AFFAIRS ON THE ST. JOHN DURING THE REVOLUTION.
In the year 1775 armed vessels were fitted out in several of the ports
of New England to prey on the commerce of Nova Scotia. Many of these
carried no proper commissions and were manned by hands of brutal
marauders whose conduct was so outrageous that even so warm a partizan
as Col. John Allan sent a remonstrance to congress regarding their
behaviour: "Their horrid crimes," he says, "are too notorious to pass
unnoticed," and after particularizing some of their enormities he
declares "such proceedings will occasion more Torys than a hundred
such expeditions will make good."
The people of Machias were particularly fond of plundering their
neighbors, and that place was termed a "nest of pirates and rebels" by
General Eyre Massey, the commandant at Halifax.
Early in the summer of 1775 it was rumored that Stephen Smith of
Machias, one of the delegates to the Massachusetts congress, had
orders to seize Fort Frederick, and the Governor of Nova Scotia
recommended the establishment of a garrison there to prevent such an
attempt. But the military authorities were too dilatory and in the
month of August a party from Machias, led by Smith, entered St. John
harbor in a sloop, burned Fort Frederick and the barracks and took
four men who were in the fort prisoners. The party also captured a
brig of 120 tons laden with oxen, sheep and swine, intended for the
British troops at Boston. This was the first hostile act committed in
Nova Scotia and it produced almost as great a sensation at Halifax as
at St. John. The event is thus described by our first local historian,
Peter Fisher, in his Sketches of New Brunswick:--
"A brig was sent from Boston to procure fresh provisions for the
British army, then in that town, from the settlements of the river
Saint John. The same vessel was laden with stock, poultry, and sundry
other articles mostly brought from Maugerville in small vessels and
gondolas, all of which had been put on board within about fifteen days
after the brig had arrived. While she was waiting for a fair wind and
clear weather an armed sloop of four guns and full of men from Machias
came into the harbor, took possession of the brig, and two days after
carried her off to Machias; the first night after their arrival the
enemy made the small party in the Fort prisoners, plundered them of
everything in it, and set fire to all the Barracks, but at that time
they did not molest any of the inhabitants on the opposite side of the
river."
The burning of Fort Frederick seems to have been made known at Halifax
by James Simonds and Daniel Leavitt, who went to Windsor in a whale
boat to solicit to protection of government. Their report caused a
mild sensation on the part of the military authorities, and they began
to take measures for the defence of the province, although it was more
than two years before any adequate protection was afforded the
settlers at St. John. Being apprehensive that the company's effects
in the store at Portland Point might be carried off by marauders, Mr.
Simonds a few weeks afterwards carried a portion of the goods to
Windsor in the schooner "Polly" and disposed of them as well as he
could.
The next year was a decidedly uncomfortable one for the people living
at Portland Point. In the month of May two privateers entered the
harbor, remaining more than a week. Their boats proceeded up the river
as far as Maugerville and informed the people that the province would
soon be invaded from the westward, that privateers were thick on the
coasts and would stop all manner of commerce unless the settlers
joined them. They threatened, moreover, that should the Americans be
put to the trouble and expense of conquering the country all who sided
with the mother country must expect to lose their property and lands.
About this time some Indians arrived with letters from General
Washington, and it was believed that the whole tribe was about
entering into an alliance with the Americans, as they showed a decided
predilection in their favor and even threatened to kill the white
inhabitants unless they would join the "Boston men." There can be
little doubt that the majority of the people on the River St. John
were at this time not indisposed to side with the Revolutionary party.
A public meeting was held on the 14th of May, 1776, at the meeting
house in Maugerville, at which a number of highly disloyal resolutions
were unanimously adopted. One of the leading spirits at this meeting
was the Rev. Seth Noble, who had already written to Gen'l. Washington
to represent the importance of obtaining control of western Nova
Scotia, including the River St. John. Jacob Barker, Esq'r., was chosen
chairman and a committee, consisting of Jacob Barker, Israel Perley,
Phineas Nevers, Daniel Palmer, Moses Pickard, Edward Coy, Thomas
Hartt, Israel Kinny, Asa Kimble, Asa Perley, Oliver Perley and Hugh
Quinton, was appointed to prepare the resolutions which were
subsequently adopted by the meeting. One of the resolutions reads:--
"Resolved, That it is our minds and desire to submit ourselves to
the government of Massachusetts Bay and that we are ready with our
lives and fortunes to share with them the event of the present
struggle for liberty, however God in his providence may order
it."
The resolutions adopted were circulated among all the settlers on the
river and signed by 125 persons, most of them heads of families. The
committee claimed that only twelve or thirteen persons refused to
sign, of whom the majority lived at the river's mouth. If this
statement be correct, the resolutions certainly could not have been
submitted to all the inhabitants, for there is evidence to show that
at least thirty families outside of the township of Maugerville were
steadfastly and consistently loyal to the government under which they
lived. The names of these people are as deserving of honor as the
names of the Loyalists, who came to the province from the old colonies
in 1783. In the township of Maugerville the sentiment of the people
was almost unanimous in favor of the Revolution and we have no data to
determine who were loyalists--if any. But at St. Anns we have Benjamin
Atherton and Philip Weade; in the township of Burton, John Larley,
Joseph Howland, and Thomas Jones; in Gagetown Zebulon Estey, Henry
West, John Crabtree, John Hendrick, Peter Carr and Lewis Mitchell; on
the Kennebecasis Benjamin Darling; in the township of Conway, Samuel
Peabody, Jonathan Leavitt, Thomas Jenkins, John Bradley, Gervas Say,
James Woodman, Peter Smith, and Christopher Cross; at Portland Point,
James Simonds, James White, William Hazen, John Hazen, William Godsoe,
Lemuel Cleveland, Robert Cram, John Nason, Moses Greenough,
Christopher Blake and most of the men in the employ of Hazen, Simonds
& White.
A number of Acadians too were loyal to the government of Nova Scotia
and should be mentioned in this connection. Louis Mercure and his
brother Michel Mercure rendered good service to the Governor of Nova
Scotia in carrying dispatches to and from Quebec during the war
period. Of the Martin family, Jean, Simon, Joseph, Francois and Amant
were warmly commended by Major Studholme for their fidelity and active
exertions on various occasions. Members of the Cyr family also
rendered important services as guides or pilots, Oliver, Jean Baptiste
and Pierre Cyr being employed in that capacity by Major Studholme and
Lieut. Governor Michael Francklin.
At this distance of time it is difficult to determine the number of
people on the river who were disposed to be actively disloyal. That
they had many inducements to cast their fortunes with their friends in
Massachusetts is undeniable. At Maugerville the powerful influence of
the pastor of the church, Rev. Seth Noble, and of the leading elders
and church members was exerted in behalf of the American congress.
Jacob Barker, who presided at the meeting held on the 14th May, was a
justice of the peace and ruling elder of the church. Israel Perley and
Phineas Nevers were justices of the peace and had represented the
county of Sunbury in the Nova Scotia legislature. Daniel Palmer,
Edward Coy, Israel Kinney and Asa Perley were ruling elders of the
church. Moses Pickard, Thomas Hartt and Hugh Quinton were leading
church members. The gentlemen named, with Asa Kimball and Oliver
Perley, were appointed a committee "to make immediate application to
the Congress or General Assembly of Massachusetts Bay for relief under
the present distressed circumstances."
At the Maugerville meeting it was unanimously agreed that the
committee, whose names have just been mentioned, should have charge of
all matters civil and military until further regulations should be
made, and that all who signed the resolutions should have no dealings
with any person for the future who should refuse to sign them. The
tone of several of the resolutions was that of open defiance to the
constituted authority of Nova Scotia, the signers pledging themselves
to support and defend the actions of their committee at the expense,
if necessary, of their lives and fortunes. One of the resolutions
reads:
"Resolved that we will immediately put ourselves in the best
posture of defence in our power; that to this end we will prevent
all unnecessary use of gunpowder or other ammunition in our
custody."
Asa Perley and Asa Kimball, two of the committee, were sent to Boston
to interview the Massachusetts congress on behalf of the people living
on the river. The commissary general there was directed to deliver
them one barrel of gunpowder, 350 flints and 250 weight of lead from
the colony's stores; they were also allowed to purchase 40 stand of
small arms.
So far all seemed favorable to the promoters of rebellion, but bitter
humiliation was in store, and within a year the vast majority of those
who had pledged themselves to the people of Massachusetts as "ready
with their lives and fortunes to share with them the event of the
present struggle for liberty, however God in His providence may order
it," were compelled to take the oath of allegiance to His Majesty King
George the Third for the defence of the province of Nova Scotia
against all his enemies.
An impartial review of the situation on the St. John at this stage of
the American Revolution would seem to show that the sympathies of a
large majority of the settlers were with the revolutionary party, at
the same time many of the people were much less enthusiastic than
their leaders and if left to themselves would probably have hesitated
to sign the resolutions framed by their committee. The presence of the
privateersmen, who came up the river at the time the meeting at
Maugerville was held, was an incentive to many to sign the resolutions
and the attitude of the Indians was a further inducement to stand in
with the people of Massachusetts, who had lately entered into an
alliance with the savages.
During the autumn of this year (1776) the Bay of Fundy was so infested
with pirates and picaroons that the war vessels Vulture, Hope and
Albany were ordered around from Halifax. They were not entirely
successful in their endeavor to furnish protection, for the privateers
frequently managed to steal past the large ships in the night and in
fogs and continued to pillage the defenceless inhabitants.
Another hostile act was now undertaken by the people of Machias of a
more ambitious kind than the destruction of Fort Frederick. This was
nothing less than an attempt to capture Fort Cumberland, where Lieut.
Col. Joseph Goreham was in command with a detachment of the Royal
Fencible Americans. This attempt was in the end a miserable fiasco,
but it occasioned much alarm at the time and was the cause of some
distress to the loyal inhabitants of that region.
The leader of the expedition against Fort Cumberland was Jonathan
Eddy, who had lately been commissioned a lieutenant colonel by the
Massachusetts congress. He was a native of Norton (Mass.), and had
settled in Cumberland about 1763, but early in the Revolution returned
to Massachusetts. About the time of the Declaration of Independence,
in July, 1776, Eddy set out from Boston in company with Jonathan Rowe
(lately a resident at St. John) and proceeded to Machias. He left that
place about the middle of August in a schooner with only 28 men as a
nucleus of his proposed army. At Passamaquoddy a few people joined
him. The party did not meet with much encouragement on their arrival
at St. John, although Hazen, Simonds and White from motives of
prudence refrained from any hostile demonstration. Proceeding up the
river to Maugerville Eddy met with greater encouragement. "I found the
people," he writes, "to be almost universally hearty in our cause;
they joined us with one captain, one lieutenant and twenty-five men,
as also sixteen Indians." The captain of the St. John river contingent
was probably Hugh Quinton[101] who has as his lieutenant one Jewett
of Maugerville. Others of the party were Daniel Leavitt, William
McKeen, Elijah Estabrooks, Edward Burpee, Nathan Smith, John Pickard,
Edmund Price, Amasa Coy, John Mitchell, Richard Parsons, Benjamin
Booby and John Whitney. The rest of the party lived in Maugerville but
their names are not known.
[101] Hugh Quinton is called Captain Quinton by the rebel Col. John
Allan in his diary, printed in Kidder's "Military Operations
in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia during the Revolution." The
report of Major Studholme's exploration party in 1783 states
that "Quinton was one of the Cumberland party, but since hath
taken the Oath of Allegiance to his Majesty and behaved in a
loyal manner; turned out sundry times and fought the rebel
parties."
On his arrival at Cumberland Jonathan Eddy was joined by many of the
settlers there who, like himself, were originally from New England.
His whole force probably did not exceed 200 men, badly equipped and
without artillery. The Indians of the St. John were under the
leadership of Ambroise St. Aubin, one of their chiefs, and Eddy says
they "beheaved most gallantly."[102] However, the expedition failed to
achieve anything of importance. The rebels plundered some of the loyal
inhabitants, seized one or two small provision sloops and captured
several prisoners, including the Rev. John Eagleson, acting chaplain
of the garrison. All attempts to take the fort were futile, and the
arrival of Major Batt and Captain Studholme with reinforcement from
Windsor rendered Eddy's situation exceedingly precarious. On the 28th
November his forces were utterly routed by Major Batt and hastily
retired to the River St. John. They suffered great hardships on the
way and arrived at that place in a very miserable condition. Unwelcome
as they had proved to the people of Portland Point on the occasion of
their advance they were still more unwelcome visitors on their return.
In their forlorn condition Hazen, Simonds and White were obliged to
furnish them with provisions and supplies in order to keep them from
plundering their houses and stores. All that the trading company
obtained in return was a bill of exchange on the Massachusetts
congress, which probably was never paid:
"Gentlemen,--At sight of this our second Bill (first of same tenor
and date not paid) please to pay to Messrs. William Hazen, James
Simonds and James White, or order, forty-one Spanish milled
Dollars for value received of them.
EZEKIEL FOSTER, Lt.,
EDMUND STEVENS, Capt.,
DAVID PRESCOTT, Lt.,
DANIEL MESERVY, Lt.
Portland, Nova Scotia, December 14th, 1776.
To the Honorable Council of Massachusetts State.
[102] A pretty full account of the siege of Fort Cumberland will be
found in the Canadian Archives for 1894, pp. 355-366. Other
particulars are to be found in Kidder's Military Operations in
Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia, pp. 67-74.
James White says the supplies furnished to Prescott & Co., were
regarded as for the common cause and benefit to get rid of a needy
lawless banditti.
On the 10th February ensuing General Massey wrote to the secretary of
State that Eddy, Rogers, Allen and Howe were at the River St. John
preparing with the Indians for attacks on various points in the
Spring. To counteract the designs of Eddy and his associates Colonel
Michael Francklin was appointed Superintendent of Indian affairs about
this time.
Early in May, 1777, a serious attempt was made by John Allan to
establish a trading post for the Indians on the River St. John. James
Simonds proceeded via Windsor to Halifax, and reported the matter to
the civil and military authorities. Lieut.-Governor Arbuthnot at once
sent Colonel Arthur Goold and an armed party, commanded by Major
Studholme, to investigate, and on their arrival at St. John the
Machias rebels promptly decamped. On the 9th May Goold wrote a letter
to the inhabitants of the townships up the river stating that the
government of Nova Scotia was well informed of their treasonable
doings, and that the tenure of their present possessions was due to
the clemency of "the most just, generous and best of Princes." He
informed them that his object was to effect a reconciliation for them
with Government, and added that while he came to them with the olive
branch of peace, in the event of a refusal of his overtures an armed
force would follow and employ a very different argument.
A meeting was immediately held at Maugerville, and in reply to Goold a
letter was sent "by order of the body of the inhabitants assembled,"
written and signed in their behalf by Israel Perley. In this letter
the inhabitants aver "that their greatest desire hath ever been to
live in peace under good and wholesome laws," and they declare
themselves "ready to attend to any conditions of lenity and oblivion
that may be held out to them."
Colonel Goold in his reply expresses his pleasure at the unanimity of
their resolution to observe loyalty and obedience to the government
under which they lived and his surprise that they should suffer a few
incendiaries to disturb the public tranquillity. He hoped the word
"Committee" had nothing so terrible in its sound as to frighten a
majority of the loyal people. "Why not," he says, "form a Committee in
favor of Government and see which is strongest? I will throw myself
into your scale and make no doubt but we shall soon over balance these
mighty Law-givers."
On the afternoon of May 13, two of John Allan's lieutenants, William
Howe and John Preble, arrived at Manawagonish Cove[103] in a whale
boat, not knowing of the presence of a British sloop of war at St.
John. Captain Featus, the commander of the "Vulture," promptly
dispatched a boat to the place and took their whale boat, but Howe and
Preble and their party fled to the woods and eventually got back to
Machias. The captain of the "Vulture" also intercepted two schooners
laden with supplies for the proposed Indian "Truck House."
[103] Commonly called Mahogany Cove, about three miles to the west of
the harbor of St. John.
Evidently there was a lack of harmony and mutual confidence among
the inhabitants of Maugerville at this time, for on the 16th May
they wrote to Colonel Goold a letter in which, after representing
their recent conduct in the best light they could and admitting
that they had acted in opposition to this Majesty's Government, they
say: "As your honor is pleased to tell us that you bring the Olive
Branch of Peace we humbly crave the benefit, and as we were
jointly concerned in the first transgressions we now humbly
request that no distinction may be made as to a pardon, there
being in this place as in all others private prejudices and
contentions, and perhaps some persons may avail themselves of this
opportunity to got revenge by representing their private enemies
as the greatest enemies of Government. We earnestly request no such
complaint may prevail upon your Honor to make any distinction with
regard to any person, on the River, and we beg your Honor's answer
to this petition from your Honor's most humble servants.
[Signed]. Israel Perley, Seth Noble, Jonathan Burpee, Elisha
Nevers, junr."
In reply to the letter, from which the foregoing is taken, Colonel
Goold said that his ears would be shut to all insinuations as to the
honesty of their submission, that their letter "seems to breathe the
sentiments of a sincere repentance for inconsiderate follies past" and
that he had not the least doubt it would meet with as favorable a
reception as they could desire.
In spite of Goold's tact and diplomacy there were a few irreconcilables,
and on the 19th of May he wrote from Maugerville to Major Studholme, who
had remained with the troops at the mouth of the river:
"As notwithstanding every measure which I have taken to reclaim
some of the principal people concerned in the late defection,
amounting to rebellion, on this river has proved fruitless, and
they still continue obstinately bent on quitting their houses and
families rather than submit to his Majesty's gracious offers of
clemency, I think it my duty to give you their names--Seth Noble,
Elisha Nevers, Jacob Barker--that you may act upon the occasion
agreeable to the orders you may have received from Major General
Massey."
Colonel Goold administered the oath of allegiance to all but a few of
the people and, as his last word, charged them on no account to suffer
those who inconveniently absented themselves from accepting the
proposals of the Lieutenant Governor to return to their habitations
without first proceeding to Halifax to beg pardon for their past
behaviour. "I have nothing more to observe to you," he adds, "but that
you are not to pay any more respect to those Gentlemen, who lately
styled themselves your rulers, than to every other common member of
the community."
On his return to Halifax, Col. Goold reported to Lt.-Gov'r Arbuthnot
that the inhabitants at the River St. John had cheerfully taken the
oath of allegiance, after delivering up two pieces of ordnance,
formerly concealed by the French inhabitants.
While he was at the River St. John Goold had an interview with the
Indians and made a speech to them in French, which seems to have
produced a strong impression. Eight of the chiefs and captains swore
allegiance to King George the Third in the name of their tribe, and
had they been let alone by Allan it is probable the Indians would have
given no further trouble to the Government or Nova Scotia. Colonel
Goold regarded his arrival as opportune as Allan, Howe and others from
Machias were assembled "to play the same game as last year." Before he
left the river he addressed a letter to the Indians in French,
promising that he would represent to Lieut. Governor Arbuthnot their
great desire to have a priest, and expressing his confidence that they
might have Mons'r. Bourg, then stationed at the Bay of Chaleur, who
would be put on the same footing as their late missionary Bailly.
John Allan was altogether too determined a man to abandon the struggle
for supremacy on the St. John without another attempt. He learned on
the 29th of May that the "Vulture" had returned to Annapolis and he
set out the very next day from Machias with a party of 43 men in four
whale boats and four birch canoes. At Passamaquoddy he met with some
encouragement and thirteen canoes joined the flotilla, which proceeded
on to Musquash Cove, where they arrived on the evening of the 1st of
June. Having ascertained that there were no hostile vessels at St.
John harbor, Allan sent one of his captains named West with a party to
seize Messrs. Hazen, Simonds and White. The party landed at
Manawagonish Cove and marched through the woods to the St. John river
above the falls, crossing in canoes to the east side of the river and
landing at what is now Indiantown. Proceeding on through scrubby woods
and over rough limestone they reached Portland Point undiscovered and
took William Hazen and James White prisoners. James Simonds and Israel
Perley had accompanied Col. Goold to Halifax, and in this way Mr.
Simonds escaped capture, but it seems that a little later he was not
so fortunate. There was now no good will between the people of
Portland Point and their neighbors to the west. Allan states in his
journal "Hazen and Simonds jeered our officers, saying that they made
breastworks of women and children." Tradition has it that on one
occasion James Simonds told a party of marauders who had come to
pillage that they would never dare to face the King's soldiers for
their blood was nothing but molasses and water.
Leaving a guard of sixty men at the mouth of the river under Capt.
West, the rest of the invaders proceeded up the river taking their
prisoners with them. West and his party took possession of Woodman's
store and buildings opposite Indiantown and occupied them for
barracks. Allan directed them "To range the woods from Hazen's across
the river above the falls round to the Old Fort," and in accordance
with his instructions, the party came over every day to the Portland
shore in order to capture any vessel that might enter the harbor and
to prevent the landing of marines or seamen from any British man of
war.
Allan in his diary gives an account of his trip up the St. John, which
is of much local interest. He claims that the majority of the
settlers, despite their late submission to Colonel Goold, were
friendly to the American cause, although some were "great Zealots for
Britain." Gervas Say and Lewis Mitchell are said to have been
instrumental in bringing Col. Goold to the river, and Allan endeavored
to seize them. Mitchell's influence was feared on account of his being
of "an insinuating turn, particularly among the French and Indians."
Mitchell was captured by strategy at his house above Grimross, but a
few days later he "made his elopement" and with the assistance of
other loyalists was not long in bringing a hornet's nest about the
ears of his captors.
On the 5th of June, 1777, John Allan and his party arrived at the
Indian village of Aukpaque where forty or fifty Indians arrayed in war
costume of paint and feathers fired a salute of welcome. The visitors
responded and in order still further to impress the Indians landed
their two cannon and discharged them. Allan says that he found several
of the Indian captains were vastly fond of Colonel Goold and seemed
undetermined what to do. The inclinations of the head chiefs were
diverse. Ambroise St. Aubin favored the Americans but Pierre Tomah,
the head chief, inclined the other way. Allan, knowing full well by
experience as an Indian trader the weak points of Indian character,
flattered them, appealed to their cupidity, promised them presents and
supplies at the trading posts he was about to establish, recalled the
days when they regarded the French as their brothers affirming he had
come to do them justice with the same authority Monsieur Boishebert
had exercised in the French time. He was formally admitted into their
tribe and as they had then no missionary the priest's house, adjoining
the chapel, was placed at his disposal. During the next four weeks
there were formal conferences with the Indians with the usual
harangues, exchange of wampum belts and other ceremonies, in all of
which the American agent appeared to advantage. The chiefs made quite
a grand appearance on these occasions, particularly Ambroise St.
Aubin, who was attired in blue Persian silk coat, embroidered crimson
silk waistcoat, scarlet knee breeches and gold lace hat with white
cockade. In the intervals between the formal conferences Allan visited
the various wig-wams exercising his powers of persuasion. Messengers
were sent up the river to invite delegates from Medoctec and Madawaska
and they were not long in coming when they learned that Allan had a
quantity of supplies and presents at his disposal. The Madawaska
delegates arrived on the 20th of June in three birch canoes; in their
party were seven chiefs and captains, one of whom had lately assumed
the name of Washington. Allan wrote to Boston that he needed an
abundance of things sent him as he had been forced to be very lavish
in his dealings with the Indians. In the same letter he says of the
white inhabitants on the river: "I am sorry to say that the people
have not acted with that spirit that becomes the subjects of Liberty.
Much division has been among them * * and having no encouragement of
success from the Westward and being surprised so suddenly by Col.
Goold the whole gave up and are now become the subjects of Britain.
The greatest part, I believe, is as zealous as ever and it is their
earnest desire that a sufficient force be sent from the continent."
William Hazen and James White had been left by Col. Allan prisoners on
parole at the mouth of the river but a little later they were brought
up the river to Aukpaque by Capt. Preble. James White's long
acquaintance with the Indians gave him an influence which Allan seems
to have feared, for after they had been with him a week he issued the
following order:--
"Wednesday, June 18, 1777, Prisoners Hazen and White are to mess
by themselves for the future, not any of our people to join
them."
The very next day they were sent to the mouth of the river again and
placed in charge of Capt. West and his party.
After the arrival of the Indian delegates from Medoctec and Madawaska
a general conference was held at Aukpaque, and it was agreed "that
peace and friendship be now established permanent and lasting between
the United States and the several tribes"; also that a truck house be
established by John Preble where the Indians should obtain good prices
for their furs.
The account of John Allan's doings at Aukpaque, as found in the diary
kept by his lieutenant, Frederick Delesderniers, is very interesting
reading. It is apparent to one who reads between the lines that Allan
felt he was engaged in a game at which two could play, and he feared
the outcome. In spite of his zealous efforts and apparent success he
was suspicious of his native allies. He complains that the impression
Colonel Goold had made seemed to occasion in them an unsteady conduct,
so much so that notwithstanding their fair speeches, he at times
thought that they would desert him after all. He was the more uneasy
when informed by Israel Perley, on his return from Halifax, that the
government of Nova Scotia had appointed so competent a man as Col.
Michael Francklin agent of Indian affairs.
As soon as the authorities at Halifax were informed of Allan's
expedition and of what was going on at the River St. John they sent
the warship "Mermaid" and the sloops "Vulture" and "Hope" with a
detachment of troops under Major Studholme to put a stop to the
proceedings. Allan's force at the mouth of the river consisted of
about sixty men under command of Captains West and Dyer. The "Vulture"
arrived on June 23rd and an attempt was made to land a party of troops
at Portland Point, but being fired upon by the enemy and having no
exact information as to their strength, nothing further was attempted
until the arrival of the other ships. Allan says "The 'Vulture'
anchored within cannon shot of Simonds[104] where our party lay."
[104] That is Simonds house at Portland Point.
On the morning, of the 30th of June about 120 men under command of
Major Studholme left the ships in eight barges and landed at "Mahogany
bay," opposite the house of Samuel Peabody. They marched thence
through the woods two and a half miles in the direction of the falls.
Near what is now called Fairville, Studholme encountered about 40 men
under Captain West and a sharp conflict ensued in which several were
killed on both sides. The American invaders were soon put to flight
and retired with great precipitation. It is said that one poor fellow
climbed into a tree and might have escaped, but the cracking of a
branch betrayed his hiding place, and a soldier "dropped him like a
little carrier pigeon." The next day Colonel Francklin arrived from
Windsor with about 150 troops and militia.
Finding Studholme in hot pursuit West and his men ascended the
Oromocto and crossing to the head waters of the Maguadavic managed to
reach Machias. They had little or no provisions and endured almost
intolerable hardships. When tidings of the disaster were brought to
Aukpaque all was consternation. Pierre Tomah and some of the Indians
were disposed to listen to the overtures of Michael Francklin, but
Ambroise St. Aubin and the others were of a contrary mind.
The approach of the British filled the Indians with serious alarm, and
this Allan did not try to allay, his greatest fear being that Pierre
Tomah, "always considered a Tory," might induce the majority to make
terms with the English. He succeeded in persuading the Indians that
their safest course was to retire with him, assuring them that the
Americans would shortly regain possession of the river, and that the
Massachusetts government would provide for them and in the end reward
them for their fidelity. The Indians resolved to accompany Allan to
Machias. They abandoned their cornfields, took down their chapel bell
and moved across the river to the mouth of the Keswick. A conference
was held with the Indians in Mazroles's barn on Sunday, July 6th, at
which Delesderniere says Colonel Allan made a very moving speech. The
same night Allan's men were surprised at Aukpaque by a British
detachment who secured the baggage, provisions, cannon and arms they
had in charge. The party had separated and gone to various French
houses in the vicinity that they might not crowd one another,
otherwise they must inevitably have all been taken. According to
Delesderniers' story the French did all they could to save Allan's men
and for recompense had their houses pillaged and burned and some of
themselves made prisoners by the English. It was reported that the
English soldiers had expressed their determination to follow Allan to
the gates of hell to take him--they would at least follow to Medoctec.
All this time Pierre Tomah was trying to make terms with the British
and was much dejected that he could not carry his tribe with him.
Allan now donned the garb of an Indian chief, resolved to wear it to
Machias. On his arrival at Medoctec he was in such a sorry plight that
he wrote to his friends "I am at present destitute of everything, I am
forced to put up with the fare the Indians can provide. I must again
implore some help for the Indians; I am still suspicious if I leave
them they will turn."
Arrived at the old historic village of Medoctec (eight miles below the
modern town of Woodstock) John Allan and his dusky companions did not
long hesitate what course to pursue. Two Indian scouts sent down the
river quickly returned with information that the English had given up
the chase of West and his party, who fled by way of the Oromocto
river, and were on their way to Medoctec in pursuit of Allan. This
decided the Indians to proceed at once to Machias. The exodus was a
remarkable one even for so migratory a people as the Maliseets. On
Sunday, July 13th, a party of about 480 Indians--men, women and
children--embarked in 128 canoes. The journey to Machias occupied
three weeks and the party had a sorry time of it. The midsummer heat
was excessive, the mosquitoes abundant, provisions scanty and the
lowness of the streams greatly retarded the progress of the canoes. At
each of the carrying places along the route a lively scene presented
itself. "It is incredible," says Delesderniers in his diary, "what
difficulties the Indians undergo in this troublesome time when so many
families are obliged to fly with precipitation rather than become
friends to the tyrant of Britain. Some backing their aged parents,
others their maimed and decrepid brethern, the old women leading the
young children, mothers carrying their infants, together with great
loads of baggage. As to the canoes the men make it a play to carry
them across." The Indians after a time became impatient and desirous
to return. They represented to Allan that they had abandoned the
fertile banks of the St. John, their cornfields and hunting grounds
for his sake, and requested that the Americans would vigorously exert
themselves to take possession of and fortify that river, promising
that they would assist in an expedition to gain and hold it or lose
their lives in the attempt.
Allan's enthusiasm over the spirit displayed by the Indians and their
loyalty to him as their leader was somewhat dampened by their alarming
consumption of his provisions and supplies, which he was obliged to
dispense with a free hand or run the chance of their leaving him.
The account of Colonel John Allan's operations on the River St. John
given in the former part of this chapter may be supplemented by
Colonel Michael Francklin's official report to the Governor of Canada,
Sir Guy Carleton, which follows:
Nova Scotia, River St. John,
Maugerville, 23d July, 1777.
Sir,--The Continental Congress having by their Emissarys taken
every method to alienate the affection of the savages of this
Province from His Majesty so far prevailed as to induce part of
the Tribes of this River, Passamaquoddie and Penobscott to
associate last Fall with a few banditti from the eastern parts of
New England, who together with some of our Provincial Rebels
plundered the peaceable inhabitants of the County of Cumberland,
seized upon the King's provision vessels, and presumed to invest
Fort Cumberland, but were finally defeated by His Majesty's Troops
under the command of Major Batt of the Royal Fencible American
Regt.
Since last Fall a John Allan, late an Inhabitant of this Province,
has been appointed by the General Congress agent to the Indians,
and the beginning of June entered the River with Two pieces of
cannon and about 120 Rebels, who were to be followed by a more
considerable body. These Rebels were defeated the 30th of June at
the mouth of the River by the King's Troops under the command of
Brigade Major Studholme, sent by Major General Massey. The day
following I arrived in a civil capacity with about 150 Troops and
militia from Windsor. These Rebels in their flight have been
obliged to divide, one part passing over our western Boundary at
about twenty miles from the sea, but Allan with the other part
have been pursued up this river more than 120 miles and have
retired from Medoctic by way of Penobscott. This last party were
joined by Ambrose St. Auban, an Indian Chief, and some others whom
I could not possibly draw off frown assisting the enemy, without
whose aid they must have perished, having lost their little
baggage, provisions, cannon and arms by one of our detachments
falling on them on the 6th instant at Augpeake, ninety miles up
this river. We are friendly with Pierre Toma, the other Indian
chief, and part of the savages, and hostilities have not even been
committed by us against the others.
"I have been particular that you Excellency may know our
situation. An Indian war is of all others the most to be
dreaded by this Government from the scattered situation of our
settlements, and a word from your Excellency to the savages of
this River, Passamaquoddie and Penobscott, sent by some of your
well affected Indian Chiefs of the neighborhood of Quebec may
have a very great weight with them and prevent much ruin and
expense.
"I have the honor to be, with respect,
Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,
MICH. FRANCKLIN."
The hint contained in the last paragraph of Francklin's letter
evidently was not lost upon Sir Guy Carleton, for later on, deputies
from the Ottawas, Hurons, Algonquins, and other nations of Canada
arrived at the River St. John and ordered the Micmacs and Maliseets to
withdraw from the Americans and to remain quiet otherwise they would
declare war against them. Upon receipt of this message, Francklin
says, the Indians almost universally withdrew from Machias and
remained tranquil to the close of the war. But this is anticipating
the course of events.
Michael Francklin, though a native of the South of England, was
admirably fitted for the position of superintendent of Indian affairs
in Nova Scotia. He was at one time a captive with the Indians and had
learned their language and customs. He was also conversant with the
French tongue and this gave him still greater influence.
Unfortunately for the settlers at the mouth of the river a garrison
was not left there for their protection by Francklin and Studholme,
and as soon as the English ships departed Portland and Conway were as
defenceless as ever. Privateers again appeared. The people were robbed
and maltreated so that many were compelled to abandon their homes and
seek refuge up the river.
Late in the autumn of this year an American sloop carrying eight guns
entered St. John Harbor. Her captain, who bore the singular name A.
Greene Crabtree, proved the most unwelcome and rapacious visitor that
had yet appeared. Many of the settlers fled to the woods to escape the
vandalism of his crew. From the store at Portland Point 21 boat loads
of goods were taken. The plunder included a lot of silver ornaments,
fuzees and other articles left by the Indians as pledges for their
debts.[105]
[105] Some of the Indian pledges were valuable. Wm. Hazen says
that among the articles that escaped the notice of the
privateers-men on this occasion were eight silver arm
clasps, two of which he afterwards sold for L4.
John Allan seems to have had doubts as to whether this kind of thing
came within the pale of civilized warfare, for in a letter written at
Machias, November 18, 1777, he says:
"Capt. A. Greene Crabtree arrived here yesterday. He has been to
the mouth of the St. John's where he found a Truck House erected
by the Britons under the care of Messrs. Hazen, White and Simonds.
He took everything of their property only. Also all the Indian
Pledges he has bro't and delivered me, expecting some payment. I
cannot say how far this was legal for a Privateer, but I am
extremely glad it is done."
The situation at the mouth of the St. John had now become intolerable;
the inhabitants were well nigh beggared and the end of their trials
apparently had not yet been reached. William Hazen therefore
proceeded to Windsor and urgently demanded protection. Col. Small, of
the Royal Highland Emigrants, went with him to Halifax and by their
united efforts the authorities were convinced of the necessity for
immediate action. A considerable body of troops was ordered to St.
John with directions to either repair Fort Frederick or to build a
new fort as might seem most desirable. General Massey's choice of
Gilfred Studholme as commander of the expedition was a wise one. He
was not only a brave and capable officer but his former experience
as commander of the Fort Frederick garrison, and his intimate
knowledge of the River St. John and its inhabitants--Whites and
Indians--rendered him peculiarly fitted for the task to which he was
appointed.
We come now to consider the circumstances under which Fort Howe was
built.
[Illustration: FORT HOWE IN 1781]
Lieut.-Governor Arbuthnot wrote to the Secretary of State, Lord George
Germaine, on the 11th October, 1777, that in consequence of frequent
attacks on the settlements on the St. John river by the Machias rebels
he had requested Brig.-Gen. Massey to establish a fortified post at
the mouth of that river with a garrison of fifty men; this with the
aid of a British frigate he thought would secure the inhabitants from
further molestation, and prevent the Americans from occupying the
post, an object they had long coveted. In the latter part of November,
Brigade Major Studholme was sent to St. John with fifty picked men, a
framed block-house and four six-pounders. The small force was brought
in a sloop of war, which remained in the harbor for their protection
till the next spring.
Studholme at first thought of restoring Fort Frederick, which the
rebels had burned the year before, but in the end it was decided to
erect a new fortification on the commanding site since known as Fort
Howe. The lateness of the season rendered it necessary for the
garrison to lose no time. They set to work vigorously and with the
assistance of the inhabitants erected the blockhouses, threw up the
necessary defences, and were in snug winter quarters ere the cold
weather set in.
The accompanying illustration is taken from a sketch of Fort Howe in
1781 by Capt. Benjamin Marston on board his vessel the "Brittania",
which was then lying at anchor in the harbor; the original is believed
to be the only representation of Fort Howe before the arrival of the
Loyalists that is in existence.
Colonel Robert Morse of the Royal Engineers thus describes the fort as
he saw it in 1783:--
"This little work was erected in the course of the late war in
preference to repairing a small square fort thrown up during the
former war [Fort Frederick] the position of the latter being low
and commanded, and not so well situated for the protection of the
houses built in the cod of the bay, where two or three persons
lived of a company to whom a large tract of land had been granted
and who carried on a considerable trade with the Indians and
persons settled up the river. The ridge upon which the new fort
stands was offered by them and a work in which there are eight
pieces of cannon, barracks for 100 men, and a small block-house
was accordingly erected, together with a larger block-house at the
other end of the ridge. The block-houses remain, but the work,
which was composed of fascines and sods, is falling down, and the
ridge on which it stands is too narrow to admit of any useful
works being constructed upon it."
The armament of Fort Howe, according to Col. Morse, consisted of 2
five and a half inch brass mortars, and 8 iron guns; the latter
comprising 2 eighteen-pounders, 4 six-pounders, and 2 four-pounders.
In the barracks were twelve rooms for the officers and accommodation
for 100 men.
The guns of Fort Howe would be no better than pop-guns in modern
warfare. Indeed they appear never to have been fired upon an invader.
On Royal anniversaries and in honor of national victories they
thundered forth a salute from their iron throats, and we may believe
that on the ever memorable 18th of May, 1783, they gave a right royal
welcome to the Loyalist founders of the City of St. John.
Scarcely had Major Studholme got his defences in order at Fort Howe,
when the old Machias pirate, A. Greene Crabtree, reappeared upon the
scene. He had disposed of his former booty and returned to complete
the work of destruction. In order to accomplish his design he landed a
party from his eight-gun vessel at Manawagonish, and proceeded through
the woods intending to surprise the settlement at Portland Point; but
in this case the surprise was his own. The sight of the British flag
waving from the ramparts of Fort Howe was quite sufficient; he showed
no inclination to try the mettle of Studholme's garrison, and beat a
hasty retreat.
General Massey, who had sent Studholme's party to St. John, was of the
opinion that a rigorous policy should be set on foot against the
privateers, and in a letter to Lord Germaine laments that Arbuthnot
did not command the naval squadron. "If he did," he says, "these
trifling pirates could not appear on the coast without meeting their
deserved fate." In the course of the next summer Captain Fielding
succeeded in destroying six privateers in the space of three weeks
time, and this served to render the Bay of Fundy coast a little more
secure. But already much damage had been inflicted. In the township
of Conway, on the west side of St. John harbor, the settlers had been
obliged to abandon their homes. Daniel and Jonathan Leavitt built
small houses in Carleton near old Fort Frederick, where they were
under the protection of Fort Howe. Messrs. Samuel Peabody, Gervas Say,
Elijah Estabrooks, James Woodman, Thomas Jenkins, Zebedee Ring, John
Bradley, John Jones and Peter Smith were so harrassed "by the
continual robberies of the Rebel boats" that they were compelled to
move up the river to escape the dangers of their exposed situation.
James Simonds also decided to change his residence at this time, and
in the month of May (1778) he removed his effects and placed them on
board a small vessel, lying above the falls, and with his family
proceeded sixty miles up the river to a tract of land in the parish of
Sheffield, which he had purchased of Charles Morris. The property
comprised about 2,000 acres, but at the time of Mr. Simonds' arrival
not a single tree had been cut upon it. He built a small log house on
the bank of the river just above Loder's Creek as a shelter for his
young and helpless family, and here they were destined to spend the
next nine years of their lives. He left to Lemuel Cleveland the care
of his house at Portland Point, and leased all his lands and buildings
at the mouth of the river to Major Studholme for L60 per annum.
The presence of the garrison at Fort Howe did not entirely prevent the
Machias marauders from interfering with the loyal inhabitants of St.
John, and Messrs. Hazen and White arranged with John Curry of
Campobello to give them warning whenever possible of any danger that
might threaten from the direction of Machias.
John Curry was a native of Ireland. He came to Passamaquoddy about
1770, settled there and was appointed a justice of the peace in 1774.
He was a man of intelligence and ability, but apparently had not
enjoyed the advantages of a liberal education. He had himself several
encounters with the privateers. In 1778 his house was plundered while
he was absent, and many of his possessions carried off, including the
records of the Court of General Sessions of the Peace of Passamaquoddy
district, which met on the island of Campobello. Curry was an Indian
trader and during the Revolution received supplies from Hazen and
White. The following letter is of interest in this connection:--
"Campobello, July, 1781.
"Gentlemen,--Things here is much more peasable than I expected:
the Indians appear very friendly which I think deters others from
committing aney depredations in the neighbourhood. Have disposed
of all the Goods I brought home and want the remainder of my Goods
much, therefore if Hutchins and Archibald's sloops is got to St.
Johns beg you would desire them to proceed hear immediately, as I
want to dispose of the Goods while the Weather is calme. * *
Please send me a cask of flower as Bread begins to grow scarce:
pray Hurrey Archibald along and tell him to come in the Night
least sum Thiefe Should Bee lurking about the harbor."
A few months later Mr. Curry again wrote to his friends to warn them
of impending danger:
Campobello, March 22, 1782.
"Gentlemen,--In my last I Refur'd you to Major Studholme for sum
inteligeance which was this: there is a small privateer at Machias
that I expect will sale every day. She is own'd and man'd by a
parcle of Cumberland Refugees who is determined to suply
themselves with Beef for use of the Crue at your expence by
privately going to the Marsh (at St. John) and killing your
Cattle. You may look for them every day after you receive this:
they are bound up ye Bay a plundering. Take care of yourselves and
pray keep this a profound secret."
[Illustration: Signature of Major G. Studholme]
The comparative security enjoyed by the people living on the River St.
John after the erection of Fort Howe was largely due to the ability
and zeal displayed by Major Gilfred Studholme. It is to be regretted
that no portrait of this really eminent man is in existence, a
fac-simile of his signature is given.[106] He was a native of Ireland
where has family owned a considerable estate. On the 22nd November,
1756, he was commissioned an ensign in the 27th Foot, and embarked at
Cork for Halifax in May following. He was commissioned Lieutenant in
the 40th Foot November 10, 1761, and it was as an officer of this
regiment he commanded the garrison at Fort Frederick. He was
transferred to the 24th Foot, September 1, 1771, and temporarily
retired from active service July 16, 1774. When the American
Revolution broke out he offered his services and was appointed captain
in Governor Legge's "Loyal Nova Scotia Volunteers," but was afterwards
transferred to the command of a company in the Royal Fencible American
regiment under Lieut. Col. Joseph Goreham. He served with credit at
Fort Cumberland, sharing in the spirited attack of Major Batt, in
which the beseigers under Eddy were driven off in great disorder and
compelled to retire to the River St. John. The next summer Studholme
drove John Allan from the St. John.
[106] The memory of Gilfred Studholme is preserved in Guilford
(properly Gilfred) street in Carleton. For some years
Charlotte street in St. John was called Studholme street. A
parish of Kings County also bears his name.
Lieut.-Governor Arbuthnot wrote Lord Germaine that the establishment
of a fortified post at St. John was a necessity since it was a place
coveted by the rebels, who wished to settle the river with people of
rebellious principles after removing the inhabitants who were loyal
subjects. It was at his request and that of the inhabitants at St.
John that General Massey sent Major Studholme with fifty picked men to
take post there, and although it was reported that John Allan had five
hundred men at Machias, the general had no apprehension as to
Studholme's ability to maintain his post. General Massey wrote Lord
Germaine on the 13th of March, 1778, that he continued to hear from
Major Studholme every fortnight--that Fort Howe was perfectly secure.
Some weeks later, however, on learning that a large force was
assembling at Machias, he sent a reinforcement which arrived safely.
By the joint efforts of the garrison and of the inhabitants it was not
long before Fort Howe was in a fairly good state of defence, barracks
were built, with signal station adjoining, also a blockhouse at
the east end of the ridge. These are shown in the illustration
below.[107]
[107] This illustration is made from a water color sketch in the
possession of Mrs. William Hazen--the oldest known picture of
Saint John. The sketch was taken from a point about the site
of the deBury residence south of St. Luke's Church. It dates
about the year 1818.
Small as were the numbers of the Indians--perhaps not more than 500
warriors in all Acadia--they were capable of devastating remote
settlements and of creating general uneasiness and alarm.
[Illustration: Fort Howe in 1818]
Rumors now began to prevail of an Indian uprising. John Allan
contrived after his flight to Machias to keep in touch with the
Indians of the River St. John and sent emissaries among them, who were
very liberal in their promises of rewards, and who assured the savages
that their old father the King of France had now joined hands with the
Americans against the English.
Michael Francklin now began to act with vigor in the capacity of
Superintendent of Indian affairs, and in consequence of his
representations Lieut. Gov'r. Hughes sent to the Bay of Chaleur for
the missionary Bourg to come and use his influence with the savages.
He also wrote a letter to James White, appointing him his deputy on
the River St. John:--
"Windsor, 23d July, 1778.
"Sir,--Upon the Recommendation of Major Studholme & from what I
know of your zeal to serve Government and from your knowledge &
acquaintance with the Indians of the River St. John and its
environs, I do hereby authorize and appoint you to act as my
Deputy at and in the neighborhood of the said River St. John. You
will therefore take under your care the said Indians and inform me
from time to time of their wants and wishes, and what measures you
conceive may at any time be adopted to promote his Majesty's
interest to the end they may not be led astray by the machinations
and devices of his Majesty's rebellious subjects or other of the
King's enemies. But in all your proceedings you are to consult
with and follow the advice of Major Studholme who will be so
obliging as to supply them, at your request, now and then with
some provisions, but sparingly & when they shall be in absolute
want of them.
"I have no salary to give or promise you, but as I have made a
strong representation to the King's minister of the necessity of a
fund to defray the necessary expenses, if my representation shall
be approved you may depend that I shall not fail of providing you
with an annual allowance. You will not fail writing me by all
opportunities. I am sir,
"Your most humble servant,
"Mich. Francklin.
"James White, Esq.
A crisis now rapidly developed. John Allan prevailed on the Indians to
return the British flag to Fort Howe and to send in a declaration of
war. The Indians even went so far as to take several English vessels
and to commit other acts of hostility.