THE GREAT INDIAN POW-WOW AT FORT HOWE, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.
The establishment of Fort Howe rendered the situation of the people at
the mouth of the St. John comparatively secure, but the following
summer was a very anxious and trying time to those who lived in the
townships up the river. The Indians were restless and dissatisfied.
They complained bitterly of being left without a missionary, and it
was in vain that Lieut. Gov. Arbuthnot and Colonel Franklin endeavored
to keep them in good temper by promising that a missionary would be
sent them immediately.
Most of the settlers in the townships were natives of New England, and
the threatened Indian uprising was particularly terrifying to them on
account of their forefathers' familiarity with the horrors of savage
warfare. The Indians were supposed to be hostile only to those who
were in opposition to American Independence, but it was felt that they
would not be very nice in their distinctions if they once took the war
path, and that the Whig might fare little better than the Tory.
The Indians had probably some grievances, but it is evident that the
real disturbing influence emanated, as usual, from Machias. John Allan
in his zeal for the conquest of Nova Scotia was determined to make
every use of his Indian allies in order, if possible, to drive all
English sympathizers from the St. John river. The formal declaration
of war sent to Major Studholme was his composition. It was approved by
the Maliseets at Machias and then forwarded to Aukpaque and after
approval by the Indians there sent to Studholme at Fort Howe. The
document read as follows:
"To the British Commanding Officer at the mouth of the River St.
John's:
"The Chiefs, Sachems and young men belonging to the River St.
John's have duly considered the nature of this Great War between
America and Old England. They are unanimous that America is right
and Old England is wrong. The River on which you are with your
soldiers belongs from the most ancient times to our Ancestors,
consequently is ours now, and which we are bound to keep for our
posterity. You know we are Americans and that this is our Native
Country: you know the King of England with his evil councillors
has been trying to take away the Lands and Libertys of our
Country, but God the King of Heaven, our King, fights for us and
says America shall be free. It is so now in spite of all Old
England and his Comrades can do.
"The great men of Old England in this country told us that the
Americans would not let us enjoy our religion; this is false, not
true, for America allows everybody to pray to God as they please;
you know Old England never would allow that, but says you must all
pray like the king and the great men of his court. We believe
America now is right, we find all true they told us for our Old
Father the King of France takes their part, he is their friend, he
has taken the sword and will defend them. Americans is our
Friends, our Brothers and Countrymen; what they do we do, what
they say we say, for we are all one and the same family.
"Now as the King of England has no business, nor never had any on
this River, we desire you to go away with your men in peace and
to take with you all those men who has been fighting and talking
against America. If you don't go directly you must take care of
yourself your men and all your English subjects on this River, for
if any or all of you are killed it is not our faults, for we give
you warning time enough to escape. Adieu for ever.
"Machias, August 11, 1778.
"Auque Pawhaque, August 18th, 1778.
Michael Francklin was able at this critical moment effectually to
check-mate the designs of John Allan. During the previous winter an
express messenger had been sent to Sir Guy Carleton at Quebec to get
permission for Father Bourg, the French missionary, to reside among
the Indians of the River St. John. In his reply, dated February 23rd,
1778, Governor Carleton wrote that the missionary had orders to repair
to Halifax in order to receive instructions for the establishment of
his mission.
Just as Francklin and the missionary were about to leave Halifax they
received information "that the Malecetes had plundered an English
vessel, taken and ransomed another, robbed and disarmed many of the
inhabitants and killed several cattle belonging to the King's Loyal
subjects on the River St. John, whom they had stiled Torys, and that
they had even proceeded the length to return to Fort Howe the King's
Flag, accompanied with a formal declaration of war in writing."
The services of James White at this time were invaluable. As early as
the 2nd of April and at various times during the summer he went among
the Indians to pacify them at great personal risk, always returning
unharmed. This was due to the confidence placed in him by the majority
of the savages, who had long known him in the capacity of an Indian
trader. Mr. White went up the river to meet the Indian war party. He
found among them many of the Penobscots and Passamaquoddies under
Nicholas Hawawes, a noted chief. They had been instructed by Allan to
return the colors sent the previous year by Major Studholme, to ravage
the country in the vicinity of Fort Howe, to take prisoners and
encourage the soldiers of the garrison to desert. Allan wrote the
Massachusetts congress, "I earnestly and sincerely wish I had a
hundred or two good troops at this juncture to go in boats along the
shore to act in concert with the Indians."
Our early historian, Moses H. Perley, says that James White, unarmed
and without any escort, met the war party at the head of "Long Reach"
as they were coming down the river in ninety canoes. He had a long
conference with the chiefs, of whom the majority were disposed to be
hostile; but Pierre Tomah, the head chief, said that before giving a
final answer he must consult the Divine Being and throwing himself
upon his face in the sand lay motionless for the space of nearly an
hour. Then rising he informed the other chiefs that he had been
counselled by the Great Spirit to keep peace with King George's men.
This decision was not acceptable to several of the chiefs, and Mr.
White was still engaged in his negotiations when Colonel Francklin and
Father Bourg arrived at St. John, having crossed from Annapolis in the
war ship "Scarborough." Messengers were immediately sent up the river
to Mr. White desiring him to come down at once with Pierre Tomah and
the other chiefs and captains to meet Col. Francklin and the
missionary Bourg, assuring them of a friendly reception. Francklin
also wrote a letter to the Indians, which is here given.
"Fort Howe, 14 Sep. 1778.
"To Pierre Thomas and others
the Indians of the River St. John.
"BRETHREN:--According to my promise last fall I have brought with
me Mr. Bourg, your Priest, to instruct you and to take care of
your eternal welfare.
"BRETHREN:--I am come to heal and adjust every difference that may
exist between you and your Brethren the faithful subjects of King
George your father, my master.
"BRETHREN:--As my heart is good, my hands clean and my intentions
as white as snow; I desire Pierre Thomas and two or three other
principal Indians do immediately come down to Fort Howe with Mr.
White my Deputy to speak to me and to Mr. Bourg that we may settle
in what manner to proceed to accomplish my good intentions towards
you, and that your minds may be made easy I do hereby pledge
myself that no harm shall happen to you from any of the King's
Troops or others His Majesty's subjects.
"I am your affectionate Brother,
MICH. FRANCKLIN,
"Superintendent of Indian Affairs."
The Indians promptly accepted the invitation and a conference was held
which Francklin terms "A grand meeting of the Indians at Menaguashe in
the Harbour of the River St. John near Fort Howe on Thursday, the 24th
September, 1778." There were present on the part of King George the
Third:--
Michael Francklin, Superintendent of Indian affairs; Major Studholme,
commanding the garrison at Fort Howe; Capt. Mowatt, commanding his
Majesty's ship Albany; Rev. Mr. Bourg, missionary to the Indians;
James White, agent for Indian affairs at St. John, and several other
officers and gentlemen. The Indian delegates included Pierre Tomah,
supreme sachem or chief of St. John River; Francis Xavier, 2nd chief;
and four captains and eight principal Indians, representing the
Maliseets of the St. John. There were also present delegates of the
Micmacs of Richibucto, Miramichi, Chignecto and Minas.
Col. Francklin informed the Indians that according to his promise he
had brought them a priest and it was his desire to settle and adjust
amicably all differences between the Indians and his Majesty's
subjects. The proceedings of the conference are detailed at length in
Francklin's report to the Governor of Nova Scotia. The Indians after
listening to the addresses of Francklin and Monsieur Bourg declared
that they had been deceived by John Allan of Machias who had not
spoken their sentiments but his own; they acknowledged their offences
and offered to restore to the white inhabitants the arms and other
articles in their possession (not consumed or destroyed) which they
had taken, and promised that they would deliver to James White in the
course of the winter, two hundred pounds of Beaver, or as many moose
skins, in lieu thereof, towards making good the damage sustained by
individuals. They added that they were poor and had been kept from
hunting by the idle stories of John Allan and his friends.
Michael Francklin did not lose the opportunity to give Allan "a
Rowland for his Oliver." As Allan had been the author of the Indian
declaration of war so would Francklin now dictate the message of
reply. This message was couched in the following terms:--
"To John Allan and his Associates at Machias:
"The Chiefs and Great men of the Malecete and Mickmack Indians
hereby give thee notice:--
"That their eyes are now open and they see clearly that thou hast
endeavored to blind them to serve thy wicked purposes against thy
lawful sovereign King George, our forgiving and affectionate
Father.
"We have this day settled all misunderstanding that thou didst
occasion between us and King George's men.
"We now desire that thee and Preble, and thy Comrades will remain
in your wigwams at Machias and not come to Passamaquadie to
beguile and disturb our weak and young Brethren. We will have
nothing to do with thee or them or with your storys, for we have
found you out; and if you persist in tempting us we warn you to
take care of yourselves. We shall not come to Machias to do you
harm, but beware of Passamaquodie for we forbid you to come
there.
"At Menaguashe, the 24th September, 1778.
[Signed]
Pierre Thomas x, Francis Xavier x, Chiefs of the
Malecetes and in their behalf. Jean Baptiste Arimph
x, Chief of Richibouctou and in behalf of the
Mickmacks.
During the conference Father Bourg produced a letter he had lately
received from the Bishop of Quebec instructing him not to suffer any
Indian to enter his Church who should molest the white settlers or
take part in the rebellion against the constituted authorities of Nova
Scotia, and directing him to forward a list of the names of any
Indians who should disobey his orders to Quebec that he might "cast
them out of the Church as disobedient and undutifull children."
The Indians were not long in deciding to make terms with the British
and in signifying their willingness to take the oath of allegiance to
the King. Accordingly the chiefs and captains and other delegates on
their knees took a solemn oath in which they pledged themselves to
bear faithful and true allegiance to his Majesty King George the
Third. They also promised to give information to the King's officers
and magistrates of any hostile designs of the enemy that should come
to their knowledge; to protect the persons of Michael Francklin and
Joseph Mathurin Bourg, their missionary, from insult, outrage or
captivity; not to take any part directly or indirectly against the
King in the troubles then existing, but to follow their hunting and
fishing in a peaceable and quiet manner; not to go to Machias or hold
any communication with the people of that neighborhood or other
rebellious subjects of his Majesty.
Having taken the oath in behalf of themselves and their several tribes
the Indians delivered to Col. Francklin a string of Wampum as a solemn
confirmation of their act and deed. They also delivered the presents
sent them by Washington together with the treaty they had made with
the Massachusetts government on July 19, 1776, in which they had
promised to furnish 600 warriors for the service of the United States
Congress.
Although the Indians, by the treaty they had just signed, ostensibly
settled all the differences between themselves and "King George's
men," there were still certain functions dear to the savage heart to
be performed before the grand pow-wow was ended.
The oath of allegiance having been taken and the treaty duly signed,
all the chiefs and captains united with the English delegates in
drinking the King's health, and Colonel Francklin decorated the chiefs
and captains with his own hands and distributed to the other Indians a
variety of clothing and presents. After this, we are informed, "the
night, altho' rainy, was spent in the open air with great mirth under
the British Flag." The next day the Indians went on board the Albany
man-of-war, where they again very cheerfully drank the King's good
health, and were presented with a pound of gunpowder each. They
concluded the afternoon and evening on shore "with great satisfaction
and good humor." Colonel Francklin concludes his official report of
the proceedings as follows:--
"The 26th September the Indians, being on their departure, were
saluted at 12 o'clock by the cannon of Fort Howe and his Majesty's
ship Albany, and it was returned by three Huzzas and an Indian
Whoop. Then the Micmac Chief made a handsome speech and delivered
to the Superintendent [Francklin] a string of Wampum on behalf of
the whole Micmac nation, as their seal of approbation and
agreement to everything that had been transacted. This being
finished, the Superintendent, Major Studholme and Rev. Mr. Bourg,
were desired to seat themselves, when a Malecete captain began a
song and dance in honor and praise of the Conference and those
concerned therein. On his finishing, a Micmac captain began
another song and dance to the same purpose. The Superintendent
then, with Major Studholme and the Rev. Mr. Bourg and the other
Gentlemen, marched off with the Indians to the portage above the
falls of the River St. John and stayed there until Mr. Bourg and
the Indians embarked, when the Gentlemen on the landing were
saluted by the musquetry from the Indian canoes."
During the continuance of the conference the Indians received every
attention on the part of Francklin, Studholme and the white
inhabitants. Francklin kept a table for their entertainment which cost
him L40, and the value of the presents and supplies furnished on the
occasion amounted to L537 more. The goods required were mostly
obtained from the store at Portland Point and the account rendered to
Francklin by William Hazen is yet in existence. It contains some
curious and interesting items. The presents for the Indians included
blankets, hats, ribbons, gold and silver lace, intermixed with axes,
pots, kettles, knives and tobacco. Among the more expensive presents
were "1 large Silver plated Cross with the figure of our Saviour on
it, L3 10 0," and "1 small Gold plated Cross with the figure of our
Saviour on it. L2 6 8." The heading of the account reads: "The Hon'ble
Michael Francklin Esq'r., Superintendent of Indians, to Wm. Hazen Dr.
for sundrys paid and supplies furnished by his order for the use of
the Indians assembled at Menaguashe, near Fort Howe, from the 13th
September to 19th October, 1778." Some of the expenditures were
evidently dictated by motives of policy; see for example the
following:--
"Paid Dr. Sharman, surgeon at Fort Howe, for attendance and
medicines to Pierre Thoma and four other sick Indians, L5 16 8.
"Pd. Acmobish for 3 Beaver Traps stolen last year by the soldiers,
L1 10 0.
"Pd. Charles Nocout ten dollars to make up for an Englishman's
beating of him.
"To sundrys delivered to aged and infirm people, viz. Magdalen
Katpat, Magdalen La Porte, Marie Barishe & others, L13 10 0."
Quite a number of the white settlers and several Acadians were engaged
by Francklin in various capacities while the negotiations with the
Indians were in progress. Gervas Say and Capt. Quinton received L7 for
going to Aukpaque and attending the Indians coming down to Fort Howe.
Daniel Leavitt, Lewis Mitchel, John Hartt, Louis Goodine, Augustin
LeBlanc and Messrs. Peabody and Brawn acted as couriers, express
messengers and negotiators under direction of Francklin, Studholme and
James White.
The general result of the grand pow-wow was considered exceedingly
fortunate for the Province of Nova Scotia under the circumstances then
existing. Sir Richard Hughes, the lieutenant-governor, writing to Lord
Germaine, expresses his great satisfaction at the result of the
conference and praises the talents, zeal and diligence of Francklin
"to whose discreet conduct and steady perseverance," he says,
"assisted by Major Studholme and M. Bourg, the priest, we owe the
success of this treaty." Francklin, on his part, seems disposed to
award the meed of praise to Studholme and writes Sir Henry Clinton:
"In justice to Major Studholme, commanding at Fort Howe, I am obliged
to say that his constant zeal and singular address and prudence has
been a great means of keeping the Indians near his post quiet." But
while both Francklin and Studholme are deservedly entitled to credit
for the success of their negotiations, there is not the least doubt
that the man to whom even greater credit is due is James White, the
deputy agent of Indian affairs at the River St. John. Mr. White,
although acting in a subordinate capacity, was in direct contact with
the savages at the time they were most unfriendly, and it was his tact
and fearlessness that paved the way for the subsequent negotiations.
For six months he devoted his time and energies to the task of
conciliating the Indians, receiving from government the modern sum of
one dollar for each day he was so employed.[108] Most potent of all
perhaps in the ultimate result of the conference, was the presence of
the French missionary Bourg. It was this that inspired the Indians
with confidence in the good intentions of the government of Nova
Scotia, and when the missionary accompanied them on their return to
Aukpaque their satisfaction was unbounded.
[108] In Col. Franklin's memorandum of expenses incurred in
negotiating the Indian treaty the following item appears: "To
cash pd. to James White, Esq'r, for services among and with
the Indians from the 2d. April, 1778, to the 20th October
inclusive, part of which time he ran great risques both of his
life & being carried off Prisoner, L50.10.0.
The Indians of the River St. John still possess a traditionary
knowledge of the treaty made at Fort Howe in September, 1778, and
refer to it as the time when the Indian and the Englishman became
"all one brother." Some of the Indians claim that when the treaty was
made it was understood that an Indian should always have the right
to wander unmolested through the forest and to take the bark of the
birch tree for his canoe or the splints of the ash tree for his
basket-making regardless of the rights of the white owner of the
soil. In many parts of the province there is an unwritten law to
this effect, and the Indian roams at pleasure through the woods in
quest of the materials for his simple avocations and pitches his tent
without let or hindrance.
In order to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians and to guard
against the insidious attempts of the people of Machias to wean them
from their allegiance it was decided to establish a trading house for
their accommodation at the landing place above the falls at the mouth
of the St. John. This locality still bears the name of Indiantown, a
name derived from the Indian trading post established there in 1779.
In old plans Main street, Portland, is called "Road to ye Indian
House."
On the 8th of December, 1778, Colonel Francklin sent instructions to
James White to proceed with the building of the Indian House which was
to cost only L30. He says in his letter, "The ground should be very
well cleared all about or the Brush will sooner or later most
assuredly burn it. The boards required may be sawed from the Spruces
on the spot if you have a whip-saw. The Shingles can be made by any
New England man in the neighborhood." The house was built in the
course of the next few months by James Woodman, who was by trade a
shipwright. For some reason the sum of L30 voted by the Council of
Nova Scotia for the erection of the building was never paid, and it
remained the property of Hazen, Simonds and White. The three partners
not long afterwards cleared a road to the Indian House, the course of
which was nearly identical with that of the present "Main street."
They also built a wharf at the landing and a small dwelling house
which was occupied by one Andrew Lloyd, who has the distinction of
being the first settler at Indiantown.
Not many weeks after the signing of the treaty at Fort Howe, Col. John
Allan of Machias sent Lieut. Gilman and a band of Penobscot Indians to
make a demonstration at the River St. John. They captured a small
vessel about sixty miles up the river and plundered one or two of the
inhabitants but the only result was to create an alarm amongst the
settlers without producing any effect upon the Indians. Pierre Tomah
and most of his tribe were at this time encamped at Indian Point on
the north side of Grand Lake.
To offset the influence of Father Bourg, Col. John Allan induced the
American Congress to obtain a missionary for the Indians at Machias
and Passamaquoddy and he hoped by this means to seduce the Indians
remaining on the St. John from their allegiance and draw them to
Machias. Never in their history did the Maliseets receive such
attention as in the Revolutionary war, when they may be said to have
lived at the joint expense of the contending parties. The peace of
1783 proved a dismal thing indeed to them. Their friendship became a
matter of comparative indifference and the supplies from either party
ceased while the immense influx of new settlers drove them from their
old hunting grounds and obliged them to look for situations more
remote.
After the alliance formed between France and the old English colonies
in America was known to the Indians of Acadia, Francklin's task of
keeping them in hand became more difficult and as regards those on the
River St. John he might have failed but for the powerful influence of
the Abbe Joseph Mathurin Bourg.
The Indians resisted every temptation held out to them by the
Americans during the year 1779, and welcomed Colonel Francklin and the
Missionary Bourg in their principal villages with great rejoicing.
Major Studholme's post at Fort Howe was rendered more secure at this
time by the capture of Castine, at the mouth of the Penobscot River.
The place was then known by its Indian name of Megabagaduce. Had there
been a little more energy and foresight on the part of Admiral
Collier, Machias would have shared the same fate, and the result might
have been greatly to the advantage of the maritime provinces today.
The importance of such a move was self-evident. It was seriously
discussed both in England and America, and a plan was very nearly
adopted that might have altered the map of America to the advantage of
the Canadian dominion. This plan was nothing less than to divide the
colony of Maine, giving to that part extending from Saco to the River
St. Croix the name of New Ireland and settling it with Loyalists who
had been driven from the other colonies in rebellion. The project is
believed to have been countenanced by the King and the ministry, but
eventually it was abandoned in consequence of the opinion of
Wedderburne, the English attorney-general, that the whole of Maine was
included in the colony of Massachusetts and that the charter of that
colony should be respected.
There is extant a very interesting letter, written at New York in 1780
by the Rev. Wm. Walter to his friend, the Rev. Jacob Bailey, then in
Nova Scotia, which shows that the project was seriously discussed in
America as well as in England. Mr. Walter writes:
"If you have not already heard it permit me to acquaint you that
there is a plan in considerable forwardness to erect the Province
of Maine into a Province by itself, to extend from Saco to St.
Johns river, making Falmouth [now Portland] the capital;[109] to
secure this new Province by strong Forts and Garrisons; to invite
the Refugees from the other Provinces in rebellion to settle in
this, and by liberality of its constitution to show to the other
Provinces the great advantages of being a portion of the Empire
and living under the protection of British Government. Sir William
Pepperrell is talked of as Governor. The large tracts of land
belonging to companies and individuals, which are not forfeited,
will be purchased and the whole distributed in farms of 200 acres
to every settler. These distributions and appointments are to be
in the management and recommendaton of a respectable Board of
Refugees [Loyalists] which is now forming under the auspices of
Government in this city [New York]."
[109] Lorenso Sabine in his Loyalists of the American Revolution
credits William Knox, of Georgia, with proposing the formation
of the eastern part of Maine into the Province of "New
Ireland," with Thomas Oliver for governor and Daniel Leonard
as chief-justice.
It is a curious fact that a little after the close of the Revolutionary
war an attempt was made of a very different character to erect this
territory into the "Free and Independent State of New Ireland." A
constitution and frame of government were prepared by a committee for
the consideration of a convention of delegates. In the preamble of their
report the Loyalists are termed "the Sons of Slavery and Dregs of the
human species in America." The committee evidently entered upon their
work of constitution making with great gusto as will appear from the
following:
"Agreeable to the trust reposed in us by the good People of New
Ireland, We, anticipating the glorious morning of American
Freedom, which will shortly shine upon them with a lustre superior
to any other spot on the terraqueous Globe, after consluting with
the sagest Politicians of the Age, and carefully examining the
several frames of Government already erected in this new Empire,
and particularly all the advantages which Divine Revelation
affords; have drawn up the following Frame of Government for New
Ireland, which, from the knowledge we have of the dispositions of
our Constituents we have ground to believe will be very acceptable
to them, and calculated to render them and their posterity the
happiest People on the earth."
Among the provisions of the Constitution were several that may be
mentioned for their oddity. Not only were all tavern keepers debarred
from holding office "lest spirituous liquors should influence the
choice," but the legal fraternity were viewed with suspicion and it
was ordained that "Practising Lawyers or Attornies shall not be
eligible for any office of profit or trust in the State whilst they
continue such."
In order still further to keep the morals of the people pure and
uncorrupted, and for the encouragement of piety and virtue and the
suppression of vice and immorality, it was provided that "no Stage
Plays, Horse-racing, Cock-fighting, Balls and Assemblies, Profane
swearing and cursing, Sabbath-breaking, Drunkenness, nocturnal
revelling, whoredom, Cards, Dice, and all other games whatsoever,
commonly called Games of Chance (Lotteries ordered by the Legislature
to raise money for public uses excepted) shall be permitted."
The would-be founders of New Ireland close their report by expressing
their hope that Europeans, panting after the sweets of Liberty and
Independence will flock thither. "Here," say they, "are no griping and
racking Landlords to oppress you; no avaricious Priests to extort from
you the Tenth of all your increase and labors and whom you must pay
for the liberty to come into the world, of being married, of having
children and likewise of leaving the world. * * * Send here the frugal
and industrious; no half Gentlemen with long pedigrees from Nimrod and
Cain, nor any who expect to make their fortunes by any other methods
than the plain beaten paths of honest industry, for idle indolent
people, unwilling to work, ought not to eat but to live in all places
miserable."
But to return from this digression; it is clear that if the British
forces had routed John Allan and his Indians out of Machias in 1779,
as they might easily have done if a serious effort had been made, the
American congress would then have had no foothold east of Saco, so
that Portland and all the coast to the St. Croix would have been, at
the close of the war, as firmly in the possession of the English as
any part of Nova Scotia. The American writer Kidder, in his
interesting account of the military operations in eastern Maine and
Nova Scotia during the Revolution, says: "It is now generally conceded
that our present boundary was fixed mainly on the ground of
occupation, and had we not been able to hold our eastern outpost at
Machias, we cannot say what river in Maine would now divide us from a
British province."