speech of Alexander before his father Herod, in his and his

brother's vindication, which mentions the temple as known by every body

to have been built by Herod.]

5 (return) [ See John 2:20. See also another speech of Herod's own to

the young men that pulled down his golden eagle from the front of the

temple, where he takes notice how the building of the temple cost him a

vast sum; and that the Asamoneans, in those one hundred and twenty-five

years they held the government, were not able to perform so great a

work, to the honor of God, as this was, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 6. sect. 3.]

6 (return) [ Dr. Hudson here gives us the words of Suetonius concerning

this Nicopolis, when Augustus rebuilt it: "And that the memory of the

victory at Actium might be celebrated the more afterward, he built

Nicopolis at Actium, and appointed public shows to be there exhibited

every fifth year." In August, sect. 18.]

7 (return) [ Augustus here calls Julius Cæsar his father, though by

birth he was only his uncle, on account of his adoption by him. See the

same Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 14. sect. 4.]

8 (return) [ This is authentic evidence that the Jews, in the days of

Augustus, began to prepare for the celebration of the sabbath at the

ninth hour on Friday, as the tradition of the elders did, it seems, then

require of them.]

9 (return) [ The remaining part of this chapter is remarkable, as justly

distinguishing natural justice, religion, and morality, from positive

institutions in all countries, and evidently preferring the former

before the latter, as did the true prophets of God always under the Old

Testament, and Christ and his New; whence Josephus seems to have been at

this time nearer Christianity than were the Scribes and Pharisees of his

age; who, as we know from the New Testament, were entirely of a

different opinion and practice.]

10 (return) [ It is here worth our observation, how careful Josephus was

as to the discovery of truth in Herod's history, since he would not

follow Nicolaus of Damascus himself, so great an historian, where there

was great reason to suspect that he flattered Herod; which impartiality

in history Josephus here solemnly pro fesses, and of which impartiality

he has given more demonstrations than almost any historian whomsoever;

but as to Herod's taking great wealth out of David's sepulcher, though I

cannot prove it, yet do I strongly suspect it from this very history.]

11 (return) [ These joint presidents of Syria, Saturninus and Volumnius,

were not perhaps of equal authority, but the latter like a procurator

under the former, as the very learned Noris and Pagi, and with them Dr.

Hudson, determine.]

12 (return) [ This Aretas was now become so established a name for the

kings of Arabia, [at Petra and Damascus,] that when the crown came to

this Aeneas, he changed his name to Aretas, as Havercamp here justly

observes. See Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 15. sect, 2.]

13 (return) [ This oath, by the fortune of Cæsar, was put to Polycarp, a

bishop of Smyrna, by the Roman governor, to try whether he were a

Christian, as they were then esteemed who refused to swear that oath.

Martyr. Polycarp, sect. 9.]

14 (return) [ What Josephus relates Augustus to have here said, that

Berytus was a city belonging to the Romans, is confirmed by Spanheim's

notes here: "It was," says he, "a colony placed there by Augustus.

Whence Ulpian, De Gens. bel. L. T. XV. The colony of Berytus was

rendered famous by the benefits of Cæsar; and thence it is that, among

the coins of Augustus, we meet with some having this inscription: The

happy colony of Augustus at Berytua."]

15 (return) [ The reader is here to note, that this eighth section is

entirely wanting in the old Latin version, as Spanheim truly observes;

nor is there any other reason for it, I suppose, than the great

difficulty of an exact translation.]

BOOK XVII. Containing The Interval Of Fourteen Years.—From The Death Of

Alexander And Aristobulus To The Banishment Of Archelaus.

CHAPTER 1. How Antipater Was Hated By All The Nation [Of The Jews] For

The Slaughter Of His Brethren; And How, For That Reason He Got Into

Peculiar Favor With His Friends At Rome, By Giving Them Many Presents;

As He Did Also With Saturninus, The President Of Syria And The Governors

Who Were Under Him; And Concerning Herod's Wives And Children.

1. When Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his

father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with

furies for what he had done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind, as

to the rest of his life; for although he was delivered from the fear of

his brethren being his rivals as to the government, yet did he find it a

very hard thing, and almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom,

because the hatred of the nation against him on that account was become

very great; and besides this very disagreeable circumstance, the affair

of the soldiery grieved him still more, who were alienated from him,

from which yet these kings derived all the safety which they had,

whenever they found the nation desirous of innovation: and all this

danger was drawn upon him by his destruction of his brethren. However,

he governed the nation jointly with his father, being indeed no other

than a king already; and he was for that very reason trusted, and the

more firmly depended on, for the which he ought himself to have been put

to death, as appearing to have betrayed his brethren out of his concern

for the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will to

them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this was the accursed

state he was in. Now all Antipater's contrivances tended to make his way

to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him in the vile

practices he was devising: and that Herod might have no refuge, nor any

to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater

for their open enemy; insomuch that the very plots he had laid against

his brethren were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at

this time he was more than ever set upon the execution of his attempts

against Herod, because if he were once dead, the government would now be

firmly secured to him; but if he were suffered to live any longer, he

should be in danger, upon a discovery of that wickedness of which he had

been the contriver, and his father would of necessity then become his

enemy. And on this account it was that he became very bountiful to his

father's friends, and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order

to surprise men with his good deeds, and take off their hatred against

him. And he sent great presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to

gain their good-will; and above all to Saturninus, the president of

Syria. He also hoped to gain the favor of Saturninus's brother with the

large presents he bestowed on him; as also he used the same art to

[Salome] the king's sister, who had married one of Herod's chief

friends. And when he counterfeited friendship to those with whom he

conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief, and very cunning

to hide his hatred against any that he really did hate. But he could not

impose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long time, and was a woman

not easily to be deluded, especially while she had already used all

possible caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although

Antipeter's uncle by the mother's side was married to her daughter, and

this by his own connivance and management, while she had before been

married to Aristobulus, and while Salome's other daughter by that

husband was married to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no

obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he was, in her discovering his

designs, as her former kindred to him could not prevent her hatred of

him. Now Herod had compelled Salome, while she was in love with Sylleus

the Arabian, and had taken a fondness for him, to marry Alexas; which

match was by her submitted to at the instance of Julia, who persuaded

Salome not to refuse it, lest she should herself be their open enemy,

since Herod had sworn that he would never be friends with Salome, if she

would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she submitted to Julia as

being Cæsar's wife; and besides that, she advised her to nothing but

what was very much for her own advantage. At this time also it was that

Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, who had been Alexander's

wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her out of his

own estate, that there might be no dispute between them about it.

2. Now Herod brought up his sons' children with great care; for

Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons by

Bernice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters; and as his friends were

once with him, he presented the children before them; and deploring the

hard fortune of his own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would

befall these who were their children, but that they might improve in

virtue, and obtain what they justly deserved, and might make him amends

for his care of their education. He also caused them to be betrothed

against they should come to the proper age of marriage; the elder of

Alexander's sons to Pheroras's daughter, and Antipater's daughter to

Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted one of Aristobulus's

daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other daughter to Herod,

a son of his own, who was born to him by the high priest's daughter; for

it is the ancient practice among us to have many wives at the same time.

Now the king made these espousals for the children, out of commiseration

of them now they were fatherless, as endeavoring to render Antipater

kind to them by these intermarriages. But Antipater did not fail to bear

the same temper of mind to his brothers' children which he had borne to

his brothers themselves; and his father's concern about them provoked

his indignation against them upon this supposal, that they would become

greater than ever his brothers had been; while Archelaus, a king, would

support his daughter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of

one of the daughters as a wife to his son. What provoked him also was

this, that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless

children, and so hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would

come out, since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards

his brethren. He contrived, therefore, to overturn his father's

settlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that they should be so

related to him, and be so powerful withal. So Herod yielded to him, and

changed his resolution at his entreaty; and the determination now was,

that Antipater himself should marry Aristobulus's daughter, and

Antipater's son should marry Pheroras's daughter. So the espousals for

the marriages were changed after this manner, even without the king's

real approbation.

3. Now Herod the king had at this time nine wives; one of them

Antipater's mother, and another the high priest's daughter, by whom he

had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his brother's

daughter, and another his sister's daughter; which two had no children.

One of his wives also was of the Samaritan nation, whose sons were

Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olympias; which daughter

was afterward married to Joseph, the king's brother's son; but Archelaus

and Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at Rome. Herod

had also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had his sons

Herod and Philip; which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas also

was one of his wives, which bare him his son Phasaelus. And besides

these, he had for his wives Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had his

daughters Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughters by the same

mother with Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras neglected to

marry, he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's

son, and the other to Phasaelus, his brother's son. And this was the

posterity of Herod. 1

CHAPTER 2. Concerning Zamaris, The Babylonian Jew; Concerning The Plots

Laid By Antipater Against His Father; And Somewhat About The Pharisees.

1. And now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself on the

side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as large as a city

for the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his own

country difficult to be assaulted, and whence he might be at hand to

make sallies upon them, and do them a mischief. Accordingly, when he

understood that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with

five hundred horsemen, all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode

on horse-back, and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over

Euphrates, and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where

Saturninus, who was then president, had given them a place for

habitation, called Valatha, he sent for this man, with the multitude

that followed him, and promised to give him land in the toparchy called

Batanea, which country is bounded with Trachonitis, as desirous to make

that his habitation a guard to himself. He also engaged to let him hold

the country free from tribute, and that they should dwell entirely

without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him tax-

free.

2. The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he took

possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village, and

named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants

against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of

Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the

Trachonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those

parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the country

became full of people, by reason of their universal freedom from taxes.

This continued during the life of Herod; but when Philip, who was

[tetrarch] after him, took the government, he made them pay some small

taxes, and that for a little while only; and Agrippa the Great, and his

son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet would

they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now

taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the

privilege of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the

imposition of taxes. Of which matter I shall treat more accurately in

the progress of this history. 2

3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that

country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left

children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was

famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their

horses; and a troop of them were guards to the forementioned kings. And

when Jacim was dead in his old age, he left a son, whose name was

Philip, one of great strength in his hands, and in other respects also

more eminent for his valor than any of his contemporaries; on which

account there was a confidence and firm friendship between him and king

Agrippa. He had also an army which he maintained as great as that of a

king, which he exercised and led wheresoever he had occasion to march.

4. When the affairs of Herod were in the condition I have described, all

the public affairs depended upon Antipater; and his power was such, that

he could do good turns to as many as he pleased, and this by his

father's concession, in hopes of his good-will and fidelity to him; and

this till he ventured to use his power still further, because his wicked

designs were concealed from his father, and he made him believe every

thing he said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of

the power and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile

attempts beforehand; but he who principally cultivated a friendship with

him was Pheroras, who received the like marks of his friendship; while

Antipater had cunningly encompassed him about by a company of women,

whom he placed as guards about him; for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to

his wife, and to her mother, and to her sister; and this notwithstanding

the hatred he bare them for the indignities they had offered to his

virgin daughters. Yet did he bear them, and nothing was to be done

without the women, who had got this man into their circle, and continued

still to assist each other in all things, insomuch that Antipater was

entirely addicted to them, both by himself and by his mother; for these

four women, 3 said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of

Pheroras and Antipater were different in some points of no consequence.

But the king's sister [Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good

while had looked about all their affairs, and was apprized that this

their friendship was made in order to do Herod some mischief, and was

disposed to inform the king of it. And since these people knew that

their friendship was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending to do him a

mischief, they contrived that their meetings should not be discovered;

so they pretended to hate one another, and to abuse one another when

time served, and especially when Herod was present, or when any one was

there that would tell him: but still their intimacy was firmer than

ever, when they were private. And this was the course they took. But

they could not conceal from Salome neither their first contrivance, when

they set about these their intentions, nor when they had made some

progress in them; but she searched out every thing; and, aggravating the

relations to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret

assemblies and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine

manner, which if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well

enough have been open and public. But to appearance they are at

variance, and speak about one another as if they intended one another a

mischief, but agree so well together when they are out of the sight of

the multitude; for when they are alone by themselves, they act in

concert, and profess that they will never leave off their friendship,

but will fight against those from whom they conceal their designs. And

thus did she search out these things, and get a perfect knowledge of

them, and then told her brother of them, who understood also of himself

a great deal of what she said, but still durst not depend upon it,

because of the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies. For there

was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued themselves highly

upon the exact skill they had in the law of their fathers, and made men

believe they were highly favored by God, by whom this set of women were

inveigled. These are those that are called the sect of the Pharisees,

who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they

were, and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief.

Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their

good-will to Cæsar, and to the king's government, these very men did not

swear, being above six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon

them, Pheroras's wife paid their fine for them. In order to requite

which kindness of hers, since they were believed to have the

foreknowledge of things to come by Divine inspiration, they foretold how

God had decreed that Herod's government should cease, and his posterity

should be deprived of it; but that the kingdom should come to her and

Pheroras, and to their children. These predictions were not concealed

from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they had perverted some

persons about the palace itself; so the king slew such of the Pharisees

as were principally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and one Carus, who

exceeded all men of that time in comeliness, and one that was his

catamite. He slew also all those of his own family who had consented to

what the Pharisees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by

them, as though he should be named the father and the benefactor of him

who, by the prediction, was foretold to be their appointed king; for

that this king would have all things in his power, and would enable

Bagoas to marry, and to have children of his own body begotten.

CHAPTER 3. Concerning The Enmity Between Herod And Pheroras; How Herod

Sent Antipater To Cæsar; And Of The Death Of Pheroras.

1. When Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of the

foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends, and

accused Pheroras's wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the

impudence of that woman, brought an accusation against her for the

dishonor she had brought upon them: that she had studiously introduced a

quarrel between him and his brother, and, by her ill temper, had brought

them into a state of war, both by her words and actions; that the fines

which he had laid had not been paid, and the offenders had escaped

punishment by her means; and that nothing which had of late been done

had been done without her; "for which reason Pheroras would do well, if

he would of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my

entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one

that will still be the occasion of war between thee and me. And now,

Pheroras, if thou valuest thy relation to me, put this wife of thine

away; for by this means thou wilt continue to be a brother to me, and

wilt abide in thy love to me." Then said Pheroras, [although he was

pressed hard by the former words,] that as he would not do so unjust a

thing as to renounce his brotherly relation to him, so would he not

leave off his affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die

than to live, and be deprived of a wife that was so dear unto him.

Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras on these accounts,

although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy punishment. However,

he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation with

Pheroras, and bid them to take care to avoid the assemblies of the

women; which they promised to do, but still got together when occasion

served, and both Ptieroras and Antipater had their own merry meetings.

The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation with

Pheroras's wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater's

mother.

2. But Antipater had now a suspicion of his father, and was afraid that

the effects of his hatred to him might increase; so he wrote to his

friends at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod, that he would

immediately send Antipater to Cæsar; which when it was done, Herod sent

Antipater thither, and sent most noble presents along with him; as also

his testament, wherein Antipater was appointed to be his successor; and

that if Antipater should die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high

priest's daughter should succeed. And, together with Antipater, there

went to Rome Sylleus the Arabian, although he had done nothing of all

that Cæsar had enjoined him. Antipater also accused him of the same

crimes of which he had been formerly accused by Herod. Sylleus was also

accused by Aretas, that without his consent he had slain many of the

chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly Soemus, a man that

deserved to be honored by all men; and that he had slain Fabatus, a

servant of Cæsar. These were the things of which Sylleus was accused,

and that on the occasion following: There was one Corinthus, belonging

to Herod, of the guards of the king's body, and one who was greatly

trusted by him. Sylleus had persuaded this man with the offer of a great

sum of money to kill Herod; and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus

had been made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of

it, he informed the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him to the

torture, and thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught

two other Arabians, who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head

of a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who both were by the king

brought to the torture, and confessed that they were come to encourage

Corinthus not to fail of doing what he had undertaken to do; and to

assist him with their own hands in the murder, if need should require

their assistance. So Saturninus, upon Herod's discovering the whole to

him, sent them to Rome.

3. At this time Herod commanded Pheroras, that since he was so obstinate

in his affection for his wife, he should retire into his own tetrarchy;

which he did very willingly, and sware many oaths that he would not come

again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when, upon a

sickness of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that

he might intrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard

to his oath, that he would not come to him; yet did not Herod so retain

his hatred to Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him],

which he before had, and that for such great causes as have been already

mentioned: but as soon as he began to be ill, he came to him, and this

without being sent for; and when he was dead, he took care of his

funeral, and had his body brought to Jerusalem, and buried there, and

appointed a solemn mourning for him. This [death of Pheroras] became the

origin of Antipater's misfortunes, although he were already sailed for

Rome, God now being about to punish him for the murder of his brethren,

I will explain the history of this matter very distinctly, that it may

be for a warning to mankind, that they take care of conducting their

whole lives by the rules of virtue.

CHAPTER 4. Pheroras's Wife Is Accused By His Freedmen, As Guilty Of

Poisoning Him; And How Herod, Upon Examining; Of The Matter By Torture

Found The Poison; But So That It Had Been Prepared For Himself By His

Son Antipater; And Upon An Inquiry By Torture He Discovered The

Dangerous Designs Of Antipater.

1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of

Pheroras's freed-men, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and

entreated him not to leave the murder of his brother without avenging

it, but to examine into such an unreasonable and unhappy death. When he

was moved with these words, for they seemed to him to be true, they said

that Pheroras supped with his wife the day before he fell sick, and that

a certain potion was brought him in such a sort of food as he was not

used to eat; but that when he had eaten, he died of it: that this potion

was brought out of Arabia by a woman, under pretense indeed as a love-

potion, for that was its name, but in reality to kill Pheroras; for that

the Arabian women are skillful in making such poisons: and the woman to

whom they ascribe this was confessedly a most intimate friend of one of

Sylleus's mistresses; and that both the mother and the sister of

Pheroras's wife had been at the places where she lived, and had

persuaded her to sell them this potion, and had come back and brought it

with them the day before that his supper. Hereupon the king was

provoked, and put the women slaves to the torture, and some that were

free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them

would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said

no more but this, that she prayed that God would send the like agonies

upon Antipater's mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to

all of them. This prayer induced Herod to increase the women's tortures,

till thereby all was discovered; their merry meetings, their secret

assemblies, and the disclosing of what he had said to his son alone unto

Pheroras's 4 women. [Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal,

was the gift of a hundred talents to him not to have any conversation

with Pheroras.] And what hatred he bore to his father; and that he

complained to his mother how very long his father lived; and that he was

himself almost an old man, insomuch that if the kingdom should come to

him, it would not afford him any great pleasure; and that there were a

great many of his brothers, or brothers' children, bringing up, that

might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself, all which made his

own hopes of it uncertain; for that even now, if he should himself not

live, Herod had ordained that the government should be conferred, not on

his son, but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of great

barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out of the

fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that made him

contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his

own tetrarchy. 5

2. These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him, and

tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her from the

suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having satisfied

himself of the spite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as well as

himself, bore to him, took away from her all her fine ornaments, which

were worth many talents, and then sent her away, and entered into

friendship with Pheroras's women. But he who most of all irritated the

king against his son was one Antipater, the procurator of Antipater the

king's son, who, when he was tortured, among other things, said that

Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and given it to Pheroras, with

his desire that he would give it to his father during his absence, and

when he was too remote to have the least suspicion cast upon him thereto

relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's friends, brought that

potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Thendion, the

brother of the mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by that means

came to Pheroras's wife, her husband having given it her to keep. And

when the king asked her about it, she confessed it; and as she was

running to fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top; yet did

she not kill herself, because she fell upon her feet; by which means,

when the king had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics

pardon, upon condition of their concealing nothing of the truth from

him, but had threatened her with the utmost miseries if she proved

ungrateful [and concealed any thing]: so she promised, and swore that

she would speak out every thing, and tell after what manner every thing

was done; and said what many took to be entirely true, that the potion

was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus; and that his brother, who was a

physician, had procured it; and that "when Thendion brought it us, she

kept it upon Pheroras's committing it to her; and that it was prepared

by Antipater for thee. When, therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick, and

thou camest to him and tookest care of him, and when he saw the kindness

thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne thereby. So he called me to

him, and said to me, 'O woman! Antipater hath circumvented me in this

affair of his father and my brother, by persuading me to have a

murderous intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient

thereto; do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion, [since my brother

appears to have still the same virtuous disposition towards me which he

had formerly, and I do not expect to live long myself, and that I may

not defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother,] and burn it

before my face:' that accordingly she immediately brought it, and did as

her husband bade her; and that she burnt the greatest part of the

potion; but that a little of it was left, that if the king, after

Pheroras's death, should treat her ill, she might poison herself, and

thereby get clear of her miseries." Upon her saying thus, she brought

out the potion, and the box in which it was, before them all. Nay, there

was another brother of Antiphilus, and his mother also, who, by the

extremity of pain and torture, confessed the same things, and owned the

box [to be that which had been brought out of Egypt]. The high priest's

daughter also, who was the king's wife, was accused to have been

conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason

Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he

had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the

high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus,

and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem,

to be high priest in his room.

3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater's freed-man, came

from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought another

potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother, and of

Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this

at least might carry him off. There came also letters from Herod's

friends at Rome, by the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater,

to accuse Archelaus and Philip, as if they calumniated their father on

account of the slaughter of Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they

commiserated their deaths, and as if, because they were sent for home,

[for their father had already recalled them,] they concluded they were

themselves also to be destroyed. These letters had been procured by

great rewards by Antipater's friends; but Antipater himself wrote to his

father about them, and laid the heaviest things to their charge; yet did

he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and said they were but young men,

and so imputed their words to their youth. But he said that he had

himself been very busy in the affair relating to Sylleus, and in getting

interest among the great men; and on that account had bought splendid

ornaments to present them withal, which cost him two hundred talents.

Now one may wonder how it came about, that while so many accusations

were laid against him in Judea during seven months before this time, he

was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which were, that

the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater; for there

was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages.

CHAPTER 5. Antipater's Navigation From Rome To His Father; And How He

Was Accused By Nicolaus Of Damascus And Condemned To Die By His Father,

And By Quintilius Varus, Who Was Then President Of Syria; And How He Was

Then Bound Till Cæsar Should Be Informed Of His Cause.

1. Now Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done all that

he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly

come to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and

bid him not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in

his absence. At the same time also he made some little complaint about

his mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when

he should return. He withal expressed his entire affection for him, as

fearing lest he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey

to him; and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the

kingdom, and, moreover, do somewhat against himself. This letter

Antipater met with in Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras's

death before at Tarentum. This last news affected him deeply; not out of

any affection for Pheroras, but because he was dead without having

murdered his father, which he had promised him to do. And when he was at

Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with himself about his

sailing home, as being much grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now

some of his friends advised him that he should tarry a while some where,

in expectation of further information. But others advised him to sail

home without delay; for that if he were once come thither, he would soon

put an end to all accusations, and that nothing afforded any weight to

his accusers at present but his absence. He was persuaded by these last,

and sailed on, and landed at the haven called Sebastus, which Herod had

built at vast expenses in honor of Cæsar, and called Sebastus. And now

was Antipater evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to

him nor saluted him, as they did at his going away, with good wishes of

joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to hinder them from

entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses, while they

supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the murder of his

brethren.

2. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent to

succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an assessor to

Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs; and as they

were sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing any

thing of the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The

porters indeed received him in, but excluded his friends. And now he was

in great disorder, and presently understood the condition he was in,

while, upon his going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who

called him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction

against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor and his

judge the very next day; so he found that what misfortunes he now heard

of were already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away in

confusion; upon which his mother and his wife met him, [which wife was

the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,] from

whom he learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared

himself for his trial.

3. On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and both

their friends were also called in, as also the king's relations, with

his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as

had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater's mother,

who were taken up a little before Antipater's coming, and brought with

them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not

come back, because all was come to his father's knowledge; and that

Cæsar was the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her

delivery into his father's hands. Then did Antipater fall down at his

father's feet, and besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he

might be first heard by his father, and that his father would keep

himself unprejudiced. So Herod ordered him to be brought into the midst,

and then lamented himself about his children, from whom he had suffered

such great misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon him in his old

age. He also reckoned up what maintenance and what education he had

given them; and what seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them,

according to their own desires; none of which favors had hindered them

from contriving against him, and from bringing his very life into

danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious manner, by taking

away his life before the course of nature, their father's wishes, or

justice required that that kingdom should come to them; and that he

wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to be

hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in

writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was

alive, he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious

dignity, or in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents

for his yearly income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer

than thirty talents. He also objected to him the case of his brethren

whom he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their

example; and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against

his near relations; for that he had been acquainted with all those

things by him, and by nobody else, and had done what was done by his

approbation, and whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by

becoming the inheritor of the guilt of such their parricide.

4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a weeping, and was not able to

say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being the king's

friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever

he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what

remained, and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and

evidences of the facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal

defense, turned himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many

indications he had given of his good-will to him; and instanced in the

honors that had been done him, which yet had not been done, had he not

deserved them by his virtuous concern about him; for that he had made

provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to

giving him his wisest advice; and whenever there was occasion for the

labor of his own hands, he had not grudged any such pains for him. And

that it was almost impossible that he, who had delivered his father from

so many treacherous contrivances laid against him, should be himself in

a plot against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his

virtue, by his wickedness which succeeded it; and this while he had

nothing to prohibit him, who was already appointed his successor, to

enjoy the royal honor with his father also at present; and that there

was no likelihood that a person who had the one half of that authority

without any danger, and with a good character, should hunt after the

whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was doubtful whether he

could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren

before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a

time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay, was the

author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared evidently

that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father; and that

even the contentions there were in the king's family were indications

that he had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest affection to his

father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Cæsar was a witness thereto,

who yet was no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose

opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and that it

was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise

disturbances before those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies

had been raised during his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to

forge them, which they had not been able to do if he had been there.

Moreover he showed the weakness of the evidence obtained by torture,

which was commonly false, because the distress men are in under such

tortures naturally obliges them to say many things in order to please

those that govern them. He also offered himself to the torture.

5. Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they

greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a countenance

suitable to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch that

his very enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that

Herod himself was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing

it should be taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what

the king had begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all

the evidence which arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He

principally and largely cried up the king's virtues, which he had

exhibited in the maintenance and education of his sons; while he never

could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one misfortune to

another. Although he owned that he was not so much surprised with that

thoughtless behavior of his former sons, who were but young, and were

besides corrupted by wicked counselors, who were the occasion of their

wiping out of their minds the righteous dictates of nature, and this out

of a desire of coming to the government sooner than they ought to do;

yet that he could not but justly stand amazed at the horrid wickedness

of Antipater, who, although he had not only had great benefits bestowed

on him by his father, enough to tame his reason, yet could not be more

tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even those creatures

admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors, while

Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hinderance

to him, but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding.

"Yet wast thou, O Antipater! [as thou hast thyself confessed,] the

informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out

of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they

underwent upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing thee for

being so zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy

endeavors to imitate their profligate behavior; and we discover thereby

that thou didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the

destruction of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their

impiety thou mightest be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest

thereby get thee power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity;

which design thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest

thy brethren off, because thou didst convict theft of their wicked

designs; but thou didst not yield up to justice those who were their

partners; and thereby didst make it evident to all men that thou madest

a covenant with them against thy father, when thou chosest to be the

accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain to thyself alone this

advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to enjoy double

pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition, which thou has

openly showed against thy brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice,

as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behavior unworthy of

thee. But if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than they:

while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father, thou

didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in that case

thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of

his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself. Thou

wouldst kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised against

them might be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment

thou hadst deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy

unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as

the world never yet saw. For thou who art his son didst not only lay a

treacherous design against thy father, and didst it while he loved thee,

and had been thy benefactor, had made thee in reality his partner in the

kingdom, and had openly declared thee his successor, while thou wast not

forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority already, and hadst the

firm hope of what was future by thy father's determination, and the

security of a written testament; but, for certain, thou didst not

measure these things according to thy father's various disposition, but

according to thy own thoughts and inclinations; and was desirous to take

the part that remained away from thy too indulgent father, and soughtest

to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to

preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but thou filledst

thy mother's head with thy devices, and raised disturbances among thy

brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast; while

thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou

sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest

benefactors, and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst

hedge thyself in on all sides, by the artifices of both men and women,

against an old man, as though that mind of thine was not sufficient of

itself to support so great a hatred as thou baredst to him. And here

thou appearest, after the tortures of free-men, of domestics, of men and

women, which have been examined on thy account, and after the

informations of thy fellow conspirators, as making haste to contradict

the truth; and hast thought on ways not only how to take thy father out

of the world, but to disannul that written law which is against thee,

and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice; nay, such is that

impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to be put

to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the tortures of those

already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that those that have

been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to have spoken the

truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers of truth.

Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of his

kindred? Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath

pretended kindness to his father, in order to destroy his brethren;

while yet he is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom

immediately, and appears to be the most bloody butcher to him of them

all? for thou art sensible that parricide is a general injury both to

nature and to common life, and that the intention of parricide is not

inferior to its perpetration; and he who does not punish it is injurious

to nature itself."