MASTS FOR THE ROYAL NAVY.
The enormous lumbering operations carried on upon the St. John river
and its tributaries in modern times had their small beginning, two
centuries ago, when masts for the French navy were cut by order of the
King of France.[114] The war of the Revolution obliged the English
government to look for a reserve of trees suitable for masts in the
remaining British colonies. In the year 1779, arrangements were made
with William Davidson to provide a number of masts at the River St.
John.
[114] Mon. Diereville states that in 1700 the man of war Avenant, of
44 guns, shipped at St. John some very fine masts for the
French navy, which had been manufactured by 14 carpenters and
mast makers. These were safely delivered in France after a
prosperous voyage of 33 days.
Colonel Francklin was quite aware of the necessity of giving careful
attention to the Indians at this juncture, for the Machias rebels
threatened to destroy the "King's masts" and endeavored to get the
Indians to harass the mast cutters and obstruct, them in every
possible way. In consequence Francklin sent the following letter to
Pierre Thoma by James White, his deputy:--
"Windsor, 29th November, 1779.
"My Brother.--Mr. Davidson is now employed on the River St. John
for the King my Royal master. I therefore request you will afford
him and all his people every assistance and protection in your
power.
"My Brother,--I request and flatter myself if any party of Rebels
or Indians should attempt to disturb Mr. Davidson that you and
your people will prevent it, and if necessary take up arms for
that purpose.
"My Brothers,--The Governor of Nova Scotia sends to Major
Studholme some presents for you; they are intended to encourage
you to protect Mr. Davidson; receive them and be true to the trust
that his Excellency reposes in you.
"My Brother,--Major Studholme is your friend and your advocate and
desires that all your faults may be overlooked and buried,
therefore they are all forgot and will be thought of no more.
"My Brother,--Present my best compliments to all the Captains,
Councillors, and other Indians of the River St. John, and I do not
forget their wives and children.
[Seal.] "MICH. FRANCKLIN."
The Indians promised to protect the workmen who were employed in
cutting masts. Francklin soon afterwards sent a consignment of goods
from Windsor to Fort Howe in the schooner Menaguashe, as a further
inducement to them to protect Mr. Davidson's men in their work. In the
letter accompanying the presents he says:--
"Brethern,--King George wants masts for his ships and has employed
people to provide them on your river, depending on you to protect
them in cutting them and conveying them to Fort Howe. The Governor
sends you some presents, which Major Studholme will deliver you.
They are intended to bind fast your promise that you will protect
the Mast Cutters."
The presents were delivered at Aukpaque by James White[115] and the
masts were brought safely to Fort Howe. The first cargo of masts
arrived at Halifax on 22nd November, 1780, in one of the navy
transports.
[115] Among the James White papers is the following:
"Aupahag, 26th June, 1780.
"Received from James White, Esq., agent to Indians, River St.
John, the goods sent them by the Governor for the purpose of
protecting the Contractor, his people and masts from the
Rebels, etc., etc.
(Signed) Francis Xavier, Nichola Nepton, Francis Joseph,
Andrew Fransway, Joseph Pemahawitt, Pierre Meductsick.
The River St. John now assumed an importance in the eyes of English
statesmen it had not before possessed. England's power, then as now,
centred in her navy, and the larger warships required masts of such
magnificent proportions that pine trees suitable for the purpose were
rare. The rebellion of the old colonies having cut off the supply in
that quarter the reservation of suitable trees in the remaining
colonies became a matter of national concern.
As long ago as in the time of George I. the British parliament passed
an act (A. D. 1722) prohibiting the cutting or destroying of White
Pine trees 12 inches in diameter and upwards in the King's Woods in
North America. In 1729 it was further enacted that the same penalties
should be extended to trees growing on granted lands. So great was the
anxiety manifested by the British government for the preservation of
trees suitable for masts, that in the grants made in New Brunswick at
the close of the American war the words were inserted, "Saving and
reserving nevertheless to us, our heirs and successors (i. e. to the
Crown) all White Pine Trees." Under the regulations of parliament the
Surveyor General of the Woods and his deputies had a legal right to
seize all White Pine timber found in the possession of any one,
although it might have been cut on his own land. It was the custom of
the Surveyor of the Woods to grant licenses to the proprietors of
lands to cut and take away such pine timber as was "unfit for His
Majesty's service and the standing of which was detrimental to
cultivation;" but this was only done after a previous inspection, and
marking with the "broad-arrow" such trees as were fit for the navy.
The enforcement of the regulations for the protection and preservation
of White Pine trees was entrusted to Sir John Wentworth,[116] Surveyor
of the King's Woods in North America. He was a discreet and able man,
of polished manners and amiable disposition, but the office he filled
was by no means a popular one, and brought him into conflict not only
with individual owners of the soil, but on one occasion, at least,
with the Lieutenant Governor of New Brunswick.
[116] John Wentworth was the last Royal Governor of New Hampshire. He
was a classmate and friend of John Adams, at Harvard. He was
an active Loyalist, and at the close of the Revolution, came
to Nova Scotia. He was made a baronet and for sixteen years
filled the position of Lieutenant Governor of Nova Scotia. He
died at Halifax in 1820 in the 84th year of his age.
It was not many years after the establishment of the province that Lt.
Gov'r Carleton wrote the English Secretary of State:--
"Under the regulations for preserving masting timber the deputies
appointed by the surveyor of the woods have, or assume to have,
authority to seize all the pine timber which they find in the
possession of any one, though it may have been cut on his own
ground. * * * I feel it my duty to submit it to the consideration
of his Majesty's ministers whether it may not be expedient to
relinquish these restrictions on private property, which have an
evident tendency to discourage the advancement of cultivation and
settlement in the province."
Sir John Wentworth justified the enforcement of the regulations as a
matter of national importance. He quoted the experience of New England
where, after the restrictions of the surveyor general's office were
removed, the mast timber had been so largely destroyed that it was
scarcely possible to procure a cargo of large masts, and those that
were to be had were held at enormous prices. Even if the government
should grant all the land available for settlement, it did not follow,
he argued, that the efficiency of the navy should be imperilled or the
mast timber pass into the hands of speculators; nor did he think that
its preservation should be left entirely to the discretion of the
owners of the soil.
Wentworth's representation to the Home Government proved effectual at
the time; his deputies continued to range the woods, and many a tall,
stately pine bore the mark of the "broad-arrow" in token that it was
reserved for the royal navy. It was not until about the year 1811 that
the reservation of White Pine trees was no longer insisted upon by the
crown.
The masting business was a very important one in the early days of New
Brunswick. Vessels were built expressly for the trade, and, being of
large size, and usually sailing under protection of a man-of-war, soon
became the favorite passenger ships.
The development of the masting industry proceeded very rapidly after
the arrival of the Loyalists, but even before that date it had
attained considerable proportions. Sir Richard Hughes wrote to Lord
Germaine on the 30th April, 1781, that upwards of 200 sticks for
masts, yards and bowsprits had been cut, squared and approved by the
King's purveyor at the River St. John in the course of the last fall
and winter, and that one of the navy transports was then at Fort Howe
loading a cargo of masts.
The year the Loyalists arrived, Captain John Munro, in reporting to
General Haldimand the state of settlement of the country, said:--
"On the River St. John are the finest masts and spars that I have
ever seen. I saw at Fort Howe about six thousand pounds worth. Two
ships were loading when I left that place. I suppose there were
masts sufficient there to load ten ships."
The masts, spars, bowsprits and other timber, having been prepared in
the woods by the workmen, were hauled to the water by oxen. Trees
growing near the stream were "bowsed out"--that is, hauled with block
and tackle to the river's bank. In the month of March it was customary
for the King's purveyor to certify the number and sizes of the sticks
that had been brought to the stream, "trimmed four-square and fit for
rafting," and on receipt of the purveyor's certificate the contractor
was at liberty to draw one-half of the money due on the fulfilment of
his contract, from the naval storekeeper at Halifax. The masts were
rafted and floated--or towed by sloops--to Fort Howe, where they were
stored for shipment in the mast pond.
The mast pond was a little cove to the west of Portland Point, just
east of the site of the present Portland Rolling Mills. The situation
will be seen in the accompanying plan. It was closed and fenced in by
the British government for the purpose of receiving the masts.
[Illustration: St. John Harbor]
A few words now concerning William Davidson, who may be said to have
been the first man to engage in lumbering on the River St. John. Mr.
Davidson came from the north of Scotland to Miramichi in 1764, the
same year that James Simonds and James White established themselves at
the mouth of the River St. John. Cooney, the historian of the North
Shore, tells us that at the time of Davidson's arrival the abandoned
houses of the French had been destroyed by the Indians, and our Scotch
immigrant found himself the only white man in a vast and desolate
region. If this be so he did not long remain solitary, for the next
year a grant of 100,000 acres on the south side of the Miramichi was
made to him and John Cort. Mr. Davidson was a resolute and energetic
man. He prosecuted the fishery, and about the year 1773 built the
first schooner launched upon the Miramichi. At the time of the
Revolutionary war the Micmacs were so hostile and troublesome that he
removed with his family to Maugerville, where he became the purchaser
of two lots of land near the head of Oromocto Island. His associations
with James Simonds, Wm. Hazen and James White were not of the
pleasantest kind. In consequence of purchasing some land at Morrisania
(below the present city of Fredericton) the title to which was in
dispute, he became involved in litigation with James Simonds, and the
result was a suit in the court of chancery,[117] which proved rather
costly to both parties. As regards Messrs. Hazen and White there was,
as we shall presently see, a lot of trouble arising out of the masting
business in which both parties were actively engaged.
[117] This was probably the first suit of the kind in the Province of
New Brunswick. Elias Hardy was Davidson's attorney and Ward
Chipman appeared on behalf of James Simonds.
Mr. Davidson's influence on the St. John river is shown by the fact
that he was elected a member of the Nova Scotia House of Assembly for
the County of Sunbury. He returned to Miramichi about the time the
Loyalists came to the province, and died there in 1790. His tomb-stone
in the old cemetery on Beaubair's Island bears the following
inscription:--
SACRED TO THE MEMORY
OF
WILLIAM DAVIDSON, ESQ.
Representative of the County of Northumberland,
Province of New Brunswick, Judge of the Court
of Common Pleas, Contractor for Masts for His
Majesty's Navy.
He died on the 17th of June, 1790, aged 50. He
was one of the first settlers of the river,
and greatly instrumental in promoting the
settlement. He left a widow and five children
to deplore his loss.
"MEMENTO MORI."
The success that attended William Davidson's masting operations led
Messrs. Hazen and White to engage in the same business. They were
fortunate enough to secure the co-operation of Colonel Francklin, with
whom they entered into partnership in the summer of 1781 for general
trade and "masting." Francklin's political influence at Halifax and
the personal friendship of Sir Andrew Snape Hamond, the lieutenant
governor of Nova Scotia and Commissioner of the navy yard, proved of
very great advantage to the partners in their business. A few
quotations from the original papers of the firm, which are now in the
possession of the author, will throw light upon the nature of their
subsequent operations.
"CONTRACTED and agreed on the 9th day of August, 1781, with Sir
Andrew Snape Hamond, Commissioner of his Majesty's Navy, resident
at Halifax, by us Michael Francklin, Esqr., of Windsor, and Wm.
Hazen and James White, Esqrs., of the River St. John in the
Province of Nova Scotia, And we do hereby covenant and agree to
deliver, free of all charges to his Majesty, at the mouth of the
River St. John, the undermentioned North American White Pine
Masts, Yards, and Bowsprits, Ash Rafters, Elm Timber, Oak Timber,
Anchor Stocks of White Oak, and Crooked or Compass Timber, in the
quantities, of the dimensions and at the prices expressed against
each size * * to be brought to the mouth of the River Saint John
by or before the 1st day of July, 1782, and there to remain at
our risque until they shall be embarked on board such ships or
vessels as shall be sent to transport them to England, Halifax or
elsewhere. * * *
"It is further agreed by Sir Andrew Snape Hamond for the
encouragement of the said Contractors, that in case the enemy
should make a descent on the Port of Saint John in order to
destroy the masts lying there, that the damages sustained thereby
should fall on Government and not upon the Contractors, provided
it shall appear that all proper endeavors on the part of the
Contractors were used to save the masts."
Great Britain was at this time engaged in a struggle for national
existence. She was at war, not only with the colonies in rebellion,
but with France, Holland and Spain, and that without a single ally.
Under such circumstances it was absolutely necessary that the navy
should be kept as efficient as possible. The dockyards were busy
places and we need not be surprised that good prices were paid for
masts, yards, bowsprits and ship timber in general. In the contract
signed by Francklin, Hazen and White the prices offered by government
are stated in detail, but the table of prices is too long to quote in
full. The sums paid varied with the size of the tree as will be seen
from the following examples selected from the table in the contract:
Masts of 36 inches diameter, 36 yards long, L136.
Masts of 35 inches diameter, 35 yards long, L110.
Masts of 34 inches diameter, 34 yards long, L95.
Masts of 32 inches diameter, 32 yards long, L68.
Masts of 31 inches diameter, 31 yards long, L61.
Masts of 26 inches diameter, 28 yards long, L25.
Masts of 18 inches diameter, 23 yards long, L10.
Yards of 25 inches diameter, 35 yards long, L52.
Yards of 23 inches diameter, 32 yards long, L40.
Yards of 21 inches diameter, 29-1/2 yards long, L20.
Yards of 14 inches diameter, 22 yards long, L4.16.
Bowsprits 38 inches diameter, 25 yards long, L42.10.
Bowsprits 34 inches diameter, 23 yards long, L32.10.
Bowsprits 30 inches diameter, 20-1/2 yards long, L30.
Bowsprits 25 inches diameter, 17 yards long, L10.2.
The rapid increase in price as the maximum dimensions were neared was
due to the fact that timber of such size was exceedingly rare.
The certificate of the naval storekeeper, George Thomas, shows that on
the 6th July, 1782, Francklin, Hazen & White had delivered under the
protection of his Majesty's Post at Fort Howe, in pursuance of their
contract of the 9th of August, 1781, 37 masts valued at L1098.16.3; 65
yards valued at L1502.13.4; 8 bowsprits valued at L181.1.11-1/2 and 20
M. feet white ash oar rafters valued at L156.5.0; so that the firm
received upwards of $14,000 from government on their first year's
masting operations. Some of the sticks obtained were of very large
size, including one mast, 35 inches in diameter and 91-1/2 feet long,
and a yard 26 inches in diameter and 108 feet long; for these two
sticks they received respectively $450 and $350.
It was essential to the success of the masting business that a
good practical man should be at the head of it, and Mr. White's
brother-in-law, Samuel Peabody, was selected for the position. He
was given an interest in the contract and was also allowed "seven
shillings and six pence per diem in consideration of his care and
trouble in taking upon him the management of the business."
At the time the agreement was made with Mr. Peabody, Michael Francklin
was at the River St. John.[118] The agreement specified that the
masts, yards and bowsprits were to be converted into eight squares
carrying their dimensions in their several parts conformable to the
rules of the navy.
[118] The document was dated at Maugerville the 15th October, 1781.
The parties to the agreement were on the one hand Francklin,
Hazen & White; and on the other hand Francklin, Hazen, White &
Peabody. The second party were to deliver to the first at Fort
Howe "by the first Freshes in the Spring" the masts, yards,
etc., mentioned in the contract. One third of the profit or
loss to be the said Samuel Peabody's and two-thirds to be the
said Michael Francklin, Wm. Hazen and James White's.
While the profits derived from the mast business may have been
considerable, the expenses also were heavy. There were many unforseen
contingencies. The demand for workmen and laborers in a short time
nearly doubled the rate of wages, and the cost of provisions and
supplies increased. In the course of a few months Col. Francklin sent
three consignments of goods to St. John, amounting in value to about
$3,000. A bill of lading in those days was a quaint document, witness
the following:
"SHIPPED by the Grace of God, by John Butler Dight in and upon the
good Ship called the Young William Naval Store Ship, whereof is
master, under God, for this present Voyage, George Hastings, and
now riding at anchor in the Harbour of Halifax, and by God's Grace
bound for Fort Howe, River St. John in the Bay of Fundy.
To say, one Hogshead, three Casks, one Case, three Bales, one
Large Trunk, one Bag Coffee, six Boxes, twenty Barrels Pork, and
twenty firkins Butter--by order of Mich'l Francklin, Esq., for
account and risque of himself, Wm. Hazen & James White, consigned
to Messrs. Hazen & White at Fort Howe as aforesaid, being marked
and numbered as in the margin, and are to be delivered in good
order and well conditioned at the Port of Fort Howe (the danger of
the seas only excepted.)
In Witness whereof the master of the said Ship hath affirmed to
three Bills of Lading, all of this tenor and date; the one of
which three Bills being accomplished, the other two to stand
void.
And so GOD send the Good Ship to her desired Port in safety.
Amen.
"Dated in Halifax 23rd April, 1782.
"G. HASTINGS."
Col. Francklin procured at Halifax many articles needed for the mast
cutters, such as chains, blocks and tackle, camp supplies, etc. Flour
retailed in Halifax at this time at $11.00 per bbl., and the freight
to Fort Howe was $1.50 per bbl. Pork cost at Halifax $25.00 per bbl.
and upwards. The population on the St. John river was small, and men
and oxen were in demand both in winter and summer. The cultivation and
improvement of farms was retarded and a spirit of speculation
introduced into the country, destined ere long to bear pernicious
fruit. Francklin sent from Windsor some skilled hewers of timber.
Nevertheless the masting operations were carried on after a primitive
fashion, and Mr. Peabody was constantly obliged to write for articles
needed by his workmen. A few sentences culled from his correspondence
with Hazen & White will shed a little light on the difficulties that
attended the masting business:
"There is no prospect of the business being in one place as we
expected when Mr. Francklin was here; at present have given up
trying at St. Anns, for the Pine proves so rotten that it would
never pay the expense of cutting a road to where it grows." [Nov.
2d, 1781.]
"The men are very bad off for Bread, and people cannot work
without good food, besides it takes much time in baking Indian
cakes for them in the woods, one hand continually imploy'd. * * We
are very badly off indeed for Chalk lines, having nothing of that
kind to make use of but twine." [Jan. 21, 1782.]
"Davidson is almost done--his situation is this: no workmen, no
rum, no provision, he's nearly possesst of Pandora's Box." [Feb.
5, 1782.]
"Men's wear is much wanted, such as thick clothes, a few blankets
if you can procure them, as some men are obliged to sleep without
blankets in the camp." [Feb. 9, 1782.]
"Pork, beef and corn is very scarce and dear, the two former not
to be bought. Have engaged what wheat and Indian corn we could on
the river." [March 23d, 1782.]
"Our common laborers value their hire very high, as there is so
many mast cutting, running from place to place to get sticks for
the highest bidder." [Dec. 25, 1782.]
"Some chocolate is wanted for our Masting Camp for at present we
use Spruce Tea, which causes some murmuring." [Feb. 2, 1783.]
In order to fill the contract at the time fixed, Samuel Peabody found
it necessary to cruise the woods over a wide area selecting trees that
grew not far from the banks of the streams which might be "bowsed in"
by oxen with block and tackle. In consequence of the competition with
Mr. Davidson the hire of a yoke of oxen became as high as seven
shillings and six pence a day and difficult to obtain at that. The
exigencies of the situation were such that Hayes and Peabody ventured
to press into their service a pair of fat oxen that had been sent down
the river from St. Anns by Philip Weade for an entirely different
purpose. This was displeasing to Hazen & White who wrote: "We are much
surprised that you stopped the particular pair of oxen which we
desired last Fall to be stall fed for the use of the officers of the
garrison here and ourselves, which hath left them and us without a
good slice of beef."
It is rather a curious circumstance that very soon after Francklin,
Hazen and White embarked in the masting business they found
themselves at logger heads with William Davidson, whose workmen they
had for two years been endeavoring to protect from interference on the
part of the "rebels" and Indians. In point of fact Mr. Davidson
suffered greater annoyance at the hands of Samuel Peabody and his mast
cutters than he ever experienced from the rebels or the Indians. Under
the arrangements at first made with the government of Nova Scotia, a
good deal of latitude was allowed the mast cutters. Mr. Davidson had
a special order to cut masts, yards, etc., for his Majesty's
service, wherever he could find them. Under this roving commission
his workmen came into contact on several occasions with those of
the other contractors and in a very short time there was bad blood
between them.
Samuel Peabody, who had charge of the operations of Francklin, Hazen
and White, was a man of resolute and somewhat aggressive spirit.
William Davidson on the other hand, possessed all the energy and
determination for which the Scotch race is noted. The state of affairs
on the River St. John in consequence of the rivalry created by the
masting business was not at all harmonious. The sentiments of the
people were divided. There were some who sided with Hazen, White and
Peabody while others took the part of Wm. Davidson and Israel
Perley--the latter being in Mr. Davidson's employ. A couple of letters
of the period will serve to show how the rivals regarded one another.
Samuel Peabody writes as follows:
Maugerville, 2nd Nov'r, 1781.
"Messrs. Hazen & White, Merchants at Fort Howe,
"Gentlemen,--Since I wrote to you by John Hart, giving you account
of the badness of the Pine Lumber back of St. Anns, I sent 3 hands
up Nashwalk to try the timber in that place, and find the timber
to be small near the waterside. Upon Davidson's understanding I
was determined to try that place, he immediately sent a party of
French up that River, commanded by Israel Perley, to cut all the
Timber that fell in his way, among which was a large Tree that I
suppose was marked by Mr. Hayes, as he tells people that it had
several Broad Arrows on it. At the same time that Davidson
dispatched this party he sent another party back of Thomas
Langin's[119] upon the growth of Pine Mr. Hayes had pitched upon
for us, and has his small party sallying out upon all quarters,
and bids defiance to any Proprietors stopping him from such
proceedings. Now if he is allowed to cut Timber upon the Society's
Land[120] it will be impossible for me to furnish half the
quantity of sticks I could if I had the privilege of all the above
mentioned lands.
[119] Thomas Langan lived at this time about four miles above St.
Ann's Point. On his lot there was a log house and he had
about 20 acres of land, cleared chiefly by the French. He
lived there about six years but was disturbed by the
Indians, who, about this time, killed his cattle and made
his situation so precarious that he moved down the river
with his family to Burton.
[120] The townships of the St. John's River Society are here
referred to, more particularly Burton, Sunbury and
New-town. Wm. Hazen, James Simonds and James White were
proprietors of lands in these townships, and Peabody
regarded Wm. Davidson as an intruder.
"Tomorrow morning I am a going with 8 or 10 hands to cut sum fine
Trees up Oromocto, near whear Davidson is stearing his course, as
he should be paid in his own coin. I have imployed sum men to cut
Trees by the jobb up Oromocto, and by searching, they say, that
there may be had some fine lengthy Trees, but not the greatest
diameter.
"I hope one of you will come up soon and reside a few days, for,
as I mentioned to you in my last letter it is very difficult for
me to procure hands at suitable times, as I am in the woods the
cheaf of the time, and at present there is no prospect of the
business being in one place, as we expected when Col. Francklin
left this place. At present I have given up trying at Saint Anns,
for the Pine proves so rotten that it never will pay the expense
of cutting a road in to where it groes
"There is sum that pertended to undertake to ingage to get us sum
sticks, by what I can learn has ingaged them to Davidson,
especially that scoudril John Tibbits, although he gave Mr.
Francklin good incurragement, as I thought, that we should have
all the sticks that he could procure.
I am, with respect,
Your Humble Serv't,
SAM'L PEABODY.
A year later William Davidson writes in quite as emphatic terms to
Samuel Peabody:
Maugerville, 9th December, 1782.
"Sir--I'm not a little surprised at a piece of your conduct that
has lately come to my knowledge; which is your triming my masts,
etc., on the streame of Rushaganes and its vicinaty. I cannot
conjecture upon what principle you pretend to have acted. I had (&
have) a speciall order from Government to cutt masts, yards, etc.,
for His Majesty's use wherever I could find them, when I cutt
those sticks, which constitute as good a right in them to me as
any that could be given. If (by some kind of means) the people
you're concerned with afterwards got a grant of the lands on which
they were, it could not be supposed to extend to a prior right any
other person had derived from as good authority. But in the mean
time I shall not take the trouble to say any more on the subject
than to desire you will from this time desist from meddling with
any sticks that have been cut for me, and also relinquish what you
have already medled with.
"I wish to live peaceably, but I have lately experienced so many
instances of your most bare-faced and wanton oppression, to my
prejudice, that there's no longer a doubt with me what course I
must be under the disagreeable necessity to take, that I may
obtain redress and do justice to myself and family. I shall expect
your immediate answer for my future government, and am, sir,
"Your Humble Serv't
"WM. DAVIDSON."
The fact that William Davidson was the first in the field gave him
some local advantages that were increased considerably by the
predilection in his favor displayed by Constant Connor, the commander
of the small garrison posted at the Oromocto blockhouse. This we know
from one of the letters of the government purveyor, John Hayes, who
was exceedingly friendly to Hazen & White. He wrote "I am sorry to say
that Lieut. Connor is much atached to Davidson and Andrews,[121] his
orders from Sir Richard Hughes specifying to give Davidson all the
assistance in his power, and on that account Davidson carries much
more sway than he otherwise would."
[121] The reference is to George Andrew, government purveyor, who
surveyed the masts furnished by Mr. Davidson's workmen.
Sir Richard Hughes, it may be observed, was succeeded as Lieut.
Governor of Nova Scotia by Sir Andrew Snape Hamond in 1781. Both
Hughes and Hamond held in turn the office of commissioner of the naval
yard at Halifax. Colonel Francklin had himself been lieutenant
governor of Nova Scotia from 1766 to 1776, and seems to have kept on
excellent terms with his successors. Through his influence at
headquarters the government patronage passed largely to the firm of
which he was the senior partner. Francklin was an adept in the art of
diplomacy. During the Revolutionary war, as we have already seen, his
tact and judgment prevented the Indians from becoming actively hostile
to the English and restrained the New Englanders, settled in
Cumberland and other parts of Nova Scotia, from taking up arms on the
side of the rebellion. A specimen of his diplomacy in small matters is
found in one of his letters to Hazen & White in which he writes:
"However high Indian corn may be, I wish you would send twenty bushels
to Sir Andrew for his poultry, in which Lady Hamond takes great
delight, and pray don't omit getting her some wood ducks in the
approaching season."
Some further light is thrown upon the state of affairs on the River
St. John at this period, and the "modus operandi" of the mast cutters
by the following letter, written by Hazen & White, to Colonel
Francklin:--
"Fort Howe, 23rd March, 1782.
"Dear Sir,--Since our last we have been at Maugerville viewing the
masts, etc, etc. Mr. Peabody has cut down and procured as many
sticks as could be expected under the disadvantage of having the
other contractor at his elbow. You will find enclosed Mr. Hayes
account and certificates of the number and sizes of sticks on the
banks, trimmed four square and fit for rafting. They have about
120 more cut, many of which cannot be got out this season. Mr.
Peabody set off on the 14th inst. to view a glade of Pines on the
Grand Lake, about 40 miles from Mr. Simonds' house, where he has a
number of men to work. * * The French people at Kanibikashes have
about 100 sticks cut. They say they will be able to get out and
bring here this Spring about 40 sticks, the others they can get
out in Summer. Pork, beef and corn is very scarce and dear; the
two former not to be bought. Have engaged what wheat and Indian
corn we could on the River. * * Davidson expects to have 200
sticks out this season and near as many more cut in the woods; he
gives the people larger prices for sticks (and takes them at
Maugerville or elsewhere afloat) than we give Mr. Peabody
delivered here. * * We must have two or three hundred pounds in
cash here by the first conveyance.
"Yours etc.,
"Hazen & White."
The pines of our primeval forests were evidently of magnificent
proportions. Samuel Peabody mentions cutting a yard 110 feet in
length and 26 inches in diameter, and a mast 38 inches in diameter,
and other timber of nearly equal size. Many of the largest pines grew
on the banks of the Rushagonish, a branch of the Oromocto. By the
favor of Lieut. Governor Hamond and his council Messrs. Hazen,
White and Peabody obtained possession of a tract of 8,000 acres of
land in that quarter. The grant was made in the first instance to
William Hazen, James White, Jacob Barker and Tamberlane Campbell,
as officers serving in the provincial troops in the last French war.
Tamberlane Campbell immediately sold his share to Samuel Peabody
for a small consideration.
The extent of William Davidson's masting operations must have been
very considerable, for Hazen & White wrote to Colonel Francklin in
March, 1782, "Davidson will have about 200 sticks out this season and
near as many more fell in the woods, having employed almost half the
Inhabitants in cutting. We should not be surprised to hear that he,
with many of the Inhabitants, should memorialize the Navy Commissioner
to have all his sticks received; if so, and he should succeed, another
contract for us would be but of little advantage as he has raised the
price of provision and men and Ox labour--oxen to 7s. 6d. pr. pair pr.
day and men in proportion."
The masting business seems to have been remunerative, and was the
means of putting in circulation a considerable amount of specie, which
was greatly appreciated by the settlers on the River St. John. On
April 25, 1782, Col. Francklin wrote to his partners, Hazen & White,
"There is no doubt of another contract, or of Sir Andrew's friendship
to me, therefore go on and get out as many sticks as you can, and
throw down as many as you are sure of getting out between this and
Xmass, at least, for be assured we shall have another contract, and I
mean to apply for a standing one when I go to Halifax again, which I
expect will be in ten days or a fortnight, or even sooner if the
annual ships (from England) arrive." The letter from which this
extract is taken is the last that has been preserved of Francklin's
interesting correspondence with William Hazen and James White. He died
at Halifax, Nov. 8, 1782. The masting business was, however, carried
on by Hazen, White and Peabody for several years longer. William
Davidson also continued to engage in the business. Although some
improvement was gradually made in the way the masting business was
conducted by the pioneer "lumbermen"--if we may so term them--the
methods employed down to 1825 were very crude. In that year Peter
Fisher writes. "In this country there is no article that can in any
degree furnish export equal to the pine, which is manufactured in the
simplest manner with but little trouble. So simple is the process that
most settlers who have the use of the axe can manufacture it, the
woods furnishing a sort of simple manufactory for the inhabitants,
from which, after attending to their farms in the summer, they can
draw returns during the winter for the supplies which are necessary
for the comfort of their families." Mr. Fisher enters a strong protest
against what was, even then a growing evil, namely, the wanton
destruction of valuable young timber by persons who were merely
speculators, and had little regard for the future.
The rapid increase in the lumber industry is seen from the fact that
in 1824 there was shipped from the port of St. John alone 114,116 tons
of Pine and Birch timber; 11,534,000 feet of Pine boards and planks;
1,923,000 staves; 491,000 Pine shingles; 1,918 masts and spars; 2,698
handspikes, oars and oar rafters; and 1,435 cords of lathwood; while
in addition large quantities were shipped from Miramichi, St. Andrews,
Richibucto and Bathurst. Up to 1825 there is scarcely any mention of
Spruce lumber as an article of export. The first Spruce deals cut in
New Brunswick were sawn in 1819, and the first cargo, which consisted
of only 100,000 superficial feet, was shipped to England in 1822.
In 1782, Hazen, White and Peabody had a small saw mill in operation on
the Oromocto stream, and about this time they erected another and
larger one. The mills were not profitable at first, but they became
more valuable after the close of the Revolutionary war, when the
arrival of the Loyalists created a great demand for sawn lumber.
Before we turn from the consideration of the small beginnings of our
great lumbering industry to other matters, a few words may be added
concerning the Glasier family, so famous in the annals of the province
for their enterprises on the River St. John. Colonel Beamsley
Glasier's connection with the mills erected on the Nashwaak in 1788,
by the St. John's River Society, has already been related. His brother
Benjamin, who was a somewhat younger man, came to the St. John river
from Massachusetts in 1779 as a shipwright. The Revolutionary war,
however, rendered it impracticable to carry on ship building, so he
moved up the river to what was then called "Morrisania," about six
miles below Fredericton, where in 1782 he purchased from Benjamin
Bubier, for the sum of L200, a tract of 1,000 acres of land on which
his desendants of the fourth generation still reside. Benjamin
Glasier's commission as a lieutenant in the Massachusetts infantry is
yet preserved in the family. It bears the signature of Thomas
Hutchinson, the last Royal Governor of Massachusetts. Lieut. Glaiser
served in the French and Indian wars and was taken prisoner at the
siege of Fort William Henry.
Benjamin Glasier was the progenitor of the well known family, of which
the late Senator John Glasier (familiarly known as "the main John
Glasier") and his brothers Stephen, Duncan and Benjamin were members.
The operations of the Glasier family in lumbering and shipbuilding
extended over very nearly a century. At one time they were undoubtedly
the largest operators in New Brunswick, employing over six hundred
men. For many years their production was principally pine timber,
which was shipped to Liverpool.
The late Senator Glasier began his lumbering operations on the
Shogomoc, in York County, and afterwards in company with his brother
Stephen, extended them to the waters of the upper St. John. He was the
first lumberman to bring a drive over the Grand Falls, and is said to
have been the first white man to explore the Squattook lakes. The
phrase "the Main John Glasier" originated with an Irishman named Paddy
McGarrigle, who was employed as a cook.[122] It was soon universally
adopted by the lumbermen and, strange to say, has spread over the
continent. In the western states today men employed in lumbering apply
the term, "He is the main John Glasier" to the manager of any big
lumbering concern. It is said that only a few of those who use the
term know its origin. It was undoubtedly carried to the west by men
who went there from the River St. John. Senator Glasier died at Ottawa
in his 84th year, during the session of 1894, while engaged in the
discharge of his parliamentary duties.
[122] My authority for this is Adam Beveridge, Esq., of Andover, than
whom few, if any, living men are better posted on the history
of lumbering on the St. John river.--W. O. R.
It is a curious circumstance that the present members for Sunbury
County in the provincial legislature, Parker Glasier and J. Douglas
Hazen, are great-grandsons respectively of Benjamin Glasier and John
Hazen, old neighbors and worthy residents of Sunbury one hundred and
twenty years ago. At that time Sunbury included nearly the whole of
the province, now it is a very modest little constituency indeed.
The origin of the famous "Wood-boats" of the St. John river is
revealed in the correspondence of Hazen and White. Previous to the
arrival of the Loyalists all the vessels used on the river were either
small schooners and sloops or gondolos; but in November, 1783, Hazen
and White determined to build two schooners or boats to bring wood to
market to carry about eight cords. These little vessels they state
were to be managed by two men and were not decked.