WHITE CHIEFS AND INDIAN CHIEFS.
In the year 1779 many of the Indians at Machias and Passamaquoddy
began to waver in their adherence to the Americans and to imagine they
would fare better by withdrawing from John Allan and returning to
their old haunts on the River St. John. Allan wrote in the autumn of
this year, "The unsteady conduct of the Indians has obliged me to use
every means to prevent their going to St. Johns. I have not met with
such difficulty previous to this summer." He managed to keep them a
little longer, but in July of the next year came the great defection
which had been so long impending. The immediate cause of this
defection it will be of interest now to consider.
Sir Guy Carleton, not long after his appointment to the command at
Quebec, secured the allegiance of the principal Indian tribes of
Canada, and at his instigation messages were sent to Machias early in
April 1779, desiring the Indians there to have no further connection
with the Americans, adding that the Indians of Canada were coming
across the woods, as soon as the leaves were as big as their nails, to
destroy the settlements on the Penobscot and the Kennebec. In order to
impress the Indians with the importance of the message the delegates
who bore it were furnished with an immense belt of wampum of 1500
pieces. "We send you this Great Belt," say the Canadian Indians, "for
every one of you to see and think of, and to show it to the St. Johns
and Micmac Indians, and then to return the belt to us immediately."
The message contained a further assurance that nine thousand Indians
were ready to execute any orders they might receive from the British
general in Canada. The arrival of this message made a great impression
on the Indians, and occasioned in them "a fluctuating and unsteady
conduct," but John Allan was able, with the help of Mon. de la Motte,
a French priest, to keep them in control.
Curiously enough at this crisis the old St. John river chieftain,
Pierre Thoma, arrived at Machias in quite an indignant frame of mind.
His annoyance was caused by General McLean's ordering Major Studholme
not to furnish any more provisions to the Indians. Francklin
considered this order a mistake, and at once represented to the
secretary of state the necessity of keeping the Indians in good humor
as the cutting of masts and timber for the Royal Navy, the safety of
the English settlers on the River St. John and communication with
Canada might all be endangered by losing their good will. His
statements were strongly supported by Sir Richard Hughes, the
lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia. The next spring Col. Francklin
invited the Indians at Passamaquody and Machias to a conference at
Fort Howe.
Two English schooners arrived at Passamaquody on the 1st of June. John
Allen at once issued an order to the Indians not to hold any
intercourse with unwelcome visitors, but, he adds, "Pierre Tomma the
chief of St. John, always considered a Tory, and Lewis Neptune of
Penobscot went on board and received presents." They were told that
Col. Franklin and Father Bourg were at Fort Howe with presents and
supplies and desired a conference with them. Soon after three special
messengers arrived from Father Bourg desiring the Indians to attend
him immediately on business of the church. The result of these
invitations we shall presently see, but in the meantime an important
conference was being held at the River St. John.
There are many references to this conference but we shall first
consider a letter which Col. Franklin wrote from Windsor to Sir Henry
Clinton, 21st August, 1780. In this letter Franklin states, "A meeting
was held the 24th June about ninety miles above Fort Howe attended by
upwards of 900 Indians. Deputies from the Ottawas, Hurons, Algonkins,
Montanagais, Abenakies and Canabas attended and made the speech
inclosed."
This speech was addressed to the Malecete, Passamaquoddie and Mickmack
Indians and was in substance as follows:
"Our dear Brothers, We come to warn you that the Boston people,
having destroyed several of our villages, killed our wives and
children and carried off our young women by force, we to revenge
ourselves for these outrages have declared war against them. If
there are yet remaining among them [i. e. the Americans] any of
your people, let them withdraw immediately, for they will be
treated like the enemy if they remain with them. Therefore our
dear Brothers we tell you to remain quiet and in peace. We have
13,000 men assembled, who are allied against the Boston people and
they have already taken twenty-seven villages larger than Three
Rivers in Canada, and to burn their villages they sent more than
300 lighted arrows which instantly destroyed their houses, great
part of the Inhabitants were burnt and those who attempted to
escape were put to death. Now we demand your answer."
The Micmacs and Maliseets presented belts of wampum and replied that
so long as the King of England should continue to leave them free
liberty of hunting and fishing and to allow them priests sufficient
for the exercise of their religion they promised to keep quiet and
peaceable.
This grand Indian pow-wow seems to have been brought about largely by
Franklin's diplomacy. He was not himself present at the meeting but
the interests of the English were well looked after by Major
Studholme, James White and the Missionary Bourg. The conference with
the visiting delegates was held at Aukpaque and 300 warriors were
present besides 600 women and children. A considerable quantity of
presents and supplies had been sent from Windsor to Fort Howe by the
schooner Menaguash, Peter Doucet, master, to be given to the
Indians--blankets, shirts, blue and scarlet cloth, beaver bats,
ribbons, powder and shot, and lastly, "one cask of wine sent by Mr.
Francklin for the squaws and such men as do not drink rum."[110]
[110] The receipt of these articles at the hands of James White was
acknowledged at Aukpaque, June 26, 1780, by Francis Xavier,
and five other chiefs.
The arrival of the messengers sent by Studholme to the Indians of
Machias and Passamaquody, assuring them that if they would give their
attendance at Fort Howe they would be well treated and receive
handsome presents, made them extremely anxious to at least have a
look at the presents; at the same time urgent invitations from Father
Bourg gave them a good excuse for going. For two days John Allan
exercised all his powers of persuasion to keep them, but in vain; go
they would. They assured him "that they only meant to see the priest,
their souls being heavy and loaded with burthens of sins, and that
they acted upon a duty commanded in their church which they could not
neglect."
On the 3rd July nearly all the Indians, some women and children
excepted, set out for Fort Howe. In a letter to the Massachusetts
Congress Allan mournfully observes: "I am very unhappy in being
obliged to acquaint you of this, after the success I have experienced
in disappointing the Priest and Mr. Francklin these three years."
The substantial results of Francklin's policy of conciliation were the
inducing of the Indians who had acted with enemy to return to their
former villages and live peaceably there, second the opening of a safe
route of communication via the St. John river with Quebec and thirdly
protection of the King's mast cutters.
Colonel Francklin wrote to Lord Germaine on the 21st November, 1780,
that the disposition of the Indians during the summer and autumn had
been very tranquil and he attributed the fact largely to the
conference held on the River St. John on the 24th of June, when the
deputies of the Ottawas, Hurons and other nations of Canada required
the Micmacs and Malissets to withdraw from the Americans and to remain
quiet.
The situation of Gilfred Studholme, as commandant at Fort Howe, was at
times a difficult and uncomfortable one. His garrison was none too
large at the best, and, although the majority of his soldiers
displayed remarkable fidelity, there were occasional desertions. John
Allan naturally used every means in his power to render the post
untenable. In August, 1778, he sent Nicholas Hawawes, an Indian chief,
with a small party to the mouth of the St. John with orders to destroy
the cattle around the Fort, that were intended for the use of the
troops[111], to take prisoners and encourage desertion. The Indians
were provided with letters, written by deserters who had already come
to Machias, which they were instructed to convey secretly to the
soldiers of the garrison.
[111] The requirements of the garrison insured a ready market for all
the beef Hazen, Simonds & White and their tenants could
furnish, indeed at times it was necessary to send to the
settlements up the river for a supply. When the garrison was
first fixed at Fort Howe, James White made a trip to
Maugerville and purchased nine yoke of oxen for their use from
Asa Perley, Thomas Barker, Daniel Jewett, Henry Miller, John
Esty, Nathan Smith, David Dow, Peter Mooers and Richard
Barlow. The agreement in each case was similar to the
following:
"Maugerville, November 16, 1777.
"I promise to deliver to Mr. James White, or his order,
two oxen coming five years old, when the ice is strong
sufficient to bear them to drive to the mouth of this
River, said White paying me on delivery fifty-five
dollars. Witness my hand--
"ASA PERLEY."
Studholme was compelled to take stern and it may even seem terrible
measures to repress desertion, as will be seen in the following note
which he addressed to James White:
"Sir,--I shall esteem it as a favor if you will endeavour to get
some Indians to bring in the three deserters, for each of which I
will give Ten Guineas. Should the soldiers make any opposition
the Indians are to make use of force, and if compelled to kill
them, they are to bring in their Heads, for each of which they
will receive Ten Guineas.
"I am, Sir,
"Your most obedient servant,
"G. STUDHOLME."
Among the important services which Major Studholme was able to
accomplish while at Fort Howe should be mentioned the establishment of
excellent communication between Halifax and Quebec by way of the St.
John river. This had been the customary route of travel between Acadia
and Canada during the final conflict between England and France for
supremacy in North America (A. D. 1744-1759) and was well known to the
French and their Indian allies; it now proved of equal service to the
English.
In order to facilitate communication with Quebec, and at the same time
to afford protection to the settlements on the St. John, a block house
was built at the mouth of the Oromocto river and a few soldiers
stationed there under command of Lieut. Constant Connor. The post was
named Fort Hughes in honor of Sir Richard Hughes, the lieutenant
governor of Nova Scotia. A number of log huts, or post-houses were
built, at intervals of about a day's journey, from the block house at
Oromocto to the St. Lawrence. Over this route important messages were
carried between the civil and military authorities of Halifax and
Quebec, and sometimes dispatches were sent from the Commander-in-chief
of the forces at New York to Sir Guy Carleton and Sir Frederick
Haldimand at Quebec. Indians were occasionally employed to carry the
messages, but greater confidence was placed in the Acadians. The most
famous couriers probably were Louis Mitchel and the brothers Louis and
Michel Mercure. The couriers were aware of the value of their
services, and they demanded, and generally received, one hundred
dollars for each trip from Fort Howe to Quebec. This was regarded as
extravagant by Major Studholme and General Haldimand, but they could
do no better. They dared not trust the Indians with important
dispatches, and when the Acadian couriers were not available messages
were usually carried by officers accompanied by Indians as guides.
The route via the River St. John was used both in summer and winter.
It is said that when the water was high the Indians were able to
deliver letters from Quebec to the French commander at the mouth of
the St. John in four or five days, a distance of 430 miles. This
statement is made by John Allan and there is nothing impossible about
it. The Messrs. Straton of Fredericton, some years since, paddled in a
bark canoe from the Grand Falls to Fredericton, 133 miles, in 14 hours
46 minutes, making a short stop at Woodstock on the way. Short
distances have been covered at much greater rates of speed. The
Acadian couriers were usually a fortnight going from Oromocto to
Quebec in the summer and about double that time in the winter.
Like others of their race the Indians of the St. John were fleet
of foot and possessed of great endurance, qualities that are by no
means wanting in their descendants. Some forty years ago a Maliseet
Indian, named Peter Loler, gave a remarkable exhibition of speed
and endurance, which is still talked of by the older residents of
Woodstock. The circumstances, briefly stated, were these. One
pleasant summer morning Loler presented himself to the driver of
the old four-in-hand stage coach which was just about leaving the
hotel at Fredericton for Woodstock, the distance being rather more
than sixty miles. The Indian desired a passage and offered the
customary fare. The driver on the occasion was John Turner, one of
the most accomplished whips of the old stage coaching days, and
popular with all travellers. As the stage coach was pretty full and
the day promised to be very warm Turner, after a brief consultation
with the passengers, declined the Indian's money and upon Loler's
remonstrating, told him in plain Saxon that the other passengers
didn't like the smell of him, that his room was better than his
company. This angered Peter and he said, "All right, John! Me be in
Woodstock first!"
At 8 o'clock, a. m., Indian and stage coach left Fredericton together,
and together they proceeded and in spite of Turner's endeavor to throw
dust in the Indian's face the latter was always a little in advance.
He stopped at every place the stage stopped to change horses (this
occurred four or five times on the route) and took his dinner with all
the solemnity of his race in the kitchen of the "Half-way House" where
the passengers dined.
As they drew near their destination the Indian's savage nature seemed
to assert itself; he ran like a deer, waving his cap at intervals as
he passed the farm houses, and shouting defiantly. Turner now began to
ply the whip, for he had no intention of allowing the red-skin to beat
him out. The passengers began to wager their money on the result of
the race and grew wild with excitement. The Indian village, three
miles below Woodstock, was passed with Loler fifty yards in advance,
but the village was not Peter's destination that day. He saluted it
with a war-whoop and hurried on. It was still early in the afternoon
when the quiet citizens of Woodstock were aroused in a manner entirely
unexpected. The stage coach came tearing into town at the heels of an
Indian who was yelling like a demon and running as for his life, John
Turner plying the whip in lively fashion, and four very hot and tired
horses galloping at their utmost speed. The finish was a close one,
but the Indian was ahead. As soon as he had regained his breath
sufficiently to speak, Loler walked over to where Turner was standing
and philosophically remarked, "John! me here first!" Turner's answer
is not recorded.
Our story should end here, but alas for poor human nature, it remains
to be told that the Indian was soon surrounded by a crowd of friendly
admirers, and before the close of the day was gloriously--or shall we
say ingloriously--drunk.
From the year 1779 onward the cutting of masts for the navy became an
industry of growing importance on the River St. John and Col.
Francklin's efforts were largely directed to the protection of the
workmen so employed from being molested by the Indians. The
consideration of the "masting" industry will be taken up in the next
chapter.
Michael Francklin died Nov. 8, 1782, deeply lamented by all classes of
society. His last general conference with the Maliseets was at
Oromocto in the month of November, 1781, when he distributed presents
to nearly four hundred Indians who had assembled there. On this
occasion he settled amicably some jealousies that had arisen about
the election of chiefs. He tells us that the Indians were eager to go
to the defence of the block house on the occasion of a recent alarm,
that they were grateful for the continuance of their missionary Bourg
and were resolved to again plant corn on the river. At the close of
the conference they quietly dispersed to their hunting.
In spite of the interference of war the traffic in furs with the
Indians was still very considerable, and about this time Hazen and
White sent a consignment to Halifax in the ship Recovery, to be
shipped to England for sale, which included 571 Moose skins, 11
Caribou, 11 Deer, 3621 Musquash, 61 Otter, 77 Mink, 152 Sable, 40
Fishers, 6 Wolverene, 11 "Lucervers," 17 Red Fox, 6 Cross Fox, 9
Bear.
Michael Francklin continued to the last to cultivate the friendship of
Pierre Thoma the old Maliseet chieftain whose descendants, it may be
observed, are numerous at the present day. The name of this well known
Indian family (variously spelled Thoma, Toma, Tomah, Tomer) is clearly
of French origin, and was originally Thomas, which pronounced in
French fashion sounds like Tomah. The name Pierre Thoma was very
common among both the Micmacs and the Maliseets, so common indeed as
to make it difficult to distinguish between individuals. A few
observations will enable the reader to see what splendid opportunities
there are for confusion with regard to those Indians who bore the name
of Pierre Thoma.
In the month of August, 1827, the Lieut.-Governor of New Brunswick,
Sir Howard Douglas, visited the historic Indian village of Medoctec,
where he was introduced to an Indian name Pierre Thoma (or Toma
Pierre) aged 93 years. The old warrior, who had lost an eye and an arm
in the battle of the Heights of Abraham in 1759, was carefully
provided for by the kindly hearted governor. Our first conclusion
naturally would be--this is the old chieftain of Revolutionary days.
But further investigation shows such a conclusion to be very
improbable. If old Tomah, who greeted Sir Howard Douglas, were 93
years old in 1827, he must have been born in 1734, and in that case
(supposing him to have been Francklin's old ally) he would have filled
the office of supreme sachem or head chief of the St. John river when
about thirty years of age, which is very unlikely. But this is not
all. In the sworn testimony submitted to the commissioners on the
international boundary in 1797, John Curry, Esq., of Charlotte County
says that when he came to the country in 1770 there was an Indian
place of worship and a burial ground on St. Andrew's Point at the
mouth of the River St. Croix, and that among those whom he recollected
to have been buried there were John Neptune (alias Bungawarrawit),
governor of the Passamaquoddy tribe, and a "chief of the Saint John's
Tribe known by the name of Pierre Toma." There can be little doubt
that the latter was our old chief Thoma. His wife was one of the
Neptune family whose home was at Passamaquoddy. The burial ground at
St. Andrew's Point was abandoned by the Indians when the Loyalists
settled at St. Andrews in 1783. We may therefore conclude that Pierre
Thoma did not long survive his old friend and Patron Michael
Francklin. Their acquaintance began as early at least as the summer of
1768, when Governor Thoma and Ambroise St. Aubin had an interview with
Lieut.-Governor Francklin and his council at Halifax. At that time the
chiefs made a favorable impression. They requested that their
missionary Bailly, lately arrived might remain with them, complained
that rum was much too common for the good of their people, desired
lands for cultivation and that their hunting grounds should be
reserved to them. Having completed their business they stated "We have
nothing further to ask or represent, and we desire to return soon,
that our people may not be debauched with liquor in this town."
The previous summer (12th August, 1767) Rev. Thomas Wood officiated at
a notable wedding at Halifax the contracting parties being a young
Indian captain named Pierre Jacques and Marie Joseph, the oldest
daughter of "old King Thoma." An English baronet, Sir Thos. Rich, and
other distinguished guests were present on the occasion. However this
Thoma was not our old Maliseet chief, for Mr. Wood observes of him,
"Old King Thoma looks upon himself as hereditary king of the
Mickmacks." Moreover the date is too nearly coincident with an
interesting event at Aukpaque in which Pierre Thoma was concerned. The
event was a christening at the Indian chapel the particulars
concerning which we find in the old church register. The Abbe Bailly
on two consecutive days baptized thirty-one Indian children, viz.,
sixteen boys on August 29th and fifteen girls on August 30th. Among
the boys we find a son of Ambroise St. Aubin and Anne, his wife, who
received the name of Thomas and had as sponsors Pierre Thoma, chief,
and his wife Marie Mectilde. The following day the compliment was
returned and Ambroise and his wife stood as sponsors at the
christening of Marie, the daughter of Pierre Thoma.
The next year (June 5, 1768) there was a double wedding in the family
of Governor Thoma at which the Abbe Bailly officiated and which no
doubt was the occasion of great festivity at the Indian village. The
old chief's son Pierre Thoma, jr, wedded an Indian maiden named Marie
Joseph, and his daughter Marie Belanger married Pierre Kesit. The
younger Pierre Thoma was most probably his father's successor as chief
of the Maliseets. At any rate when Frederick Dibblee[112] made a
return of the native Indians settled at Meductic in 1788 he includes
in his list Governor Thoma, his wife and four children. The Indians
were always migratory and two years later we find Governor Thoma
living at the mouth of the Becaguimec and tilling his cornfield since
become the site of the town of Hartland. This Governor Thoma, may be
the same referred to in the following paragraph in the Courier of
January 6, 1841:[113]
"Friday last, being New Years day, a large body of the Milicete
tribe of Indians including a considerable number of well dressed
squaws, headed by their old-old-chief Thoma, appeared at
Government House to pay their annual compliments to the
representative of their Sovereign, and were received by His
Excellency with great kindness. His Excellency availed himself of
the occasion publicly to decorate the worthy old chief with a
splendid silver medallion suspended by a blue ribbon, exhibiting a
beautiful effigy of our gracious sovereign on one side, with the
Royal Arms on the reverse."
[112] Frederick Dibblee was a Loyalist, a graduate of Columbia College
(N.Y.); afterwards rector of Woodstock, N. B. He went to
Medoctec as a lay missionary teacher to the Indians under an
arrangement with an English Society for the propagation of the
Gospel amongst the Indians. There were at Medoctec in 1788
about seventy Indian families including 98 men, 74 women, 165
children; total, 337 souls.
[113] The author is indebted for the above extract to the kindness of
Mr. Ward.
Many of the Thoma family were remarkable for their longevity. When the
writer of this history was a boy there lived at the Indian village,
three miles below the Town of Woodstock, a very intelligent and
industrious Indian, whose bent, spare figure was a familiar object to
travellers along the country roads. It would be hard to count the
number of baskets and moccasins the old man carried on his back to
town for sale. He was born at Medoctec in 1789 and died at Woodstock
not long ago at the age of nearly one hundred years. The old fellow
was famous for his knowledge of herbs, which he was wont to administer
to the Indians in case of sickness; indeed it was not an uncommon
thing for the white people to consult "Doctor Tomer" as to their
ailments. In the year 1877 "Tomer" came to pay a friendly visit to
Charles Raymond, the author's grandfather, who was then in his 90th
year and confined to his room with what proved to be his first and
last illness. The pleasure of meeting seemed to be mutual. The two had
known one another for many years and were accustomed from time to time
to compare ages. "Tomer" was always one year younger, showing that the
old Indian kept his notch-stick well. He is believed to have been the
last surviving grandson of the old chieftain, Pierre Thoma.
While speaking of the Maliseets and their chiefs, mention may be made
of the fact that the Indians, as a mark of especial confidence and
favor, occasionally admitted one of the whites to the order of
chieftainship. This compliment the Maliseets paid to the French
Governor Villebon, when he commanded at Fort Nachouac, and a like
compliment was paid some sixty-five years ago to the late Moses H.
Perley. In early life Mr. Perley was very fond of the woods and
frequently visited the Indian villages on the upper St. John to buy
furs, which he paid for in silver dollars. So great was the confidence
reposed in him by the Indians that he became their agent with the
provincial government, and was in the end adopted as their chief. In
1840 he visited England and was presented to Queen Victoria in the
character of an Indian chief, wearing on the occasion a very
magnificent costume of ornamental bead-work, plumes, and so forth. He
received at the Queen's hands a silver medal three inches in diameter,
on the edge of which was engraved, "From Her Most Gracious Majesty to
M. H. Perley, Chief Sachem of the Milicetes and Wungeet Sagamore of
the Micmac nation. A. D., 1840." This medal is still in the possession
of Mr. Perley's descendants.
It will be noticed that the St. John river Indians are termed
"Milicetes" in the above description. The form Milicete, or Melicete,
used by Dr. Gesner and Moses H. Perley, has been followed by the
majority of our provincial writers. Dr. Hannay, however, in his
history of Acadia, retains the spelling of Villebon and the early
French writers, Malicite, which is almost identical with the Latin
form, Malecitae, on the stone tablet of the chapel built by the
missionary Jean Loyard at Medoctec in 1717. Either of these pronounced
in French fashion is practically identical with Maliseet, the form
adopted by modern students of Indian lore, and which the writer has
followed in this history.